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I HAVE to acknowledge my indebtedness to the 
publications of many fellow-workers in the same field, 
though in the case of two of them their results have 
unfortunately reached me too late for insertion in this 
volume. These are Mr C. L. Kingsford, who, in his 
English Historical Literature in the Fifteenth Century, 
has conclusively proved the dependence of Tito Livio on 
The Brut, and Professor Otto Cartellieri of Heidelberg, 
who, in his Beitrage (iv) zur Geschichte der Herzoge von 
Burgund, has, for the first time, published the full text of 
the Conventions of 1414 with the Duke of Burgundy. 

But, after all, my chief gratitude will always be due to 
the spirit of liberality in my country as embodied in the 
Library of the British Museum, where facilities for the 
highest and most lasting of human enjoyments are open 
freely to all comers from every country in the world. 

J. H. W. 

October, 1913. 































12 ' 





1 86 




HENRY IV died on March 20, 14 13', and his eldest son 
Henry V at once took possession of the throne at the age 
of 25*. On the following day he issued the usual order 
from the Palace at Westminster that no one was to leave 
the country without special permission 3 , together with a 
call to the sheriffs to proclaim the King's Peace 4 in the 
capital and all the counties throughout England, asserting 
that the succession had devolved upon him 5 and pro- 
nouncing the usual threats of imprisonment 6 against all 
who should assemble "excessive meetings 7 " or cause riot, 
disturbance or insurrection. Justices of the Peace were at 
once appointed 8 , and the king's brother John 9 and the Earl 
of Westmoreland 10 were continued in their respective offices 
as Wardens of the East and West Marches of Scotland 
while the captive King of Scots 11 and the Duke of Albany's 

See App. A. 2 See App. B. 

Black Book of Adm. i. 282, March 21, 1413. 

Cf. "stablished his pees," Brut, ii. 534. 

Rym. ix. i; Nicolas, Chron. of Hist. 303. 

For similar proclamations of Edward I, II, III, though not in such full details, see 
Rym. ii. i ; iii. i ; iv. 24. None such appear to have been issued on the accession of 
Richard II or Henry IV. 

7 In the proclamation of Henry VI, where the phrasing is almost identical, the words 
are conventicula illicita, Rym. x. 254. For commission appointed on April 3, 1413, to 
enquire into illegal meetings at Nottingham, see Pat. i H. V, i. 27 d. 

8 Pat. i H. V, i. 34 d, 35 d, 36 d, March 21, 1413. 

9 Doyle, i. 150; Wylie, iv. 471. 

10 Rot. Scot. ii. 203, 204 ; Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 126 ; Rym. ix. 102 ; Goodwin 15. 

11 See App. C. Glaus, i H. V, 38, March 21, 1413 ; Rym. ix. 2 ; Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. 
169 ; J. T. T. Brown, 93 ; Lawson, xix.; Wylie, ii. 403 ; not March 20 as Cowan, i. 167. 
For payments for expenses of the King of Scots, the " Master of ffyth" and Griffin, son 
of Owain in the Tower, see Iss. Roll, i H. V, Pasch. and Mich., June 27 ; July 7, 17 ; 
Oct. 2, 10, 2i, 25, 29; Dec. i, 4, 9, n, 1413; Jan. 25, Feb. 22nd (/>), 1414; Cal. Doc. 
Scot. iv. 170, 171 ; Devon, 324; also to Simon Campe, sub-constable of the Tower, for 
same, Exch. Accts. 406/21, 22. He was deputy for the Duke of York on July 4, 1413. 
D. K. Rept. liii. App. I, p. 30. 

W. I 

2 Coronation [CH. i 

son Murdach together with Griffith 1 the son of Owen 
Glendower were brought for safer custody to the Tower. 
All these arrangements were made on the day after the 
late king's death and then after following his father's body 
to Canterbury 2 the new king began to prepare for his 
coming coronation. 

On April 2, 141 3 3 , the Earl of Warwick (Richard 
Beauchamp) 4 was appointed to act as Steward of England 
at the ceremony 5 in the absence of the Duke of Clarence 6 , the 

1 His fellow-prisoner, Owen ap Griffith ap Richard (Wylie, ii. 403, note i), was 
pardoned on May 29, 1413, Pat. i H. V, i. 20. For Rhys ap Griffith, committed to the 
Tower Jan. 23, 1417, see Claus. 4 H. V, 9. 

2 Waurin, ii. 162 ; Wylie, iv. 113. Cf. And to Cauntilbur men hym here, Lydgate in 
Jul. E. iv. f. 7; Petegrue, 594; called " Cameterbury " in Harl. MS. 4205; lythe in 
Cauntreburye, Greg. Chron. 53; per aquam transportatus, Usk, 119 [298]. For 22/- 
paid for wine offered to the King at Blean by the citizens of Canterbury in primo adventu 
suo, though this may of course possibly refer to his subsequent visits in June and July, 
see Hist. MSS. 9th Rept. p. 138, from Canterbury City Records, 1413. 

Belloc (166) thinks that the body was "lashed upon the deck with other cargo." 
I can find no ground for his theory that Windsor was " too kingly " for him to have been 
buried there. 

3 Pat. i H. V, i. 28, 36; Rym. ix. 3; Cal. Rot. Pat. 260; Harcourt, 190, 200. 

4 The heading of the earliest Issue Roll of Henry V (i.e. i H. V, JPasch.) shows 
Master John Oudeby, clerk, "Ex parte Richard Earl of Warwick Camar." Oudeby died 
on March 7, 1414, not 1413, as Wylie, ii. 109, no. See inscription on his brass at 
Flamstead, near Dunstable in Clutterbuck, i. 365, showing that he was appointed to the 
living by the Earl of Warwick on March 20, 1407. He was also Rector of Braughby 
(? Wragby) in the diocese of Lincoln. For Flamstead as one of the possessions of the 
Earl of Warwick in 1402 see Feudal Aids, ii. 444. Oudeby's successor at Flamstead 
was appointed on March 8, 1414. For John Oudeby, canon of Lichfield in 2 H. V, 
see Inq. ad Quod Damn. 369; do. List. ii. 742, i.e. the prebend of Bishopshill which he 
had held since 1380. Le Neve, i. 589. In the Subsidy Roll of 1412, Johannes Oudeby, 
clericus, owns property in London yielding 5-r. id. per annum, Archaeol. Journ. xliv. 73. The 
headings of the Receipt and Issue Rolls for 3 H. V (i.e. from March 31, 1415 to Sept. 29, 
1415), also 5 H. V (in duplicate, i.e. April n, 1417 to March 27, 1418), have Nicholas 
Calton, clerk, ex parte Richard, Earl of Warwick, Camar. Gallon held the prebend of 
Eaton (Southwell), Nov. 7, 1408, became Archdeacon of Taunton on Sept. i, 1416, and 
died in 1440. Le Neve, iii. 421. 

5 For the Steward or Seneschal of England (originally the dapifer or sewer who 
waited at the King's Table) as "Master of the Ceremonies at any great pageant," see 
Harcourt, 191. The office was attached to the Earldom of Leicester by virtue of the 
barony of Hinckley, Doyle, ii. 336-340; Harcourt, 176, 183, 188, 200, where it is 
identical with the office of Chief Justiciary of England, which carried the right of 
presiding at the trial of a peer called grand juge d'Engleterre, juge greigneur the 
office being claimed by Henry IV ainsi comme son pere (i.e. John of Gaunt) et ses 
predecesseurs. It is said to have been merged in the Crown, temp. H. IV, Perkins, 87 ; 
cf. Wylie, i. 29. For supposition that S. S. Collar means " Senescallus," see Foss, 
Hackington, 77; Macklin, 149; Druitt, 189; Mayo, i. pp. xlv, 1. 

6 Henry of Bolingbroke inherited the office from his father as Earl of Leicester (not 
Lancaster as Wylie, i. 33); Doyle, ii. 316, but on becoming King in Oct. 1399, he 
bestowed it on his son Thomas (Wylie, i. 29 ; Doyle, i. 397), who held it till his death. 
He is called Steward of England in French Rolls, i H. V, 4, 12, 23, 26, Aug. 23, Nov. 25, 
14*3 5 J an - 2 3> March 15, 1414. Also Rym. ix. 239 (May 8, 1415)'; ibid. ix. 462 (July 10, 
1417) ; Rot. Norm. 244 (Feb. 8, 1418). 

After his death at Beauge (not in the castle of Beaufort, as Poulson, Holderness, 72) 
on March 22, 1421, the Stewardship was never again regranted except for particular 
occasions. Harcourt (191, 362) quotes printed Patent Rolls (i.e. Cal. Rot. Pat. 238, 243; 

Knights 3 

duties of the Constable being undertaken by Henry Lord 
Fitzhugh 1 . The king stayed at Sutton 2 near Chiswick 
from April 2 to April 5. On the 6th he was at Kingston 3 
and on the 7th he was conducted with a great riding 4 
through London to the Tower where on the following day 
he conferred the order of knighthood 5 on some 50 candi- 
dates 6 who took the customary bath 7 and watched their 
arms through the night in the old Norman Chapel of 
St John 8 in the great white tower. These included the 
young Earl of March 9 and his brother Roger 10 , Richard 
Lord le Despenser 11 and John Holland 12 son of the Earl 
of Huntingdon whose fathers had risen in the cause of 
Richard II and paid the penalty at the block 13 years 
before. The new knights with a great rout of lords escorted 
the young king in state 13 through the Cheap to the Palace at 
Westminster and he was crowned by Archbishop Arundel 
on Passion Sunday, April 9, 1413", in the Abbey Church 

Cal. Pat. Hy IV, i. 69, 78, 152, 371, 507, 524, 529, 530, 566) to show that he was called 
Steward of England in Nov. 2, 3, 14, 1399; March 5, June i, 1400; May 16, June 27, 
July 4, 16, 1401. He regards the statement in Year Book i H. IV, fol. i, that the office 

of steward was vacant in Jan. 1400 and that the Earl of D (? Devonshire) was then 

appointed pro tern, to preside at the trial of the Earl of Huntingdon (see Wylie, i. 102) 
as an "unmitigated error," an "atrocious blunder," etc. and the corresponding statement 
in Ann. 337 as "quite untrue " (p. 428), believing the whole entry to be a forgery dating 
from about 1499 (pp. 420, 433). 

1 Dugd. Baronage, i. 404. 

2 See Wylie, iv. 12. For timber, stone, lead and other sufficient stuffura for repairing 
the manor of Sutton, see Pat. 3 H. V, i. i6d, April 17, 1415. 

3 Exch. Accts. 406/2, 5; Vita, 18; Pauli, v. 76; Ramsay, i. 163. 

4 Chron. Lond. 95 ; Anstis, Obs. 39, App. 24. 

5 Rym. ix. 3 (May 12, 1415) refers to stuff for vesture " encontre votre coronation," 
also for lords and squires to take the order of knighthood " a meme le temps." 

6 Exch. Accts. 406/15. Shaw (i. 129) gives the names of eight of them. 

7 In 1423 such knights are called "Chevaliers de Bath," Rot. Parl. iv. 228 ; Anstis, 
Obs. 27; cf. "Knyghtis of the Bathe," Greg. Chron. 165; Fab. 565. 

8 For picture of it see Bayley, 107 ; Britton and Bayley, 28 ; Knight, London, ii. 220; 
Ros, 22. 

9 Doyle, ii. 470. 

10 P'or their robes, contra coronationem suam, see Anstis, Obs. App. 25, where the list 
includes the brother of the Earl of Huntingdon, John Phelip, John Rothenhale and [blank] 
West, esquires. 

11 Born 1396, Wylie, iv. 423. Shaw (i. 129) thinks that he is "wrongly called Lord" 
because of his father's attainder ; see Comp. Peer. iii. 93. E. Hardy (i. 28) imagines him 
to have been "consigned to a continental convent." 

12 Born 1394, Doyle, ii. 229. 

13 Vita, 20. 

14 Eulog. iii. 421 ; Usk, 120; Chron. Giles, 3 ; Wals. ii. 390 ; Strecche, 265 ; Ber- 
mondsey, 484; Exch. Accts. 406/21 (5); Iss. Roll, 5 H. V, Apr. 21, 1417; MS. Bodl. 
496, f. 2246; Elmham, Lib. Metr. 82, 95; do. Mon. Aug. 72. Not April 5, as Duchesne, 
819; nor April 8th, as Shaw, 127 ; nor April 10, as Chambers' Encycl. v. 647 ; Church, 
47 ; nor Aug. 9, 1412, as Rastell, 247, which seems to be a haunting date for Henry V 
(see Wylie, iii. 323); nor 1408, as Watson, 104 ; nor 1414, as Croyl. Hist. 499. 

I 2 

4 Coronation [CH. i 

where a stage 1 or scaffold draped with cloth of gold had 
been erected between the high altar and the choir that all 
might see the details of the day 2 . 

After the ceremony the minstrelsy struck up 3 and the 
king was ushered to the Coronation Feast 4 in the Great 
Hall of the adjoining Palace where he was seated on the 
marble chair 5 on the dais at the upper or gable end detached 
by some feet from all immediate company and one who was 
present tells how he looked like an angel 6 as he sat so 
comely and gracious beneath the cloth of estate 7 amidst 
the noise and whiffling of the waits in their coloured long- 
cloth gowns 8 aloft and the din and clamour of the guests 
below. Queen Joan had sent two panniers of Brittany 
lampreys ; two Sussex does had come in from Sir John 
Pelham ; William Croisier 9 presented a large pike 10 and the 
conduit in the Palace Yard ran with red Gascon and Rhine 
wine 11 . 

The menu of King Henry's coronation feast is still 
preserved 12 and it shows that as at his father's coronation 13 
there was plenty to the most and to the least 14 . The guests 
were kept quite busy over three full courses 15 any one of 

1 Greg. Chron. 165; Lethaby, 11. For the stage for the coronation of Henry IV, see 
ibid. 219. 

2 Devon, 321. For representation of the coronation carved on the north side of 
Henry V's Chantry in Westminster Abbey, see Keepe, 154; Gough, n. ii. 69; Neale, 
ii. 94; Carter, ii. 35 ; Le Keux, 40; Knight, London, iv. 142 ; Stanley, 60; W.Jones, 
210; Archaeologia, iii. 189, where it is called a picture; F. Bond, 192 ; do. Guide, 21, 
who supposes that it represents his coronation in France. 

3 Antiq. Repert. ii. 288. 

4 For 131. \d. paid to 4 garciones going to Westminster to prepare couches and other 
necessaries for the Coronation Feast, see Exch. Accts. 406/21, 30. On that Sunday, 
^"971 was spent out of a total of .1168 for the week. Ramsay, i. 164/317 ; Antiquary, 
viii. 98. 

5 Stow, vi. 49 ; Halle, 105. 

6 Memorials, 65. 

7 For picture of a king sitting at a separate table under a canopy with side tables at 
right angles and a cupbearer kneeling, see Montfaucon, ii. 334. 

8 Wardrobe Accts. 406/26. 

9 Or Croyser, Wylie, Hi. 322, note i ; Gaunt Reg. ii. 371. 

10 For payments to bearers for delivering i Iws (i.e. pike), see Exch. Accts. 406/21, 30. 

11 For 114*. g^d. paid on this account, see ibid. 406/21, 22. 

12 Cookry, 4, 5. 

13 Two Cookery Books, 57 ; Brayley and Britton, 293. For his marriage feast at Win- 
chester, see Two Cookery Books, pp. xiii, 58 ; Strutt, Man. ii. 100 ; Wylie, ii. 288 n. 

14 Chauc. Squire's Tale, 10614. 

15 For pulmenta (pottage) fercula meliora and fercula grossa, see Mann, and Meals, 
ii. 40. For specimens of 2, 3, or 6-course dinners, see ibid. i. 164, 165, 166, 170, 277 ; 
Menagier, ii. 91-100. For Archbishop Nevil's banquet at Cawood, Jan. 16, 1466, see 
Wheater, 214; Purey-Cust, ii. 126. 

A modest public dinner in London in the i4th century, with all extravagance cut 

The Feast 5 

which with its multitude of messes 1 , would have very 
severely tried the capacity of a modern stomach, in which 
respect even in those days Englishmen held a lead which 
was the admiration of all countries and nations of the 
world 2 . And when we know as we do the recipes for pro- 
ducing some of these culinary marvels 3 and find among 
them such concoctions as a white-meat 4 or blandesory 5 
made of hen-brawn ground with rice and milk of almonds 6 
or flampets 7 of fat pork and figs boiled in small ale with 
cheese fried in clean grease and then baked in a coffin of 
paste and coloured with the yolk of eggs we get a curious 
peep into some of the possibilities of the mediaeval diges- 
tion 8 . 

Each course had also its special subtleties 9 in confec- 
tionery known as warners 10 because they foretold the coming 
heavier fare. These gastronomic triumphs were made of 
sugar, paste, or jelly" worked up into antelopes or gilded 
eagles or swans and cygnets sitting on green stocks with 
scriptures or subscriptions 12 in pastry coming out of their 
mouths calling upon the new king to "keep the law and 
guard the foi" and "have pitee on the commonalte" with 
such saws 13 as " out of court be banished tort" or "one and 

down, consisted [of 3 courses, viz. (i) bread, beer and wine, (2) pottage and grosse char, 
and (3) double roast in one dish, cheese and no more (sauns pluis), Lib. Cust. 227. For 
commyn brede and grete fleshis and chese of the bugle, see Secreta, 178. For a dinner 
given to the Abbot of Chatillon-sur-Seine et ses gens on July 3, 1412, see Vidier, 372, 
where the cost = 295-. 6^., excluding belle chiere et garnison d'ostel. 

1 Mes, Menagier, i. 6; ii. 91, where there are 4 or 5 messes to each course or assiette. 
Cf. Wright, Dom. Man. 162. 

2 Antiq. Repert. ii. 291*. 

3 Bonis, i. cxxxi. 

4 Greg. Chron. 169. 

8 Forme of Cury, 26, 100, 118; English Cookery, viii. 

6 Cookry, 105. 

7 Forme of Cury, 54, 82; Greg. Chron. 141, 169. 

8 For abundance at feasts, see Bouchot, 53. e.g. at Milan in 1386 at the marriage 
of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, with Yolande, daughter of Gian Galeazzo Visconti. See 
Athenaeum, June 28, 1902. There is plenty of evidence that this heaped abundance 
prevailed not only at " feasts of solemnity," but among more homely guests according to 
the "English guise." Mann, and Meals, i. 169, 170. 

9 Mann, and Meals, i. 169, 175; Greg. Chron. 141, 169; Jusserand, Lit. Hist. 263; 
MacCracken, p. xxv. 

10 Two Cookery Books, x.; Forme of Cury, 154. 

11 Mann, and Meals, i. 151. 12 Mann, and Meals, i. 169. 

13 " Thenez la ley, gardez la fey " ; " Eyez pite des comunalte " ; " Hors de Court soit 
bannez tort"; " Un sauvez plus, Maynteyn Dieu"; Cookry, 4, 5, probably " Un sanz 
pluis" as Devon, 339; Nicolas, Navy, ii. 446; cf. "en un sanz plus," Kal. and Inv. ii. 100 
on one of the King's rings. Fab. 587. 

6 Coronation [CH. i 

no more" with " God before 1 " and others suited to that 
notable and honourable day. If contrasts are to be drawn 
with our modern banquets it is certain from a perusal of 
the cautions given in the treatises which aimed at teaching 
courtesy 2 that our forefathers in the I5th century were 
much behind us as regards the etiquette of the table. For 
side by side with precepts against loud supping, fidgetting 
with the feet, playing with the knife, or overfilling the 
spoon and dropping sauce and pottage on the breast, they 
abound in cautions against scrambling for the best portions 
in the dip-charger, making sops of bitten bread, licking 
plates with the tongue, blowing in the cup, leaving fat in 
the ale or wine, spreading butter or cheese with the thumb 
or wiping the knife or hands or even the teeth on the table 
cloth or other still more shocking enormities. It is true 
that they also contain rules that silence must be kept in 
the lord's presence 3 , forbidding loud speech save only of the 
lord and such as he spoke to and requiring such low com- 
munication in the hall that the chief officer's voice be heard 
above that of all the others, but these can only have been 
counsels of perfection and we know that as a fact the 
English of that day had a reputation for fighting like devils 
and eating like wolves 4 . To these singularities must be 
added the presence of horses in the hall 5 , for besides the 
well authenticated entry of Dymock 6 the mounted champion 
armed as St George with his challenge to all who would 
dispute the new king's title, there is good evidence that 
dishes for the high table were brought in by servants on 
horseback who must have acquired special skill in balancing 

1 Henry V, 3, 6, 165 ; Speght, 36; Melusine, 107, 128, translating " Dieu avant " in 
Arras, 120; cf. "Deo prsevio," Rym. ix. 793; "God to-forn," Lydg. Troy Book, 45, 
342, 401. 

3 e.g. Mann, and Meals; Add. MS. 37969; Hazlitt, Remains, Vol. iii. ; Secreta; 
Jusserand, Lit. Hist., etc.; passim. 

3 Add. MS. 37969/6. 

4 Kempe, 21. 

5 Vita, 22, 23, where all the nobles are said to be on horseback. Called large war- 
horses in W. Jones, 209. 

6 For the claim of John Dymmok before the coronation of Richard II, see Legg, 
Coronation Records, 140, 159. For his entrance at the Coronation Feast of Henry IV, 
see Ann. 288 ; Kingsford, Chron. xxxvi. 49 (where he is called Thomas) ; Harcourt, 182. 
Also Philip Dymmok at the Coronation of Henry VI, Nov. 6, 1429, Pol. Songs, II. xxxiv. 
147 ; Greg. Chron. 168. For picture, see Wright and Smith, 2. For Scrivelsby Court, 
near Horncastle, the home of the Dymokes since 1380 (Ing. p. Mort. iv. 29), see Perkins, 



themselves with the steaming messes held in both hands 1 , 
while the marshal rode about with his tipstaffs to keep a 
passage clear for circulation 2 among the crowds of persons 
who were not seated with the guests 3 . When the feast was 
done the minstrelsy led the way 4 and the royal procession 
filed out with the king bringing up the rear according to 
the maxim that "ever the better the latter 5 ." But through- 
out the whole the king was moody and was believed to 
have eaten nothing at the banquet or even for three 
days after 6 , and a Frenchman who was present at the 
coronation service in the Abbey reported that the English 
were by no means agreed in accepting their new king but 
that large numbers said that the crown should have come 
to the Earl of March and he inferred that it would be no 
reign of peace but a reign of civil war 7 . The late king on 
his death-bed had foreseen that discord might arise between 
Henry and his brother the Duke of Clarence 8 , and this fear 
finds echo in a singular poem 9 in which all who are wise 
are urged to stand with the new king and keep the crown 
unbroken, for if they quarrel among themselves the flower 
of chivalry will end and other lands that hate us will spy 
our feebleness and fall upon us on every hand and take the 
crown from the right heir and seize our towns and castles 
beyond the sea and our very lives and our kingdom will be 
gone 10 . Surely we have been chastised enough already, says 
the poet, but God will only burn the rod if we show that we 

1 For picture, see Schultz, 458; do. Hausl. Leben, 301 ; also fancy picture in Viollet- 
le-Duc, Mobilier, i. 365. Viennent a cheval, Weale, Van Eyck, Ixiv. ; also of heralds 
and minstrels, ibid. Ixv. For the Coronation Feast of Charles VI at Rheims in 1380, see 
Louandre, i. 176. 

2 Fabyan, 586. 

3 In Brut, ii. 427 the Coronation Feast of Queen Catherine in 1421 is "opyn to alle 
pepull, straungeris and other that wold come." 

4 Chauc. Squire's Tale, 10582. 

5 Riley, Mem. 651; Lei. Coll. vi. 7-14, from Archbishop Nevil's feast, temp. Ed. IV. 
For " established rule that the lord of the banquet should remain till every guest had 
taken leave," see E. Hardy, ii. 183. 

6 Prout fide dignorum asseruere testimonia, Vita, 24 ; Pauli, v. 76. 

7 St Denys, iv. 770; Ramsay, i. 164; Wylie, iv. 104. 

8 This is recorded on the authority of the Earl of Ormonde. Kingsford, Biogr. 80 ; 
do. First Life, pp. xxvii, 14. 

9 Kail, 50-55 ; but the editor's attempts to fix the exact dates of the first 12 pieces in 
successive years of the reign of Henry IV seem to me to be purely fanciful. 

10 Byzonde the see and we had nouzt, but all oure ennemies so neyze us were thouz 
all here gold were hider brouzt I wold set hit at lytel store oure enemys wold coke ther- 
fore with ordynaunce and habergeoun wyn that and wel more oure londes oure lyves, the 
reme, the crowne. Kail, 51. 

8 Coronation [CH. i 

have at last learnt to be wise 1 . If Englishmen who have made 
mastery throughout the world and have made heathen and 
Christian alike to quake should now raise strife with one 
another they will not only lose the bloom of their great 
renown but stry their own nest and the conqueror will be 
ill-paid in the lives of the good men that will be lost while 
other kingdoms will laugh us to scorn and say that God is 
sending vengeance on us for our sins. 

But though this feeling may have been present in many 
hearts it found as yet no open vent, and when Dymock's 
challenge was cried in the middle of the feast no adverse 
voice was raised 2 . Thus the prelude passed in outward 
universal joy and on the Friday following the Prior of 
Lewes wrote from London to the Abbot at Cluni that the 
new king had succeeded to his father's throne "with the 
unanimous will and consent of all the lords and prelates 
and with the universal acclaim of the whole nation 3 ." And 
so in order that the new reign might open if possible with 
a clean sheet a general pardon 4 was offered to all who had 
been concerned in rebellions in England, Wales or Ireland, 
provided that they sued for it before July 6 5 , and even 
Scotland was included in the general terms. 

Yet the heavens had their warning signs for those who 
cared to read them and the Coronation was deeply marked 
in the English mind by a long remembered blizzard which 
lasted for two days 6 , covering up the hills and burying men 
and beasts and houses deep in snow*. Some said that the 

1 Kail, 54. 

2 Waurin, ii. 162 ; Tyrrell, i. 283 ; Brougham, 52. Pauli (v. 76) thinks that no one 
thought of the claim of the Earl of March; also Lingard, iii. 235. Milman (viii. 221) 
more truly says that " Henry's title was by no means generally acknowledged," though 
the lines in Pol. Songs, ii. 119 seem to refer to subsequent events and not to Henry's 
accession as Ramsay, i. 161. 

3 For his letter dated April 14, 1413, see Duckett, i. 256. 

4 Memorials, 67; Vita, 17. Carte (ii. 674) thinks that this was "according to the 
practice of former kings of England," but this does not seem to be borne out by the docu- 
ments printed in Rymer. 

8 Rym. ix. 3, called June 24th in Usk, 120, 299. For payments to messengers 
carrying these proclamations to the Sheriffs, see Iss. Roll, i H. V, Pasch., May 4, 1413. 
The date was subsequently extended to Aug. 8, 1413, Rym. ix. 4. For proclamation to 
this effect in London, ordered on June 18, 1413, see Letter Book I, 119. 

6 Strecche, 265 a, who says that there had not been such hail in the country since 
the days of the British king Leyer or Lear, who built Leicester (Leyercestram), see 
T. F. Johnson, 4. 

7 Usk, 120 ; Ott. 273 ; Wals. ii. 290 ; Hypodig. 437 ; Elmham, Lib. Metr. 95 ; 
Hard. 371; Fabyan, 577 ; "a ful trobly wet day," Chron. Lond. 95 ; "a grete raynye 
day," Short Chron. 54; " tempestates et procellae," Redman, 12; "a sore ruggie and 

1413] Storms 9 

coming reign would be cold and stern, but the hopeful ones 
saw in the omen a forecast that the new king would stop 
the frost of vice and let the calm, still fruits of virtue 
bloom, so that his people might say that the winter was 
past and the rain was over and gone 1 . 

But for all their hopes the year seemed fraught with 
mischief. The summer was one of excessive heat ; sick- 
ness was abroad throughout the country and many persons 
died 2 . During the long drought fires broke out in various 
parts of England 3 . At Norwich a great part of the city 
was burnt down, the convent of the Black Friars being 
wrecked in the general ruin 4 . Tewkesbury also suffered 
frightfully from a similar disaster 5 , and when the king 
visited the town in the spring of the following year 6 he 
increased his growing popularity by contributing handsomely 
to relieve the prevailing distress 7 . On Sept. i England 
was visited by a great tempest of hail 8 . On Sept. 8 9 the 
village of Robertsbridge in Sussex was set on fire by 
lightning, and on Dec. 28 a violent thunderstorm broke 
over the southern coast which wrecked the church of 
St Giles at Winchelsea, shattering the belfry and fusing 
the bells 10 . Our neighbours also did not escape this visi- 
tation as appears from the annals of other countries. At 
Bruges a great conflagration started on July 26, 1413, 
which destroyed 1500 houses 11 . In Paris the sittings of 

tempestuous day," Holinsh. iii. 543 ; W. Jones, 307. For a modern fancy picture of 
the snow, showing the King entering the Abbey by a Norman doorway, see Bradley, 07. 

I Song of Solomon, ii. n. Murray-Smith (60) regards it as "emblematic of the 
purity of his ideals, etc." 

Wals. ii. 297 ; Hypodig. 446. 

Capgr. De Illustr. 112. 

Ott. 273 ; Wals. ii. 290 ; Hypodig. 438 ; Capgr. Chron. 303 ; Stow, Chron. 344 ; 
Monast. viii. 1487; Blomefield, iii. 126. 

Elmham, Lib. Metr. 96. 

For documents dated at Tewkesbury, April 2, 1414, see Rym. ix. 120; Ewald, xliv. 
552; Rapin, Acta Regia, ii. 126; Chancery Warrants, Ser. i. 1364/8. 

7 Rym. ix. 188. Noscere si vultis inopes quos ipse refovit Hoc patet in multis ut 
Thewekisburia novit, Memorials, xxxvi. 67. 

8 Chron. Lond. 95. 9 Eulog. iii. 421. 

10 For the devilish smell in a thunderstorm, see Wylie, i. 279; cf. odore foetidissimo 
(St Denys, vi. no) of the storm at Essonnes, near Corbeil, in 1417; une puanteur 
merveilleuse, Juv. 535. "Also ther an horryble ayere, No wyght almost myght the 
savoure abyde," Stone, 100 (1467) ; "All a-stonyed he stode so hit stongke," Pol.-Relig. 
Po. 1 16. 

II J. Meyer, 240 a. On Sept. 9, 1413, St Mary's Church at Sluys was struck, ibid. 
For a great fire at Basle, July 5, 1417, when 250 houses were burnt, see Easier Chron. 
v. 150, 226, 227. For a fire at Beaune (Cote d'Or) in 1401, which raged for three days 

I0 Coronation [CH. i 

the Parliament could only be held from 6 to 9 o'clock in 
the morning 1 , while on the other hand the fierce heat 
ripened the grapes in the neighbouring vineyards so that 
the vintage was gathered a full month before the usual 
time' 2 . In Italy a spell of unusual heat is recorded during 
the middle of June 3 , and in Normandy the crops of corn, 
wine and fruit yielded plentiful harvests in the autumn 4 . 
This surplus heat was followed by searching winds in the 
following spring 6 which brought on an epidemic of chin- 
cough 6 called "the thumps 7 ." In Paris no business could 
be done in the courts for the lawyers had all lost their 
voices, the priests were laid up and no one went to church 8 
and the Registrar of the Parliament entered a piteous 
account in his journal 9 of how he had to keep to his house 
for 1 6 days and could not sleep at night for racking pains 
in his head, shoulders, legs, arms, ribs, kidneys, stomach 
and all over him. No climate in Europe escaped, from 
Lombardy to Holland 10 , though England appears to have 
been singularly immune. In Switzerland everybody went 

and nearly destroyed the whole town, see Gamier, 310, after which the source de 1'Aigue 
was brought into the town for a water supply. 

1 Pour les tres excessives chaleurs qui sont et plus grans que Ten ne vit onques maiz, 
Baye, ii. 117. Excessivissimi calores, ibid. 307 ; St Denys, v. 80 ; Aubert, Org. 238. 

8 i.e. by August 16, Bourgeois, 43. For the good vintage at Aries in Aug. 1414, see 
Boysset, 393 : fon granda sason de vin en Arle et resteron pluros vinhas a vendetniar per 
fauta de vaisela. 

8 i.e. from June loth to 2ist, 1413, Twinger, 618. 

4 Cochon, 338 ; Coville, 338. 

5 i.e. February and March, 1414. St Denys, v. 282 ; Juv. 493. Cf. Quid de acre 
dicani ? qui supra solitum turbulentus pro calore frigora, pro sereno nubila, pro blanda 
aestatis suavitate horridam hyemis exhibet effigiem, Clemanges, Epist. 336 (written in 1414). 

For storm at Dordrecht and flooding of large tracts in Holland, when 10 villages were 
destroyed with their inhabitants on Nov. 19th, 1412, see Clemanges, Ep. 336. For 
flooding of the Loire at Orleans, Feb. 5, 1414, see Lottin, i. 182. For flood at Miinster- 
eifel, near Bonn, in 1416 when 150 people were drowned, see Hegel, ii. 143. 

8 Coqueluche, Choisy, 315; Montlezun, iv. 167; Daniel, iii. 861 ; Devienne, Artois, 
iii. 49; Mazas, Vies, 551; Oilier, 5; Bearne, 267; grande maladie de ryeume par tus- 
serie, Cochon, 338, who says that only i in 40 escaped and many died. Periaux, 167 ; 
tousserie, April 26, 1404; May 5, 1414, Aubert, Org. 172; la toux, Leroux de Lincy, 
I. xli. For tussis at Cologne in 1414, see Hegel, ii. 197. For 1414 as an annee de 
peste, see Coyecque, i. 103. Among the French victims was the Lord of Aumont, who 
had been the Keeper of the Oriflamme, Kellot, 95. For the " Quhew " (i.e. cough), see 
Bower, iv. 1212, with theories as to its climatic causes, i.e. a dry, cold winter followed 
by a rainy spring and autumn. 

' le tac, le horion, Baye, ii. 172, 187 ; Bourgeois, 618 ; Leroux de Lincy, I. xlii. In 
rodefroy, iv. 497, horion =gros rhume. Cf. coups et horions, Juv. 366; Lecesne, 156; 
donez lui des bons horions sur le dos, Romania, xxxii. 62. 

Cf. die phaffen wurden ouch als kranck daz man bresten hat an gottes-dienste, 
l>iislcr v^nron. v. ij.8. 

Baye, ii. 172, 175, May 1-19, 1414. 

10 Basler Chron. v. 148. 


The " Heuke" 

about coughing and running and many had to take to their 
beds 1 . At Tournai the worst time was during Lent 2 . 
There men called the thing the " Heuke 3 " or the jacket, 
and when business people got it on them they went 
whooping about the streets 4 . Not many died but several 
became deaf and they would joke one another by shouting 
"Not got it off yet 5 ?" 

1 Yederman Jung und alte faste hlistig und fliissig das die lute zu bete niederlagent, 
Easier Chron. v. 148 (i.e. at Schaff hausen) . 

2 Le ont porte en ce quaresme, Pay Bas, 345, i.e. from Feb. to May 1414, ibid. 343. 

3 La Heuquette, J. Meyer, 242 ; Vinchant, iv. 48. 

Od on toussir et rouquier 
Tous les jours de rue en rue. Pays Bas, 345. 
5 Les gens en degatoient le ung 1'aultre : 

" Vous estes sortis de la heuquette?" Pays Bas, 344. 



IT will be remembered that while the late king was 
nearing his end a Parliament had been called to meet at 
Westminster on Feb. 3, 141 3'. Although we have no 
record of a formal opening it is certain that the members 
actually assembled, that petitions were presented 2 , and that 
tenths and fifteenths were granted 3 , but when the king 
died this parliament was ipso facto dissolved 4 . The 
members 5 however being still at Westminster took the 
opportunity to express their delight at the accession of the 
new king and in view of possible claims by the Earl of 
March many of the lords hastened to Kennington 6 to take 
the oath of allegiance even before the coronation 7 , though 
they guarded themselves with a protest that their action 
should not be appealed to hereafter as a precedent. But 

1 Rot. Parl. iv. 9 ; Wylie, iv. 102. 

2 e.g. in a petition presented in November, 1414, Thomas Paunfeld says that he 
" persuede diverse billes before oure liege lord kyng Henry the fourthe and his worshipe- 
ful Lordes and Goes in his Parlement holden at Westminster the x day of Feuer the 
xiiij yer of his Regne," Rot. Parl. iv. 57. 

3 Rec. Roll, i H. V, Pasch., July 14, 1413, refers to tenths and fifteenths granted by 
laity to Henry IV ultimo. For reference to purveyance " stabled in Statute the xiiii. year 
of the regne ' of H. IV, see Letter Book I, 297. 

4 Stubbs (iii. 83) treats the first parliament of H. V as a continuation of the last 
parliament of H. IV, quoting Rot. Parl. ix. 9 for a statement that the wages of members 
were paid from Feb. 3 to June o, 1413, but the passage distinctly says that the parliament 
of *eb. 3 " fuist dissolve" " by the death of Henry IV. See also Ramsay, i. 162 ; Letter 
Book I, 113, note. Reference to Glaus, i H. V, 12 d, June 9, 1413, and Prynne, 498- 
501, will show that the expenses of members were not paid from Feb. 3, but from 
May 15, 1413, which is rightly called " a new Parliament" in Gairdner, Lollardy, i. 71 ; 
Church, 43. 

Not of a parliament summoned by Henry V as supposed by Towle, 249. 
Mason "T* "" h mage a Ken y n g ton (March xxi, anno primo), Hoccleve, Min. Po. 39; 

7 Tit. Liv. 5 ; Vita, 16; Duck, 21. 

Quern flexo proceres regem venerantur orantes 

Poplite testanturque hilari sua gaudia gestu. Ocland, H. i. 

1413] Beaufort v. Arundel 13 

when they raised the question as to how their expenses 
were to be met it appeared that there was no precedent for 
this either and they seem to have had to pay their own 
way back home themselves 1 . On March 22, 14 13 2 , writs 
were issued calling a Parliament to meet at Westminster 3 
three weeks after Easter 4 and in the meantime some im- 
portant changes took place among the holders of the offices 
of state. 

A recent writer has supposed that the new king "took 
into his confidence the ministers of his father 5 " but to this 
view some notable exceptions must be recorded. On the 
very first day of the new reign Archbishop Arundel 
resigned the Chancellorship 6 . Henry had in vain tried 
to dislodge him during his father's lifetime 7 and his first 
official act on coming to the throne was to replace him 
by appointing his uncle Bishop Henry Beaufort to be 
Chancellor of England and Keeper of the Great Seal 8 . On 
the same day the Archbishop gave up the castle of Queen- 

1 Rot. Parl. ix. 9 ; Cotton, 536 ; Goodwin, 7. Church (47) sees evidence in this that 
the new king " had a will of his own." 

{- ij a Glaus, i H. V, 37 d ; Dugd. Summons, 388 ; Goodwin, 4; Letter Book I, pp. xviii, 

3 Dep. Keep. 2nd Kept. App. II. p. 185. For payments to messengers carrying 
writs to sheriffs, bishops, etc. together with commissions of the peace, see Iss. Roll, 
i H. V, Pasch. May 4, 1413. 

4 In 1413, Easter Day fell on April 23, Bond, 380; Itin. 398. 

5 Gairdner, 88. 

6 Campbell, Chancellors, i. 369; Foss, iv. 186, 192 ; Stubbs, iii. 81 ; Ransom, 143. 

7 Ord. Priv. Co. iii. 186; Wylie, iv. 88 ; Tout, 262, who thinks that this was "the 
only thing which Henry did that showed any spirit of revenge." Dale (170) feels that 
"it would be agreeable to believe that Henry's distrust of the Archbishop arose partly 
from the fact that he had been the promoter of the Act De Haeretico Comburendo" 
Benham (Winchester, 142) supposes that Bishop Beaufort opposed the statute and 
favoured Oldcastle ; but see Wylie, iii. 302. Radford (Cardinal, 105) thinks that 
Archbishop Arundel's resignation in 1410 was caused by his "arbitrary enforcement 
of the ecclesiastical constitutions on Lollardy" (i.e. the Constitutions of 1407, Wylie, 
iii. 426). For supposed feud between the Archbishop and the Beauforts, see Kingsford, 
61, who thinks that the former "represented the old baronial and constitutional party, 
while the Beauforts were the leaders of the Court party " or supporters of Prince Henry 
(p. 64). In Hassell, 219, the Prince of Wales with the Beauforts opposes Archbishop 
Arundel and the greater nobles with the Duke of Clarence. In C. R. L. Fletcher, 312, 
the Beauforts turn to the rising sun of the Prince of Wales. Oman (Pol. Hist. 219, 220) 
considers the supposed quarrel to be "almost as obscure as it is uninteresting." Radford (18) 
thinks that "there may have been personal grounds or there may have been political etc." 
but that "the whole situation was intricate." Lodge (326) calls it "an obscure intrigue." 
For supposition that Henry's " close friendship with the Beaufort family led him in 1410 
into a breach with his father," see Fletcher- Walker, 7, imagining (p. 10) that Bishop 
Beaufort (probably meaning his brother Thomas Beaufort, Wylie, iv. 51) ceased to be 
Chancellor " when that young man (i.e. Prince Henry) quarrelled with his father in 

8 Glaus, i H. V; Rot. Parl. iv. 3; Dugd. Chron. Ser. 56. On Jan. 24, 1414, the 
Great Seal was deposited in the Treas'ury in a leathern bag, Kal. and Inv. ii. 91. 

I4 Reconstruction [CH. n 

borough which was now granted to Gilbert Umfraville for 
life 1 John Wakering still remained Keeper of the Chancery 
Rolls 2 and John Prophet Keeper of the Privy Seal 3 . At the 
same time the Earl of Arundel was appointed Treasurer 4 
in place of Sir John Pelham 5 , and the customers and con- 
trollers from the various ports were ordered to appear 
before him in the Exchequer on May ; 6 bringing their 
books, tallies, monies and securities. On March 22 7 he 
succeeded the king as Warden of the Cinq Ports and 
Constable of Dover 8 with power to repair the castle walls 9 , 
towers, chapel, belfry and glass windows and to overhaul 
all vestments, books, ornaments, bows, arrows, cross-bows, 
quarrels and other artillery 10 . On May 7" the king's brother 

1 Pat. i H. V, i. 29 ; ibid. iv. 19 (March 21, Nov. 16, 1413), where he is not yet 
called Earl of Kyme. See Wylie, iv. 63, note 8. 

8 Iss. Roll, i H. V, Mich. (Oct. 17, 1413). For his appointment on March 2, 1405, 
see Newcourt, i. 340 ; Hennessy, 379 ; Wylie, iii. 301, note i ; not 1404 as Archaeologia 
Cantiana, xiii. 382. For confirmation of 2 pipes of red Gascon wine granted to him 
when he was a clerk in our chancery, see Pat. i H. V, 2, 3, 4; Claus. i H. V, 31, 
April 5, 1413; Wylie, iv. 206. For writ signed "Waker." Nov. 5, 1414, see Escheators 
Inquisitions, Ser. I. 1008. In Rec. Roll, 3 H. V, Pasch., June 27, 1415, he receives 
40. 14*. for cannsis (? canvas) as late Clerk of the Rolls. In the Leicester Parliament 
(1414) he was a Receiver of Petitions (Rot. Parl. iv. 16, where he is called Sire John 

3 Claus. i H. V, 26, June 28, 1413. For his appointment, Oct. 4, 1406, see Wylie, 
iv. 310. For .120 (i.e. -zos. per day, from March 20 to July 18, 1413) paid to him as 
Keeper of the Privy Seal, see Iss. Roll, i H. V, Pasch., July 24, 1413 ; also ibid. Mich. 
Oct. 27, 1413; Jan. 25, Feb. 22, 1414. 

4 i.e. March 21, 1413, Pat. i H. V, i. 37; Cal. Rot. Pat. 260; Devon, 323 ; Doyle, 
i. 74 ; Pells, Rec. Roll, i H. V, Pasch.; do. Iss. Roll, i H. V, Mich, (heading). The 
earliest extant Pell Rolls (both Issue and Receipt) for the reign date from Easter 1413, 
and there is no entry on either earlier than May 4, 1413, where the Issue Roll refers to a 
pair of budges with letters delivered to Thomas Arundel, Treasurer of England. For 
$(>. iis. $\d. paid to him for attendance at the Council, see Iss. Roll, i H. V, Mich., 
Dec. 4, 1413. For his presence at Windsor and Guildford, see Iss. Roll, i H. V, Pasch., 
July 17, 1413. In Devon, 336 (Oct. 30, 1414) he is Treasurer of England, 7. us. od. 
being paid for dining the Chancellor, Treasurer, Lords of the Council, Justices and other 
officers of the King's Court at Westminster at the election of the Sheriffs and Escheators 
of counties. He is still Treasurer of England on May 25, 27, 30, and June 5, 1415, 
Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 167; Rym. ix. 257, 260, 262. For 100 marks p.a. paid to him pro 
feodo suo in the office of Treasurer together with an increment of ^300 p. a., see Iss. Roll 
3 H. V, Pasch., April 24, 1415. For jio8. 15*. as his allowance from May 12 to July 31, 
1415, see Iss. Roll, 3 H. V, Pasch., May 18, 1415. Maiden (70) thinks that Henry ap- 
pointed him Treasurer "so as not to break entirely with the Arundel interest." 

6 Ramsay, i. 162 ; Wylie, iv. 51, note 3 ; not Henry Lord Scrope, as Dugd. Chron. 
Ser. 56; Diet. Nat. Biogr. li. 13. 

6 In quindena Paschae, Iss. Roll, i H. V, Pasch., May 4, June 9, 1413, where pay- 
ments to the messengers are recorded. 

7 Pat. i H. V, i. 37. 

8 In, Iss. Roll, i H. V, Mich. Feb. 22, 1414, he receives 73. 4 j. 5 Jrf. as Keeper of 
the king's castle at Dover to pay his men. 

9 The murage granted in 1412 (see Wylie, iv. 86) was continued with the addition of 
Jo" n *' Upon a11 goods enterin S th e town, Pat. i H. V, i. 24, April 13, 1413. 

' Pat. , H. V, i. , ; Priv. Seal, 658/1. 
Pat. i II. V, iii. 44 ; Comp. Peer. iv. 44 ; Doyle, ii. 22. 

i 4 is] Judges 15 

Humphrey was appointed Chamberlain of England 1 , Henry 
Lord Fitzhugh being the king's Chamberlain 2 . 

Henry's panegyrists never tire of ringing his praises for 
selecting sober counsellors and dismissing corrupt judges 3 , 
and his first judicial appointment was made on the very 
day of his accession when William Lasingby 4 was made 
chief Baron of the Exchequer 3 but as John Cokayn 6 
whom he replaced still continued on the list of judges 7 we 

- n,xcn. .rvccis. 400/21, 27; rmKe, ACia, i. 302, Aug. 1414; ^vncieiiL ^oimt. 
June 15, 1415; cf. Magni Camerarii Anglic, Vickers, 429, 455. Grant 
dengleterre, ibid. 434. For documents signed "H" (i.e. Humphrey) " 
d'Engleterre," see Rym. ix. 3, March 12, 1413; Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 140, 169, 

1 Exch. Accts. 406/21, 27;_Finke, Acta, i. 382, Aug. 1414; Ancient Corrdce. xliii. 174, 

Grant Chambellan 

.,338; R y m - 

ix. 189, 238, 253, Dec. 10, 13, 1414; April 29, May 15, 26, June 15, 1415; see also 
Sloane MS. 4600, ff. 298, 306, 311, April 21, May 23, 1415. 

2 Rym. ix. 13, 385, May 24, 1413; Sept. 4, 1416; Rot. Parl. iv. 218. For ^31. "js. $d. 
wages ( + robes = 535-. $d.) paid to him as sub-camar. regis for Michaelmas Term, 1413, 
see Exch. Accts. 406/21, 27. In Pat. i H. V, i. 30, May 24, 1413, he is Camerarius 
Regis; also Cal. Rot. Pat. 260; Chancery Warrants, Ser. I, 1364/10, June 8, 1413; 
Finke, Forsch. 256; Camerarius Noster, Ordonnances, xi. 112; Rot. Norm. 153, 244, 
Sept. 8, 1417, Feb. 8, 1418; Rym. ix. 626, 627, 628, Oct. 26, 1418; Brequigny, 43, 
Jan. 3, 1419; Ewald, xli. 705; Rym. ix. 833, 848, Jan. i, Feb. 15, 1420; Ewald, xlii. 
334, 339. Chambellan du roy, Rym. ix. 501, Oct. 13, 1417; vostre Tresorer et Cham- 
berlein, Rym. ix. 425, 490; nostre Chamb., Chancery Warrants, Ser. I. 1364/60, June 5, 
1418 ; Grand Chambellan, Oct. 5, 1422, Farin, 147 ; Cheruel, App. 67 ; called Lord 
Chamberlain of the King's Household in Dugd. Bar. i. 404. For .100 p. a. granted 
to him, July 24, 1414, see Pat. i H. V, ii. 30. For confirmation to him of custody of 
the castles of John Lord Darcy, see Pat. i H. V, v. 14, Feb. 21, 1414. In July 1414 
he was a custos pacis at Ripon for enforcing the Lollard Statute, Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 32 d. 
For two books by Richard Heremita, i.e. Richard Rolle, the Hermit of Hampole, and 
other legacies left to him by Henry Lord Scrope, June 23, 1415, see Rym. ix. 274, 276. 
King Henry V made him one of the executors of his will, dated July 24, 1415, leaving 
him all his furred robes and gowns, with all his trussing-beds and 500 marks in money, 
Rym. ix. 291, where he is " camerarius noster." Among the English at Constance are 
Henry and William Visii (i.e. Fitzhugh), camerarii regis Angliae, Mansi, xxviii. 64. 
In 1415 (Due. Lane. Accts. various 27/6) Henry Fitzhugh is Constable of Pickering 
Castle and Master Forester of Pickering Forest. For custody of St Leonard's Hospital 
at York vacant by the death of William de fiferiby, granted to Robert (i.e. the future 
Bishop of London, Wylie, ii. 221, note 6), son of Henry Fitzhugh, kt., see Pat. 2 H. V, 
iii. ii, May 15, 1415. 

3 Tit. Liv. 5 ; First Life, 20 ; Harpsfeld, Hist. 587 ; Malcolm, 76. Cf. qu'il vorroit 
estre conseillez par les pluis sages et discretes de son Roialme, Rot. Par. iv. 3. 

4 Iss. Roll, i H. V, Mich., Nov. 8, 1413, refers to him as appointed on March 2ist 
last. Foss (iv. 206) supposes him to be identical with William Lasingby, who had been 
involved in the treason of the Earl of Northumberland, and whose lands were forfeited 
but subsequently restored by Henry IV, Rot. Parl. iii. 605, 606, 655. 

5 For pictures of the Court of Exchequer, see Archaeologia, xxxix. p. 361 (temp. 
H. VI) ; Pulling, 94 (temp. H. VII). 

6 Wylie, ii. 339. For his purchase of the manor of Bury-Hatley or Hatley-Port, 
now Cockayne- Hatley, near Biggies wade, see Fuller, Worthies, i. 118; Cockayne, i. 7, 
ii. 22, who supposes him to have been buried there, but no trace of his tomb now 
exists, though Lysons (Bedfordshire, p. 92) refers to "an altar tomb stripped of its brass 
plates " in the church. For supposition that he was buried at Polesworth, near Tarn- 
worth, see Cox, ii. 383. 

7 e.g. in Iss. Roll, i H. V, Mich., Oct. 27, 1413. He is on commissions for gaol 
delivery of Newgate, Nov. 7, 1413, Letter Book I, 120; also I4i4> 1415, 1416, 1417, 
1418, 1420, 1422, ibid. 131, 145, 168, 191, 212, 240, 265. His will is dated Feb. 1428 
(6 H. VI). He married Ida, daughter of Thomas Grey, Lord of Ruthen, and is said 


Reconstruction [CH. n 

must look elsewhere for evidence if this reputed scrupulous- 
ness in regard to judicial purity is to be sustained and at 
least one of the early changes on the bench is in puzzling 
contradiction to the claim. 

No English reader can approach the new reign with 
his judgment quite unwarped. As he sits waiting for the 
opening, the curtain which is shortly to be lifted has been 
pictured for him by a magic hand and with a resistless 
spell 1 . His view is filled with visions of Falstaff rebuked 2 , 
Gascoigne advanced and the scapegrace king turned from 
his former self to mock the expectation of the world. In 
a previous work 3 I have done my best to stand by the 
venerable story of the Prince and the Judge. And I would 
gladly do the like for Shakespeare's noble ^ sequel in which 
the regenerate king commits to the judge's hand the un- 
stained sword that he had used to bear, but this part of 
the legend cannot possibly hold its ground. For though 
William Gascoigne received his summons 4 to the forth- 
coming parliament as Chief Justice of the King's Bench 5 , 
yet within a week afterwards he had been superseded and 
henceforward drops into semi-obscurity 6 . On March 29, 
141 3 7 , his place was filled by the elevation of William 

to have been present (or even killed) at the battle of Shrewsbury in 1403 (Ann. 369), 
but this is probably a confusion with his brother Edmund. For his effigy in the church 
at Ashbourne wearing the coif, see Wylie, ii. 339, note 2, though the identity is doubted 
in Planche, Ashbourne, 377, who regards it as the figure of his father, John Cokayne 
(d. 1373) ; also S. Glover, ii. 34, who calls it " an old man in a close cap." 

1 Dale, 173; "the historian from whose verdict there is no appeal," Historians' Hist, 
xviii. 526; "a hold on the popular imagination beyond the power of sober historical 
evidence to destroy," Workman, i. 268. For Shakespeare's sources, see Kingsford, First 
Life, pp. 1, Ivi. 

2 See App. D. 

3 Wylie, iv. 94-99, where "Consignment" on p. 98, note 4, should be "Control- 
ment " ; see Harcourt, 56 ; Scargill-Bird, 259. 

1 Dated March 22, 1413. Dugd. Summons, 389; Goodwin, 5; Tyler, ii. 10. 

8 For picture of the Court of King's Bench (temp. Henry VI) showing prisoners 
chained by the leg, see Archaeologia, xxxix. p. 359; Besant, Survey, i. 221. 

(i Stubbs (iii. 82) attributes his removal to the fact that he was " an old man who 
had been long in office." Kingsford (91) thinks that he was over 70 years old and that 
his age is enough to account for his resignation, but he was really only about 63 ; see 
Wylie, ii. 180. Ramsay (i. 163) regards it as a prompt dismissal, and thinks that the later 
gifts were an eirenikon. 

7 Pat. i H. V, i. 25 ; Glaus, i H. V, 33 ; Wylie, iv. 97, note 4 ; Cal. Rot. Pat. 260, 
where Hankford is granted 2 robes and 180 marks p. a.; Foss, iv. 169, where the con- 
troversy as to the date of Gascoigne's death is well summed up and finally disposed of. 

e last payment to Gascoigne is enrolled on July 7, 1413, where he is called late Chief 
Justice of the king's Bench, Devon, 322 ; see also Pauli, v. 77 ; Stubbs, iii. 81. In 
fat. 2 ll. V, i. 33, dated May 19, i 4 i 4 , William Gascoigne and W. Waldeby are referred 
to as late justices in York Gaol. 

1413] Judge Gascoigne 17 

Hankford 1 one of the puisne judges of the Court of Common 
Pleas 2 , but Gascoigne himself lived on for years in his 
native home in Wharfedale 3 , taking occasional duties on 
quests, special assizes or gaol-deliveries 4 . Together with 
his brother Richard he was appointed 5 by the new king a 
Justice of the Peace for Northumberland, Cumberland and 
the three Ridings of Yorkshire. On May 15, 14 13*, he 
was commissioned together with others to enquire into a 
complaint made by Henry Lord Scrope that in the previous 
reign a chaplain named John Newark and other disturbers 
of the peace had broken into his close and houses at Fax- 
flete by night, carried off his wife Joan 7 , entered his castle 
at Sandal near Wakefield and robbed him of goods valued 
at ^5000. When the Lollard Statute was passed in 1414 
Gascoigne was one of the justices appointed to enforce it 
in the districts about Beverley and Ripon 8 and in the same 
year the king favoured him with a grant of some fat bucks 
and does from the forests of Pontefract 9 and Galtres 10 . In 
the summer of 1415" he was a member of a commission 
in Yorkshire charged to inquire into the carrying-off of 
Murdach Earl of Fife while on his way to the Border, and 
in the same year he lent ^4O ]2 to help to meet the cost 
of the coming expedition into France, being also com- 
missioned 13 to array the forces of the West Riding for the 

1 Called Haukford or Hawkesford in Ewald, 40; Gidley, 55. In Rot. Parl. iv. 7, 
Hankford is Chief Justice in praesenli parliamento, i.e. before June 9, 1413. In Dugd. 
Chron. Ser. 56, he is Chief Justice on Jan. 29, 1414 from Pat. i H. V, 33. On March 21, 
1413, he was appointed a Justice of the Peace for Surrey, Pat. i H. V, i. 35 d. He re- 
presented his native county (i.e. Devonshire, Wylie, iv. 97) in the Westminster Parliament 
in 1414, Return Parl. i. 283 ; also in 1423, ibid. i. 305. For his monument in the church 
at Monkleigh, near Bideford, see Wylie, iv. 97. On March 1 1, Oct. 27, 1421, he is patron 
of the church at Horwood, near Barnstaple, Lacy, pp. 8, n; also of Creacombe, near 
Tiverton, March 20, 1422, ibid. 48. For possessions of Richard Hankeford in Cornwall, 
Devon and Somerset, see Inq. p. Mort. iv. 44 (7 H. V, 1419-20) ; Staff. Reg. 122, 143. 
On July 21, 1404, he is patron of Norton' near Taunton, Holmes, Reg. (Bowet), p. 52. 
For his epitaph, see Fuller, Worthies, i. 281. 

2 Campbell, Chief Justices, i. 139; Foss, iv. 324. For picture of the Court of 
Common Pleas (temp. H. VI), see Pulling, frontispiece ; Archaeologia, xxxix. p. 360, 
from the original at Whaddon House, near Stony Stratford, Lipscomb, iii. 498; Clinch, 258. 

3 Cf. armiger in comitatu Eboraci natus, Raine, Hist. iii. 290; Wylie, ii. 180. 

4 Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 5 d, March 18, 1416. 

5 Pat. i H. V, i. 35 d, 36 d. 6 Pat. i H. V, ii. 24 d. 
7 Wylie, iii. 284, note 5. 8 Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 32 d. 

9 Tyler, i. 380; Ewald, 40. 

10 Called 2 deymes (i.e. fallow deer) de graes and 2 deymes de fermeson every year 
from the forest of Gastres (sic), Priv. Seal, 659/134, Nov. 17, 1413. 

11 Pat. 3 H. V, i. 3d, July 6, 1415. 

12 Lent on June 6, 1415. Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., June 6, 22, 1415. 

13 Rym. ix. 253 [255], May 29, 1415. 

W. 2 

l8 Reconstruction [CH. ii 

defence of the coasts against possible attack while the king 
was away. On Dec. 12, 1415', he was appointed together 
with Thomas Cumberworth 2 and others tc > report on the 
belongings of Lord Zouche who had just died. On Feb. 
,2 ifi6', he was engaged on a gaol-delivery at Bristol 
and on August 8 of the same year 4 he served on a com- 
mission in reference to a claim to property in dispute 
between the Earls of Huntingdon and Westmoreland, 
made his will on Dec. 15, 141 9 8 and died two da y s V ^.' 
His body was buried in his parish church at Harewood in 
Wharfedale where his effigy may be seen to this day 7 . 

The other judges were all continued in office 8 . Sir 
William Thirning received his patent as Chief Justice of 
Common Pleas 9 on May 2, 141 3 10 , but he resigned his post 
within a few weeks, made his will on May 28", and died 

1 Priv. Seal Writs, 1423/1204. 

2 For Thomas Cumberworth, see Wylie, ii. 234. He was appointed a Justice of the 
Peace for Lincolnshire on March 21, 1413, Pat. i H. V, i. 34 d. On July 6 pet 28, 
Nov 9, 1416, he is sheriff of Lincolnshire, Rec. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., Mich. (i.e. from 
Dec. i, 1415, to Nov. 30, 1416, also in 1430, Sheriffs' Lists 79). On Sept. 3, 1416, he 
was a commissioner for the arrest of a Lincolnshire squire named John Mouter who was 
committed to the Tower under an order dated Feb. 3, 1417, Claus. 4 H. V, 9; Cal. Pat. 
II. V, ii. 82. On April i, 1418, Thomas Cumberworth is on a commission of array 
for Lincolnshire, Pat. 6 H. V, 31 d. On July 3, 1420, he was appointed a J.P. for 
Lindsey, Pat. 8 H. V, 20 d. 

3 Pat. 3 H.V, ii. iid. 

4 Pat. 4 H.V, 7 d. 

6 Wylie, ii. 180, note 3. It was proved on Dec. 23, 1419. Palmer, Yarm, 17; 
Purey-Cust, ii. 243, who gives his arms from York Minster, ibid. ii. 205. 

6 i.e. Dec. 17, 1419, not 1413 as Scrope, 265. 

7 Gough, ii. 37; Weiss, i. 144; Campbell, Chief Justices, i. 137; Kingsford, 90; 
Aubrey, i. 37; Cassell, i. 503 (altered); Pulling, 17. For a document relating to his 
purchase of the wardship of young Stephen Scrope, circ. 1409, containing his signature 
and that of John Fastolf the lad's step-father, still existing at Castlecombe near Chippen- 
ham, see Scrope, 264. For William, son of Wm. Gascoigne and of Johanna his wife as 
tenant of lands of Stephen le Scrop defunct, see Memoranda Rolls, K. R. 3-4 H. V, 31, 
Nov. 6, 1415. 

8 Vita, 26; Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 27, 1413, names W. Hankford, Hugh Huls 
(or Holes, Pat. 2 H. V, i. 39 d), R. Tyrwhit, R. Norton, R. Hull (or Hill, Foss, 346), 
J. Culpeper and J. Cockayne. For manor of Trembethow in the parish of Lelant in 
St Ives Bay (Cornwall) as the seat of John Hals (Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 8, 16; Foss, 358), 
Justice of Common Pleas temp. H. V, sold by him to Godolphin, see J. H. Matthews, 46 ; 
Staff. Reg. 239, 354. 

9 For John Hotoft, Chief Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas, see Rec. Roll 3 H. V, 
Pasch., July 8, 1415, cf. Wylie, iii. 322, note i. For John Hotot, appointed a Scholar of 
King's Hall at Cambridge in 1415, que le dit Johan n'est pas bien apris en la science de 
Gramaire non obstant, see Exch. Accts. 348/29. 

1 Pat. i H. V, i. 36; Foss, iv. 190, 208, 212. 

11 Wylie, ii. 37, note i ; Gibbons, 140, proved July 21, 1413, at Melchbourne near 
Higham Ferrers. In it he leaves bequests to the parson of Edenham near Bourne 
(Lines.) for tithes omitted while he dwelt there. He desires to be buried in St James' 
Abbey (Pat Northampton), leaving 100 marks to be spent in the great Newark there. 
There is a reference to him in Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., July 7, 1413. Foi his widow 
Joan, see Claus. 6 II. V, i d, March ii, 1419. 


Richard Norton 19 

very shortly after. His place was filled on June 26, 1413*, 
by the promotion of a Yorkshireman Richard Norton 2 of 
Norton Conyers 3 near Ripon, then one of the puisne judges 
of the same court 4 . 

1 Pat. i H. V, ii. 36; Cal. Rot. Pat. 261; Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 27, 1413. 

2 Rot. Parl. iv. 59; Pat. 2 H. V, i. 14 d, June 28, 1414. In Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., 
July 4, 1413, he is called one of the late King's sergeants, also Bibl. Top. Brit. II. App. 
No. x. 75*. In Pat. 2 H. V, i. 12 d, 24 d, June 20, 28, 1414, he is one of the King's 
justices. For grant to him of 2 casks of Gascon wine as Chief Justice of Common Pleas, 
see Pat. 2 H. V, i. 20, May 20, 1414. On May 4, 1414, he was appointed an executor 
under the will of Master John Newton, Treasurer of York Minster, who left him a gilt 
cup, quam olim habui de domino Cantuariensi, Test. Ebor. i. 367, 368, 370, where he 
is called "justiciarius." On June 23, 1415, Henry Lord Scrope made him a supervisor 
of his will, leaving him a silver cup, 5 marks in money and a good gown of Baudekyn de 
Cipre, Rym. ix. 277. For white Baudekyn, see Rym. ix. 278, 280. For baudequin de 
Chypre, see Fagniez, Inventaires, xxviii. 99, called cloth of gold in Littlehales, II. x. ; 
tissue de soie fabrique a Bagdad, Monget, i. 48; cf. Wylie, ii. 436; iv. 335. In 1415 he 
has custody of the lands of Milo Stapleton during the minority of his son and heir Milo, 
Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., May 14, 1415. For Miles Stapleton, kt., of Ingham near 
Norwich and Bedale (Yorks.), see Stapleton, Lib. de Ant. Leg. clxxxviii., clxxxix. ; Wylie, 
ii. 224, note 4; iv. 328. For Norton's place on a commission to try rebels in 1405, see 
Wylie, ii. 230, 231. He was the son of Adam Conyers who took the name of Norton, 
Diet. Nat. Biog. xli. 217 d, and he married Elizabeth daughter of John Tempest of 
Studley, Foss, Diet. 487. He died Dec. 20, 1420, Surtees, Durham, I. clxiii.; Foss, iv. 
207. For his brass at Wath near Ripon, see Macklin, 173; Druitt, 227. For Richard 
Norton, a king's messenger of Receipt of Exchequer, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., 
April 19, May i, 1415. 

3 Test. Ebor., i. 364. For chantry founded by him in the church at Norton Conyers 
in 9 II. V (1421), see Inq. ad Quod Damn. (List), ii. 744. 

4 Pat. i H. V, i. 25; Cal. Rot. Pat. 260. 

2 2 



AFTER his coronation the king remained for two days at 
Westminster. On April 10, 1413, he went to Sutton 1 where 
he stayed till April 13. On the following day he was at 
Uxbridge 2 and on the 15th at Langley. By May 14 he 
had moved to Kennington and on the next morning 3 he 
attended the opening of his first Parliament in the Painted 
Chamber 4 of the Palace at Westminster. 

Thirty-eight secular barons had been summoned, the list 
being in all respects identical with that issued by the late 
king 5 , except that the name of Thomas Nevil Lord Furnival 
now disappears, he having died six years before 6 , though 

1 See Wylie, iv. 12, 548. 

2 Woxbrigge, Exch. Accts. 406/24, 5. For 6s. 8d. paid to Nicholas Talbot hospit' dm 
pro pejoracione domus, ibid. 406/2 1 , m. 30. 

3 Rot. Parl. iv. 3; Ott. 273;' Wals. ii. 290; Hypodig. 438; Goodwin, 5; Pauli, v. 
77; Stubbs, iii. 83; Tyler, ii. 6. Not May 14, as Gairdner, Lollardy, i. 71. 

4 Otherwise called St Edward's Chamber, from a tradition that Edward the Confessor 
died in it, the Great Chamber, or the King's Chamber, Barnard, 338; Lethaby, 258. 
It was called camera depicla from the wall paintings or " histories" (Lethaby, 259) repre- 
senting the coronation of Edward the Confessor and various biblical subjects, painted by 

250, 200; ^ust, ^at., 133; Arcnaeologia, 1. 5; Burlington Mag., vn. 263; cf. in cujus 
parietibus sunt omnes historic bellicae totius biblise ineffabiliter depicts, Simeonis, 5 
(written in 1322); Lethaby, 263, who gives an account of the subjects. For an account 
of it in Sept. 1819, see Neale, ii. 60. For a specimen of the paintings copied by Stothard 
in that year now in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, copies of which by Crocker 
are now in the University Galleries at Oxford, see Barnard, 337, Plate LXXV; Lethaby, 
260. For pictures of armed men from it, see Knight, London, vi. 122; Roujoux, ii. 99; 
also tapestry, Wright and Smith, 407. For pictures of it both exterior and interior with 
tapestry and hangings in 1800, see J. T. Smith, 45, 4 8, 50, and Plates (1807, 1809); 
Wright and Smith, 141; also after the fire in 1834 with vaults underneath, see Besant, 
Westminster, 41, 44, 47. 
8 Dugd. Summons, 386-9. 

8 V e - in March, 1407, Wylie, ii. 113. Not 1406, as Purey-Cust, i. 171. For Furnival 
s in York Minster, see ibid. i. 169. For his wife Joan, daughter of William de Fur- 
mvale, see Baildon, Site, 29. 


The Earl Marshal 21 

summons had continued to issue automatically for his 
appearance in the three Parliaments that had met since his 
death. One new name however is added, viz. that of the 
Earl Marshal John Mowbray 1 . He was now nearly 24 
years of age and had just received his lands within a few 
days of the late king's death 2 . He was thus able to take 
his place of honour at the coronation ceremonies 3 of the 
new king, where his presence would be an indication to the 
country that the bitter feud that had caused the banishment 
of both their fathers at Coventry 4 had been appeased in the 
persons of the sons and that the great family of Mowbray 
had at length tacitly acknowledged the usurpation of the 
house of Lancaster as a fact beyond recall 5 . The writs to 
archbishops, bishops, abbots and judges present no new 
feature except that a summons was now first addressed to 
William Lodington 6 who had just been made a King's 
serjeant 7 and was soon afterwards appointed a judge of 
Common Pleas 8 . 

According to the returns now extant 9 74 knights of 
the shire assembled, representing 37 counties 10 , while 182 

1 Pat. 2 H. V, i. 9, July 3, 1414, refers to his mother Elizabeth (i.e. Fitzalan, Doyle, 
ii. 582), Duchess of Norfolk, as the wife of Gerard Usflete (or Ousefleet). They had 
jointly sued Richard Housewyf of Rothley for a debt of ^40, temp. Henry IV, Priv. Seal 
658/1 1, April 6, 1413. In Claud. C. x. p. 285, quoted in Bree, 67, she is now (circ. 1415) 
the wife of Gerard Usflete, kt., spelt "Usseflete" in Pat. 4 H. V, 19 d, July 17, 1416, 
where he is on a commission to enquire into a charge of taking hares, rabbits, pheasants, 
and partridges from a warren at, Ampthill (Beds.); or Ursflett, MS. Bodl. 7440 (i.e. 
Glover's Agincourt Roll), see Nicolas, 402; not "Ufflet,"as Brook, 23; also "Urseflete" 
in Exch. Accts. 45/1. For his arms in York Minster, see Purey-Cust, ii. 417. 

2 Glaus, i H. V, 23, April n, 1413; Pat. i H. V, iv. 14, Nov. 24, 1413, shows that 
he had proved his age. Cf. Diet. Nat. Biogr., xxxix. 221 ; Wylie, ii. 30, note 3. 

3 He received a silver-gilt alms dish valued at 25 marks for his coronation fee, Rym. 
ix. 3. 

4 For the lists at Gosford Green, see Reader, 19; Royal Visits, 6; M. D. Harris, 131 ; 
called "that singular affair" in Harcourt, 185. For account of it, see Brett, 46. For 
picture of the banishment from Harl. MS. 4380, f. 148, see S. A. Smith, 404. For 
Milan armour ordered by Henry of Bolingbroke for these lists, see J. S. D. Scott, i. 214; 
Wylie, iv. 139. For fancy picture of the combat, see Cassell, i. 438. 

5 Goldwin Smith, i. 256. 

6 Dugd. Summons, 390. 

7 Dugd. Chron. Ser. 57, from Liberate Roll i H. V, m. 6. 

8 i.e. June 16, 1415, Foss, iv. 206, from Dugd. Orig., 46; Chron. Ser., 58. He died 
in 1419. For his brass at Gunby near Spilsby in Lincolnshire, see Cambridge Camden 

9 Return Parl. i. 278-80, though it is obvious that the absence of a return is not 
always evidence of the absence of members, e.g. the names of members elected for the 
City of London in the Parliaments of 1410, 1411, and 1414 appear in Letter Book I, 81, 
95, 121, though not found in Return Parl. i. 274, 276. 

10 In Cleop. C. iv. 116, the number of counties in England is given as 36^. For 37 
shires and no cities and boroughs represented in the "Model Parliament" of 1295, see 
C. R. L. Fletcher, 202. 

22 Parliament at Westminster [CH. in 

burgesses came up from 89 cities and boroughs 1 . No new 
names of any note occur in the lists, but Alderman Drew 
Barentin 2 the goldsmith was there as a representative of the 
City of London, Roger Leche sat for Derbyshire 3 , John 
Doreward for Essex 4 , Thomas Chaucer (who still retained the 
office of Chief Butler 8 ) for Oxfordshire, John Leventhorpe 6 

1 The claim of Colchester to exemption from sending representatives was confirmed 

n ^When an Apprentice his Christen name had been enrolled by mistake as Andrew, 
Letter Book I, pp. viii, 6; Riley, Mem. 553- In Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Dec. 23, 1415 
he farms the agistment (i.e. fees for pasturing) in Wathngton Park near Thame which 
was near to hi* property at Haseley, see Wylie, ii. 478, note 6. In Exch. Accts. 46/38 
he is referred to as dead after Nov. 19, 1416, his widow being named Christian or Christina 
(Claus. 4 H. V, 15; 8 H. V, 17, May 22, 1420, where she is to receive her dower. She 
did her homage Nov. 17, 1416, Claus. 4 H. V, 10, 15). For intermarriage of the Baren- 
tins of Haseley with the Sussex family of Lewknor, see W. D. Cooper, 134. For Richard 
Bronte, appointed parker of Ryxburgh (i.e. Princes Risborough near Aylesbury) in place 
of William Leukenore, see Priv. Seal 664/698, Nov. 10, 1416. For action brought by 
Reynold Barantyn against William Randolf, executor of Drew Barantyn, see Early Chanc. 
Proc. i. 10 ; also against Nicholas Wotton, late mayor of London (i.e. 1415-16), re lands 
of Drew Barantyn in London, ibid. i. 20. Drew Barentyn left no son and his widow was 
officially examined per Ttbera et ventrem by women in the presence of certain knights to 
certify that she was not pregnant. After which the heir was declared to be his nephew 
Reginald the son of his brother Thomas, who took the oath of fealty on Aug. 16, 1416 
(Priv. Seal 665/706; Claus. 6 H. V, 3, 18, June 5, 1418, Feb. 14, 1419). For Reginald 
Barentyn esquire of Oxfordshire (Hardy and Page, i. 178), collector of tenths and fifteenths 
in that county, see Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., May 4, 1415; 6 H. V, Mich., Feb. 13, 1419. 
For his brass at Chalgrove near Wallingford (1441), see Macklin, 156. Besides his estates 
in Bucks, and Oxon. Drew Barentin owned property in Staining Lane, known as the Jews' 
Garden or burying place (Stow, Kingsford, i. 301), or Jewen Garden (now Jewin Street), 
at the west end of St Giles' Church in Cripplegate and a hospitium and shops in Alders- 

re, Inq. p. Mort. iv. 23. Both he and his wife were buried in the parish church of 
John Zachary (or Sacharies, Stow, Kingsford, i. 303, 305; ii. 141) at the corner of 
Foster Lane and Maiden Lane, one of the churches that was not rebuilt after the fire 
(Stow, iii. 06, 120). His house was near the church and adjoined the Goldsmiths' 

8 Wylie, iv. 478. On March 21, 1413, he was appointed a Justice of the Peace for 
Staffordshire and Derbyshire, Pat. i H. V, i. 35 d. He also represented Derbyshire in 
the Westminster Parliament in Nov. 1414, Return Parl. i. 283. On May 29, 1415, he 
was a commissioner for arraying the forces of Derbyshire, Rym. ix. 253 [255]. For arms 
of Leche of Chatsworth, see Lysons, Magn. Brit. V. cxxxiv. 

4 Wylie, iv.424, not Dorewood, as Manning, 24; Mowbray, i. 115, 116, 125; Dasent, 
pp. xxiii, 125. Called Durward in Rym. ix. 253 [255], where he is a commissioner for 
arraying the forces of Essex on May 29, 1415; also Nicolas, App. 18, where he lends 
money to the king. For John son of William Doreward (Essex), see Claus. 4 H. V, 22 d, 
May 14, 1416. He died in 1420 (8 H. V), Inq. p. Mort. iv. 81. In 1415 he owned the 
manor of Bocking near Braintree, Inq. Ad Quod Damn. (List), ii. 743. For his widow 
Isabel, see Claus. 8 H. V, r, March 10, 1420, where he is defunctus; also March 3, 1421, 
ibid. m. 2. 

8 See App. E. 

8 Return Parl. i. 279; Clutterbuck, I, xxvi. He came from the neighbourhood of 
Bradford in the West Riding of Yorkshire and bought the manor of Shingey or Shingle 
near Sawbridgeworth about 1392, Chauncy, 181 (not 1420, as Cussans, Braughing, 82), 
where he died on May 27, 1433, Weever, 549; Chauncy, 178; Clutterbuck, iii. 206; 
ussans, Braughing, 94. For his brass in Sawbridgeworth church, see Gough, II. ii. 104 ; 
Mackhn, 156; Wylie, iv. 116, note 7. It contains a shield with the royal arms of Eng- 
land which is not to be taken as an evidence that he belonged to the family of Plantagenet, 
; Bray, Beauties, vii. 214 ; Cussans, Braughing, 82, which is rightly called "a whimsical 

I 4 T 3] 

The Commons 23 

for Hertfordshire and Thomas Rempston 1 the younger 
for Notts., while Alexander Lound' 2 who had crushed 
the Earl of Northumberland at Bramham Moor 3 again 
appeared for Yorkshire. Bristol chose merchants as its 
members, Northampton and Southampton were respec- 
tively represented by a dyster 4 , a maltman and an armourer, 

mistake" by Waller. It is merely an indication that he was in the King's service (i.e. as 
Receiver General), see Wylie, iv. 480. For other examples, see Gent. Mag. 1840, N.S. 
xiii. 140; see also tomb of Witasse de Gitry at Senlis with 3 fleurs de lys in the belt as a 
King's sergeant, Willemin, ii. 160. For blazon of "Leyvynthorpe," see Harl. MS. 4205, 
f. 35. In Rec. Roll 7 H. V, Mich., Feb. 3, 1420, John Leventhorpe is connected with 
loans from the hundred of Braughing (Herts.). For references to him in connection with 
Essex, see Pat. 6 H. V, 14 d. For John Lalesbury parson of Storteford, John de Leven- 
thorpe esquire, and others in a suit re the manor of Thorley near Bishop Stortford, see 
Early Chanc. Proc. i. 19. For Leventhorpe's suit in connection with riots at Wednesbury 
(Staffs.), see ibid. i. 27. For an action at Maldon (Essex) on Oct. 7, 1437, by John 
Leventhorpe and his wife Catharine against John Dale Prior of Leghis (i.e. Little Leighs 
near Chelmsford), see Maldon Town Records, Bundle 423/no. 2, in Essex Herald, April 
18, 1905, though Leventhorpe died in 1433 ( u * sup-} an( l his wife Catharine on Oct. 5th 
or i.5th, 1431, Clutterbuck, iii. 208, called Aug. 29, 1431, in Chauncy, 181, or Oct. 5, 
1437, in Cussans, Braughing, 94, who calls her the daughter of John Hotost (p. 82, or 
Hotoft, see P. 18, note 9; Inq. p. Mort. iv. 216, 226), though her father's name is usually 
given as Twitchet, Chauncy, 181 ; Clutterbuck, iii. 208. Their son John Leventhorpe 
married Joan Barrington who died in 1448. For mandate to the Abbot of Westminster 
(May 24, 1443) to deliver up to him 2 coffers containing evidences touching inheritance of 
the Duchy of Lancaster which his father had delivered to Abbot Richard Harowden by 
command of Henry V, see Hist. MSS. Report, iv. 190. 

1 Wylie, ii. 481, note 2, not Rempton, as Belleval, 361. For his retinue (8 + 24) at 
Southampton in July 1415, see Exch. Accts. 45/5; Nicolas, Agincourt, 383. They are 
mostly yeomen from Notts, and Derbyshire, Glaus. 4 H. V, 13, where they are shipped in 
the Marye de Harflet in 1416. He was present at the siege of Rouen in 1418, Rym. ix. 
595-6, and was chamberlain to the Duke of Bedford in France in 1424, Beaurepaire, 
Administration, 171, 224. For drowning of his father Thomas Rempston in 1406, 
see Wylie, ii. 480 not 7 H. IV (i.e. 1405) as Bree, 78, quoting Harl. MS. 235, p. 266, 
where he is called Remton; Ros (296) thinks that he "had been in his barge to the court 
at Westminster to solicit a reprieve for a State prisoner under sentence of death " but 
gives no reference. 

2 For confirmation of grant to him (40 marks p. a.), see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., 
Dec. i, 1413; also 2 casks of red Gascon wine, Pat. i H. V, iii. 7; Glaus, i H. V, 8, 
June 12, 1413. For authority to the Sheriff of Yorkshire to pay money to him and 
Henry Lound, John Mosdale (Constable of Scarborough, Wylie, ii. 276), John Selby, 
and John Skipton, see Rym. ix. 248, May 16, 1415. For indenture with him dated 
May 13, 20, 23, 1415, to serve with the king in France with 2 + 6, see Rym. ix. 244, 250; 
Exch. Accts. 45/5 (4); Nicolas, Agincourt, 381 ; two of whom fell ill at Harfleur, Exch. 
Accts. 45/1. For indenture April 29, 1415, and retinue of Henry Lound (3 archers only), 
see Exch. Accts. 45/5, 46/40; Nicolas, 381, in handwriting of Sir Simon d'Ewes (1602- 
1650) in which he is joined with John Clement, Robert Helion, William Burgoyne, John 
Asto (sic} ( = Aske, Nicolas, Agincourt, 375), and Robert Ashfelde, see Harl. Charters, 
43, E. 39. He is called Londe in Nicolas, 350, but Lound in Fifty Wills, 52, where, 
under the will of Roger Salvayn of York, Oct. 26, 1420, he is to have a black gown furred 
with funes (i.e. foynes = weasels, Wylie, iv. 345), cf. pro novo epitogo de viridi velvetto 
de mottele pulverisat' et furrat' cum foygnes, Harcourt, 445, and a habergoun of Mylen 
(i.e. Milan). For ung hauberjon d'acier de Milan, see Toulgoet-Treanna, 116. For 
Alexander Lound of South Cave near Hull in list of Yorkshire gentry (1433), see Fuller, 
Worthies, ii. 523. 

3 Wylie, iii. 155. 

4 Cf. Wylie, ii.' 4 1 3. 

24 Parliament at Westminster [CH. in 

and Wallingford' sent up Lewis John 2 the vintner 3 who 
was now one of the collectors of customs for the port of 

London 4 . , r>- u 

At the opening of the session the Chancellor, Bishop 
Beaufort, discoursed to the assembled members from the 
text 8 - "Stable counsel before deed 6 ." The new kings 
policy, he said, would be, as his dead father had urged to 
foster his friends and fight his foes and he now sought their 
advice so that he might do what was best for himself and 
for the realm. Let the knights, citizens and burgesses 
therefore meet in their usual place in the Chapter- House 7 
of the adjoining Abbey at 7 o'clock on the following 
morning to choose their Speaker and the king would see 
him at 8. 

On the next day the Commons met accordingly and 
chose William Stourton 8 one of the representatives for the 

1 Return Parl., i. 278. 

2 Wylie, iv. 93. In Pat. i H. V, v. 12; Claus. i H. V, 3, Jan. i, 1414, Ludovicus 
Johan has married Alesia, widow of Francis Court, knight (who is defunctus in Claus. 
i H. V, 18, Sept. 18, 1413; Priv. Seal 659/161, Dec. 7, 1413, see Wylie, iv. 417) with- 
out permission, but is pardoned on payment of 5 marks, his son Thomas being then under 
age. In Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 31, the custody of the manors of Lockerley and Tytherley in 
West Hampshire, which had been granted to Sir Francis Court and his wife Joan on 
Nov. 3, 1402 (CaL Pat. H. IV, i. 49; Inq. p. Mort. iv. 129), is granted to Lewis John on 
Oct. 6, 1414, to reckon from Dec. 7, 1414. In Claus. i H. V, 2, Feb. 15, 1414, Ludo- 
vicus John goes bail in ^40 for Drew Barentin, William Waldern, and others who have 
bought goods captured from Genoese under letters of marque. In the Westminster 
Parliament, Nov. 1414, Lodowicus Jon' is one of the representatives of Southampton 
county (i.e. Hampshire), Return Parl. i. 283. In Nov. 1414 he was allowed to retain 
his possessions in England as a freeman of London (Frank Homme de Loundres) in spite 
of the statute of 1401 (Wylie, i. 171), both his father and mother being Welsh, the 
same privilege being granted also to John Montgomery and John Stiward, esquires. 

3 For .224. os. ii\d. (sic) and &i. os. \qd. (sic) for wine bought from him, see Iss. 
Roll i H. V, Pasch. and Mich., May 31, 1413, Feb. 19, 1414, Exch. Accts. 406/21 (i). 
For his claim (40 marks) for wine supplied to Hemy IV still unpaid in Nov. 1414, see 
Rot. Parl. iv. 37 ; Cotton, Abridg. 540. 

4 In Rec. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 16, March 8, 1414, he is late collector. 

8 Called " the absurd practice of opening Parliament with a political speech introduced 
by a Scripture text," Foss, iv. 359. 

6 Ecclesiasticus, xxxvii. 16 (20), "Biforn alle deed stable counseil." "A stedfast 
council go bifore ech dede," Scotichron. iv. 1188, 1190, 1191, where the reference is given 
as Eccles. xxxi. with two readings, viz. "Ante actum concilium stabili" and "Ante 
omnem actum praecedat te concilium stabile." Cf. Cone. iii. 380, "stabili," Rot. Parl. 
iv. 3 ; " stabilire," Cotton, 534. Cf. " He shal his wittis stable," Gower in Urry, Chaucer, 
541; "that formeth and stabelyth Kinges," Brampton, 35 (written in 1414); "the foun- 
dation and stablyng of the foresaid Almshouse," Stow, London, iii. 4 ; "the lawe ystablid," 
Secreta, 135, 178; " stablyt and confermyd," ibid. 140, 147; "ordeyned and stabled," 
Lett. Bk. I, 294. 

7 It had been set apart for them in 1333 and is called their ancient place of meeting 
" 1377, J- T. Smith, 141, 226. 

8 For account of him, see Mowbray, 98-166. 

1413] Speaker S tour ton . 25 

county of Dorset 1 whose lands lay on the border of Dorset- 
shire, Wiltshire and Somerset 2 . In 1402 he had been 
Steward of Wales ; he appeared as a representative of 
Wiltshire in one of the Great Councils held in the reign of 
Henry IV 3 , and he was one of those substantial west- 
countrymen to whom the Duke of York had applied for a 
loan when matters were desperate at Carmarthen in 1404*. 
He now protested before the king that he had but small 
estate and little knowledge and that he was bodily too weak 
for the office of Speaker. Henry however insisted that he 
should take it up as his fellows had chosen him and he 
accordingly accepted as his duty required. But his pro- 
testation soon proved to have been based on real grounds 
for on June 3 5 the Commons reported that he was lying in 
his bed so ill that he could no longer retain his post and 
John Doreward was appointed Speaker in his stead. He 
was afterwards removed to his home at Stourton 6 in the ex- 
treme western border of Wiltshire where he died on Sept. 
1 8, 14 1 3*, and was buried in the neighbouring Carthusian 
Priory at Witham 8 . 

1 He sat for Dorsetshire in 1410 and 1413, Return Parl. i. 274, 278; also Somerset, 
1401-2; and Wilts. 1407, Mowbray, i. 114, 117. 

2 For list of his manors in Dorset, Hampshire, Somerset, and Wilts., see Inq. p. Mort. 
iv. 5. He owned Broadway, Olore Magna (near Weymouth) and Buckhorn Weston 
(near Shaftesbury), Hutchins, ii. 486; iv. 1 16, and had married in 1397 Elizabeth daughter 
of Sir John Moigne of Maddington (Wilts. ) and Great Easton near Dunmow, Manning, 54 ; 
Mowbray, i. 98, 105. 

3 i.e. in 1403, Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 87. 

4 Wylie, i. 457; Ord. Priv. Co. i. 273; Mowbray, i. no. 

5 Rot. Parl. iv. 5 ; Cotton, 535. 

6 For picture of Stourton House in 1674, see Hoare, iv. Addenda; Aubrey, 390, 
Plate xxxvii ; Jackson, Leland, 63; Mowbray, i. 24, 171,514. It adjoined the 6 springs 
of the Stour, 3 of which are in Somersetshire and 3 in Wilts., which appear heraldically 
in the arms of the family, Aubrey, 380, Plate xxxvi ; Mowbray, i. 3. The house was 
burnt down in 1720. For a huge bone (2 ft. long) formerly kept there but destroyed 
when the museum was burnt down in 1867, probably a fossil from the adjoining oolite 
formation, but attributed to one of the giants of the house of Stourton or an elephant 
brought into Britain by the Romans, see Aubrey, 390 ; Hoare, iv. Addenda, p. 7 ; Gent. 
Mag., May 1826, p. 497; Mowbray, i. 6. 

7 Mowbray, i. 98, 165; Hoare, Mere Hundred, i. 48-9 (not 1403, as ibid. 44). For 
his will dated July 20, 1410, proved Sept. 22, 1413, see Mowbray, 98, 165-6, in which 
he desired to be buried in the cloister at Witham naked except for a linen cloth to cover 
him absque herceo sive aliquo alio apparatu, and with 5 wax candles burning at his 

8 i.e. Witham Friary near Frome, Collinson, ii. 232-6; Lewis, Topogr. Diet. iv. 631; 
Wakeman, 171 ; called Witham in Selwood in Rym. ix. 307 ; Wills of Kings, 217. For 
grants to it of the alien priories of Spetisbury (near Blandford) and Monks Toft (near 
Norwich) by Henry V, and Warmington (near Banbury) by Henry VI, see Monast. vi. 
i; vii. 1046; Collinson, ii. 233. 

26 Parliament at Westminster [CH. in 

On May 22' the Commons prayed the king to secure 
better tranquillity against rioting in the country, having 
special regard to a recent disturbance raised by the towns- 
o P lk o CiLcester against their Abbot* and they reminded 
him how graciously his father had formerly promised to 
grant this fequest though the king himself would know how 
ill that promise had been kept. 

It will be remembered that in the struggle of 1404 ' 
sum of ^12,000 per annum had been earmarked as a nrst 
charge upon the revenue of the country to pay for the cost 
of the Royal Household and again when Henry IV was for 
the moment set aside in I 4 o6 4 he had been allowed to keep 
,6000 per annum to meet his personal expenses while the 
income tax granted in 1411' for his separate use was sti 
being collected at the time of his death 6 . But the futility 
of the whole arrangement is proved by the fact that he 
died in debt 7 and that his executors 8 were unable to pay 
any of his bequests and consequently declined to administer 
his estate. Whereupon arose the danger that all his assets 
would have to be realised to satisfy the actual demands of 
his creditors. In order to save the risk of such a scandal 
and to rescue the late king's soul from so grave a peril 9 a 
valuation was made according to which the new king agreed 

1 Rot. Parl. iv. 4. 

z For several townsmen of Cirencester bound under penalties of 40 not to do any- 
wrong (malwii) to their Abbot, see Glaus, r H. V, 38 d, April 13, 1413. For commission 
of enquiry under Chief Justice Hankford, Gilbert Talbot of Irchenfield and others dated 
June 12, 1413, see Pat. i H. V, i. -20 d. For temporalities granted to William Best, a 
Canon of the Augustinians of St Mary, Cirencester, elected Abbot, see Rym. ix. 351, 
May 21, 1416. 

3 Wylie, i. 4 r2j Oman, Polit. Hist. 188. 

4 Wylie, ii. 477. 5 Wylie, iv. 42. 

6 Rec. Roll i H. V, Pasch., June 9, 1413. For payments to messengers in reference 
to the collection of it, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 17, 1413. 

7 Not that "he had carefully hoarded gold," as Belloc, 164. For 868. 14.?. -$\d. due 
for wine to Thomas Chaucer, Lewis John and John Sriypston, and 447. 17^. icx/. for 
wine, cloth, &c. to Mark Le Feyre, none of whom had been able to get their money by 
Nov. 1414, see Rot. Parl. iv. 37, 40; Cotton, Abridg. 540. For other accounts for spices, 
peltry, &c., see Rot. Parl. iv. 67, 75, 76, Nov. 1415 and March 1416. 

8 i.e. Archbishop Bowet, Bishop Langley, Sir John Pelham, Robert Waterton and 
John Leventhorpe, with King Henry V and Archbishop Arundel as supervisors, Rym. ix. 
9, 10; Rot. Parl. iv. 5, 37, 40, 75, 76, 323; Cotton, 535, 540; Goodwin, 6; Cal. Pat. 
H. VI, i. 188. In the first will the Prince was made sole executor, Wylie, iii. 235. 
For subsequent appointment of Archbishop Chichele and Bishop Beaufort to supervise 
the executors' accounts and give a release, see Rym. ix. 140, June 16, 1414. 

9 Rot. Parl. iv. 40. Cf. summa excrescens (i.e. after the estate had been taxed to its 
full value) debitis solutis in salutem animae suse converteretur, Denifle Auct. ii. 255, where 
the English nation in the University of Paris administers the will of one of its members 
who had died intestate and sine hrerede in 1418. 

I 4 I 3] 

Debts 27 

to pay ,16,666. 135. 4*/. 1 to the executors in four annual 
instalments and in return to keep all his father's effects in 
his own hands, it being understood that household debts 
should be paid first as the late king had expressly enjoined 2 
and that legacies should be considered subsequently if any- 
thing remained over. There is a fine picturesqueness about 
this filial act which would seem to be an earnest of that real 
heart-conversion of the new king which was believed to 
have whipped the old offending Adam out of him, but the 
brightness of the deed is dimmed when we discover that he 
only paid a quarter of the stipulated sum to the executors 3 
and never even cleared off his own previously contracted 
liabilities 4 though it is evident that he must have been im- 
mensely the gainer by the will transaction even if he had 
fulfilled his engagement to the letter. 

It was perhaps in connection with this dramatic bargain 
that the Commons now agreed to allow a fixed sum of 
io,ooo 5 to be allotted every year for the expenses of the 

1 Pat. i H. V, ii. 14; Rym. ix. 9, May 15, 1413; Rot. Parl. iv. 37, 40. 

2 Mea solve debita, Strecche 264 b; debita patris tui fideliter solvas, Capgr. de Illustr. 
no; Church, 43; Wylie, iv. 105. 

3 Rot. Parl. iv. 172, 324 shows that at his death in 1422, 19,000 marks were still due 
by him to his father's executors, also Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 158, Oct. 20, 1423. For receipt 
for ,4000 given by Archbishop Bowet as one of them dated May 15,' 1414 (enrolled 
July 19, 1414, Devon, 334), see Dep. Keep. 45th Rept. p. 317 from Excheq. Treas. of 
Receipt Box 13, no. 384. For payments to creditors of Thomas More late custos 
hospit. (or garderobse) regis, see Iss. Roll 7 H. V, Mich., Nov. 22, 30, 1419; Feb. 22, 

4 Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 315; Wylie, iii. 325. For ^260 paid to Benet Spine, a merchant 
of Bordeaux on May 29, 1415, for advances made to him when Prince of Wales, see 
Rot. Vase. 3 H. V, 3; Gesta xvii. from Priv. Seal 3 H. V; also ^826. 13^. 4^. repaid to 
Bishop Beaufort on Jan. 27, 1414, Devon, 329. For payments to creditors of Simon 
Bache (Rym. ix. 357; Wylie, iv. 378) and John Ikelington as treasurers of Henry 
when Prince of Wales (Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 329), see Iss. Roll 7 H. V, Pasch. and 
Mich., May i, 1419, Feb. 19, 1420. In Pat. 2 H. V, i. 19, May 29, 1414, Simon Bache 
is jam defunctus. For references to him as late Treasurer of the Hostel to the King when 
he was Prince of Wales, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Dec. 20, 1415; Pat. 4 H. V, 17; 
Priv. Seal 664/653, May 15, 1416 (also Ikelington). For his brass at Knebworth (Herts.), 
of which he was Rector (Cussans, Broadwater, 123), see Clutterbuck, ii. 381 ; Cussans, 
116; Macklin, 147; also Transactions of Monumental Brass Society, iii. 106. He 
died May 19, 1414, having held the prebends of Tachbrook (Lichfield), Spaldwick or 
Sanctse Crucis (Lincoln), and Caddington Minor (St Paul's), the latter since July 25, 1406, 
Cal. Pat. H. IV, iii. 215; Hennessy, 19, xxvii; Le Neve, i. 628; ii. 200, 372. For John 
Bache, priest, instituted to the parish of Oldbury near Birmingham, Aug. 18, 1401, see 
Bund, 380. 

5 Rot. Parl. iv. 5; Priv. Seal 5 II. V (870). Cf. "notwithstanding the preferrence 
[or preferrement] of ^"10,000 granted unto us," Chancery Warrants, Ser. I. 1364/43, 46, 
50, 57, 63, 67, 73. This is said to have been less than a third of the late king's expendi- 
ture, Ramsay, i. 165; Cotton (535) translates it as if it were for the payment of annuities 
alone, but though the wording is obscure, a comparison with Rot. Parl. iii. 528 shows that 
this item was not meant to be included. Iss. Roll r H. V, Mich., Jan. 27, 1414, records 
payment of /8ooo to the king. 

28 Parliament at Westminster [CH. in 

Royal Hostel, Chamber and Wardrobe, the Keeper of the 
Great Wardrobe being Thomas Carnika 1 who had been the 
king's General Receiver when he was Prince of Wales . 
His official duties were largely performed by his deputy 
John Dalton 8 and two months later he was made Dean ot 
Wells 4 but he died on September 16, 14 13", and was suc- 
ceeded as Keeper of the Great Wardrobe by an esquire 
John Spenser 6 who had been controller of Henry's House- 
hold as Prince of Wales and whose appointment is dated 
October i, 14 13'. 

The next point that exercised the attention ot the 
Commons was the old trouble about expelling foreigners 
and they prayed that the law 8 might be strictly enforced ; 
to which the king offered no objection provided that they 

1 For ;iooo borrowed for the king's expenses per Thomas Carnika (or Karnika) the 
king's wardrober, see Rec. Roll r H. V, Pasch., May 13, 1413. For his appointment on 
March 21, 1413, with a salary of 20 per annum, see Pat. i H. V, i. 26; Iss. Roll i H. V, 
Pasch., May 4 , 20, 1413, where he is called Clerk of the Great Wardrobe. Called Carvica 
in For. Accts. p. 105, which refers to his account as Keeper of the Great Wardrobe in 

2 ' Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., May 1,1415. For Thomas Carnyca, clerk, in 1400 (2 H. IV) 
see Hardy-Page, i. 170. For payments to Hotspur as Warden of Berwick in 1401-2 per 
manus Thomse Carnika, see Rec. Roll (Auditors) a fragment entered as 3 H. V in Public 
Record Office Catalogue but really belonging to 3 H. IV. He is called John Carnyka 
in Exch. Accts. 106/24 (2), where he is custos of the Great Wardrobe in Oct. 1413. 

3 For Carnika's and Dalton's account (^698 1) for bed-furniture, pellure, and cloth for 
liveries, see Exch. Accts. K.R. 406/15. For receipt by Treasurer from John Dalton, 
clerk to Thomas Carnyka, for certain lands i H. V, see Exch. Accts. K.R. 335/11. 

4 i.e. on the promotion of Richard Courtenay to be Bishop of Norwich, Le Neve, i. 
152, where he is called Karneke. 

6 Exch. Accts. 406/15; Angl. Sacr. i. 589; Monast. ii. 283. For William Tiller, one 
of his executors, see Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., July 5, 1415. In For. Accts. 3 H. V he 
is late Keeper of the Wardrobe. For payments to Robert Frampton (see Wylie, iii. 233) 
for attending in London to audit and complete Carnika's account and for superintending 
domains of the Duchy of Cornwall for 3 years, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., May i, 1415. 
For Robert Frampton, an auditor for the Earl of Stafford, May 6, 1403, see Clark, Great 
Waltham, 12. In the Subsidy Roll of 1412 he owns property in London yielding 6os. 
per annum, Archaeol. Journ. xliv. 69. Carnika was succeeded as Dean of Wells on 
Nov. 8, 1413, by Walter Medford (or Metford, Angl. Sacr. ii. 589) who died in 1423. 
For his will dated Dec. 15, 1421, proved July 14, 1423, see Le Neve, i. 152. Medford 
appears as Archdeacon of Dorset (appointed Aug. 20, 1397, Le Neve, ii. 639) ; Treasurer 
of St Paul's, Feb. 12, 1401 (Le Neve, ii. 354); Chancellor of Salisbury, Sept. 26, 1402 
(ibid. 650); Archdeacon of Salisbury, Dec. 14, 1404 (ibid. 624); and Archdeacon of 
Berkshire, Dec. 1404 (ibid. 634). He held prebends at St Paul's in 1417, 1418 (ibid. i. 
37*, 4 2 ?)- He attended the Council at Constance, and on Dec. 7, 1417, was appointed 
-Papal Collector in England for the new Pope, Martin V, Letter Book I, 193. For a 
document dated London Feb. 20, 1420 (i.e. 1421), in which he is Dean or Provost of the 
Collegiate Church of St Cybi at Holyhead (Wylie, ii. 66), see Harl. MS. 862, f. 78 b. 
In this he appoints Walter Swafham Archdeacon of Bangor (since 1398, Le Neve, i. 113) 
and Thomas Howell Archdeacon of Anglesey (d. 1427, ibid. i. 114) as his attorneys. 

6 Wylie, iv. 542. 

7 Pat. i H. V, iii. 12 ; Rym. ix. 271 ; Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 25, 1413, where 
he is called Clerk of the Great Wardrobe, also Rec. Roll 3 Ii. V, Pasch., Sept. 3, 1415. 

8 Wylie, i. 411; ii. 425. 

1413] Expulsion 29 

did not infringe his prerogative and left him to make 
exceptions when he liked. Under the grip of this ex- 
pulsion fever all Welshmen and Irishmen were ordered to 
return to their own country before Michaelmas 14 13*, ex- 
ceptions being allowed in the case of those Irishmen who 
had taken either Oxford or Cambridge degrees or who 
were sergeants or apprentices of the law, but Irish 
"chamber deacons 2 " (i.e. private chaplains having benefices 
in Ireland but licensed to beg in England) were required to 
void and help in the defence of their own country. On the 
other hand the usual order had been issued on the first day 
of the reign 3 that no English trader should leave the 
country without express permission first received. On 
June 9, 14 1 3 4 , the Commons voted the subsidy for four 
years at the rate of 435. ^d. on every sack of wool and 
every 240 pelts and 1005. on every last of hides exported 
from the country, foreign merchants 5 paying an extra 6s. 8d. 
in each case. The tonnage remained at 3^. and the 
poundage at is. and both were granted for one year only. 
The boroughs and counties voted their tenths and fifteenths 6 

1 See proclamation dated Sept. 6, 1413, in Glaus, i H. V, 21 d. The latest date for 
their leaving England was subsequently extended to Christmas 1413, see Cal. Pat. H. V, 
i. 122, Nov. 8, 1413, showing many exemptions granted on payment of various sums of 
money to Irish drapers, tailors, brewers, chaplains, slaters, labourers, and fruiterers living 
at Bristol, Coventry, Dunstable, Glaston, Harwich, Leicester, London, Lostwithiel, and 
Steventon. Also many Welshmen at Alcester, Bristol, Shrewsbury and Stoke, including 
Welsh parsons beneficed at Hemingby (Lines.), Moulsoe (Bucks.), Quinton (Gloucester- 
shire), Stewkley (Bucks.), a barber and a whitetawyer at Bristol. On Oct. 16, 1413, the 
Mayor and Aldermen of London passed an ordinance that in future no one should be an 
Alderman unless he was born in England and his father was an Englishman, Letter Book 
I. 117. 

2 Rot. Parl. iv. 13; Stat. ii. 173; Cotton, 537; Fuller, Eccl. Hist., Bk. iv, p. 166; 
Richey, 225 ; Tyler, ii. 241 ; O'Flanagan, i. 81 ; H. F. Berry, 560; Murray, Diet. s.v. ; 
called " Irish beggars " in A. Wood, Hist., i. 557; "lawless Irishmen" in Hook, v. 134. 

3 Claus. r H. V, 36, March 21, 1413; Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., May 4, 1413. For 
order dated Sept. 10, 1413, forbidding Lombards to leave London for abroad, see Claus. 
i H. V, 16. 

4 Rot. Parl. iv. 6 ; Rapin, i. 505 ; Goodwin, 6. Church (60) thinks that they granted 
"a tax on stoneware" (!) which is possibly a mistake for " stapleware," as Cotton, 535. 

5 On Nov. 25, 1413, foreign merchants and the Hansers of the Gildehalla Teutoni- 
corum received the usual confirmation of their chartered privileges on paying 40 marks 
into the Exchequer, Rym. ix. 77. For the Aula Teutonicorum in London see Pauli, 
Pict. 180; Wylie, ii. 72; called Gildalla Theutonicorum, Loftie, i. 173; the Haunce of 
Almain, ibid. i. 172; Highe Duchmen of Pruse, Pol. Songs, ii. 169. For picture of it 
on the waterside, see Hazlitt, Companies, 165. 

6 Dep. Keep. 2nd Rept., App. II, p. 185; Usk, 120; J. E. T. Rogers, 101. Not a 
fifteenth and a half, as Carte, ii. 675. For commissioners appointed July 5, 1413, pro 
una quintadecima integra levand' in London, see Letter Book I, 119. For collectors of 
first half of fifteenth and tenth granted by the laity anno primo, see Rec. Roll i H. V, 
Mich., Nov. 14, 1413; ibid. 3 H. V, Pasch., July 17, 1415. 

3 o Parliament at Westminster [CH. m 

respectively, Northumberland and Cumberla nT being agsun 
specially excused from payment as they had been for the 
last dozen years on account of invasions by the Scots an 
the burning and plundering of, Berwick and 

Wark worth 1 . , , 

Among the petitions 2 sent up one relates to an old 
grievance in regard to the excessive charges^ made by 
archdeacons 3 and other officials in the bishops courts in 
connection with the proving of wills 4 . The question had 
been often brought up in the three preceding reigns 
was now claimed that the legal fee for probate of a will was 
2s. 6d. but that the officials often ran it up to &IO, 20, 
^"40 or sometimes even /ioo. The bishops undertook to 
find a remedy, but when the next Parliament met they 
were still asking for further delay 7 . In October 1414 the 
Convocation of Canterbury under the direction of Arch- 
bishop Chichele arranged for a sliding scale of charges 
increasing from is. up to 20 according to the value of the 
estate 8 but it was not till the spring of 1416 that a remedy 
was enacted by statute 9 after which rules were drawn up 

1 Pat. i H. V, i. it, 13, June 3, 1413; cf - Wylie, i. 192, 299, 406; 11. 116, 433; 
119. For similar exemptions (including Westmoreland) on Dec. 8, 1414, see Cal. Doc. 
Scot., iv. 172, also in the Parliament of Nov. 1415, see ibid. p. 174; Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 21, 
27, Nov. 13, 26, 1415, where Newcastle is specially exempted on account of repairs to 
ruined fortifications, capture of shipping, and fatigue in guarding against surprises 
(insidias) by the Scots. For Newcastle harassed by Scottish balingers, see Ord. Priv. 
Co. ii. 186, Dec. 2, 1415; Pat. 4 H. V, 11, Nov. 20, 1416. 

2 Rot. Parl. iv. 8, 9. 

3 For the Archdeacon as the Bishop's Eye, see Haitze, i. 423. 

4 For incroyables abus que les officialites tolerent dans 1'execution des testaments, 
see Synod of Rheims (1408) in Jadart, 184. For requirement of the bishops in 1236 that 
the parish priest should be present when a will is made, see Cone. i. 638. For claim of 
the bishops to distribute the property of intestates barred by Statute of 1357 in favour 
of "next friends," see Stat. i. 351; Grose, Intestacy, 120. At Sandwich the estates 
of persons who died intestate were administered by the mayor and jurats, Boys, 524; 
Grose, 128. 

5 Rot. Parl. ii. 130, 230, 313; iii. 25, 43; Stat. i. 351. 

6 Said to be SJ. in Rot. Parl. iii. 43 b, cf. Wylie, iii. 236, note 2; ibid. ii. 208, note 8. 
For maximum fee for sealing and engrossing wills (leur seel et escriture) in the Church 
Courts in France, see Aubert, Comp. 149. In a provincial synod held in the Black Friars 
at Perth, July 16, 1420, the universal existing practice in regard to the administration of 
wills was found to be that the estate was divided into 3 parts, (i) going to the widow if 
any, (2) to the children if any, and (3) the remainder to be used for funeral expenses 
including masses (pro exequiis et animd defunctz), paying is. in the to the Bishop for 
confirmation, Cone. iii. 397. 

7 Rot. Parl. iv. 17. Ramsay (i. 165) thinks that the king "refused to cut down the 

8 Usk, 123. 

9 Rot. Parl. iv. 84; Stat. ii. 195. 


Deodands 31 

requiring a systematic inventory 1 of the deceased's effects, 
a proper audit and formal release of the executors and 
fixing 5^. as the maximum charge for insinuation 2 . And 
while on the question of bishops' courts the Commons 
complained that cases of lechery and adultery were punished 
with a 40^. fine, that the country was poor and that offenders 
could not afford to pay so much and ought to get off with a 
flogging instead 3 . In this case also the king undertook to 
bear the grievance in mind and to have the bishops' atten- 
tion called to it forthwith 4 . 

Another curious complaint was directed against an old 
custom 5 which had long prevailed in regard to the perils of 
shipmancraft 6 and had been often appealed against. If a 
death occurred on board a ship whether from the fall of a 
stone 7 , or the snap of a rope 8 , sprit 9 or mast, or if anyone 
fell overboard and was drowned, the ship itself was pre- 
sumed to have caused the mischief and was forfeited as 

1 In 1287 a Synod at Exeter required that the executors should make an inventory of 
the deceased's property within 15 days of the funeral before proceeding to administration 
which was to be completed in \i months, Cone. ii. 155. Cf. faire 1'inventaire des meu- 
bles (in 1396), see Fagniez, Jurisprudence, 36; "ovesque le Inventorie" (in 1415), Rot. 
Parl. iv. 84. For inventory of goods of Thomas Bitton, Bishop of Exeter, who died in 
1307, see Ellacombe; also of Archbishop Bowet, who died Oct. 20, 1423, see Raine, 
Historians, iii. 296, where 53^. ^d, is paid to a clerk of the Chapter at York for registra- 
tion. The earliest extant inventory in connection with wills proved in the Chancellor's 
Court at Oxford dates from 1443, Griffiths, xiii. For inventories of goods at death at 
St Jean d'Angely, Oct. i, Nov. 2, 1412, see Aussy, Reg. iii. 47, 49; also of Nicholas 
Flamel in Paris (1418), see Le Villain, Flamel, 218; also of John Fastolf at Caister (1459), 
see Amyot, 239-272; Paston Letters, i. 467; also of Helewese Samar at Chatham Hall 
near Chelmsford, see Chatham Hall Rolls, Apr. 20, 1308, including live stock, standing 
crops, farm implements, and household furniture. For i6s. paid pour grossoier le testa- 
ment et 1'inventaire out of a total expenditure of ^34. JS. 6ct. for a funeral in Paris in 1380, 
see Douet d'Arc, Enterrement, 139. 

2 i.e. registration, Du Cange s.v. For Archbishop Chichele's order super approbatione 
testamentorum, dated July i, 1416, see Cone. iii. 377; Lyndwood, 71; Duck, 73. Cf. 
de probacon', approbacon' et insinuacon' ac administracon'bonorum etc., Challoner Smith, 
I. ix. For portatio, insinuatio et probatio testamentorum, see ibid. I. xiii. For 28 boxes 
of inventories of testators' goods which executors were bound to exhibit to the officers of 
the Archbishop of Canterbury, see Fifty Wills, p. viii. At Maldon in Essex the executors 
under the will of John Wellys were sued in the town court on June 9, 1421, for non- 
payment of tithes, to which they make answer that everything connected with the will 
has been submitted to arbitrators who settled all matters and fecerunt scribere in registro, 
Maldon Rolls, 13/2. 

3 Guthrie, ii. 448. ^Eneus Sylvius noted that in England fornicators had to do 
penance by walking naked through the streets with a candle in their hand. 

4 Not that he "curbed the power of the Church," as Gesta, p. xxvii. 

8 Rot. Parl. ii. 372 (temp. Ed. III). Une possession quele les rois d'Engleterre ont 
euz d'aunciente, ibid. iii. 121. 

6 Kail, 62. 

7 Par 1'eschier d'une pier, Rot. Parl. iv. 492. 

8 Ibid. iii. 444. 

9 Laud, Troy Book, 373. 

32 Parliament at Westminster [CH. in 

a deodand 1 to the king or the feudal lord within whose 
domain the accident occurred, the proceeds being dispensed 
as alms through regularly appointed officers 2 , while if any 
money was found on the dead man half of it was to go for 
the repose of his soul and the other half to his relations, his 
shoes, knife and girdle passing as perquisites to the watch- 
man and his breeches to the boatswain both of whom were 
responsible for the disposal of the body 3 . The rule was 
probably of very primitive origin, the ship like dumb 
animals 4 or inanimate objects 6 such as sticks, tubs, anchors, 
ladders or windmills, being held responsible for the damage 

1 For deodands or banes (i.e. slayers, Murray, Diet., s.v.), see Letter Book B, xv, 
xvi. They were not finally abolished till 1846 when they were declared by statute to be 
"unreasonable and inconvenient." 

3 Rym. ix. 163. 

3 Black Book of Admiralty, i. 85, 153; iii. 183. 

4 For a donkey tried, condemned and hanged at Dijon in 1405 for having caused the 
death of a child, see Archives historiques, artistiques et litteraires, i. 117, where the hang- 
ing cost i\ francs. For the hanging of a bull in 1313, see Sorel, 272 ; Periaux, 164; also 
at Cantry near Beauvais in 1499, Duranville, Pont de 1'Arche, 35. For a cock publicly 
burnt at Basle in 1474 for laying an egg, such eggs being regarded as peculiarly diabolical 
and supposed to contain serpents, Sorel, 283. For the cursing of rats, moles, frogs, flies, 
crows, caterpillars, field mice, and other pests, ibid. 285, 287, 288; Rittiez, Palais, 47. 
For pigs dressed in men's clothes and burned, hung or buried alive for killing children, 
after being imprisoned and formally tried, see Louandre, i. 181; Sorel, 269, 277, who 
gives an instance (p. 275) in 1386 where the pig was first cut across the snout and fitted 
with a man's mask, the proceedings being justified by reference to the Levitical law. 
For a pig hung by the hams (garts> i.Q.jarret) on the bridge at Pont de 1'Arche in 1408, 
see Duranville, 33. For pigs condemned by the skevins at Abbeville in 1313, 1378, 

1414, 1480, then drawn through the streets and hung up by the hind foot au son de 3 
cloches, see Comite de Travaux Historiques (1899), p. 23, where 60 sous are paid to the 
hangman for the execution. For a pig hung for killing a child at Vaudreuil near Louviers 
Oct. 16, 1408, see Periaux, 163, from Cochon. For a cow burnt in 1349 for worrying a 
child, see Periaux, 164. For another case at Auffay near Dieppe, see C. Beaurepaire, 
Notes, ii. 95. For arms of the lordship of Auffay with picture of the ruined castle, 
see Sarrazin, Jeanne d'Arc, 132, 133, quoting D'Estaintot, Recherches sur Auffray, 
P- 75- 

8 For 6s. Sd. paid by John Day and John Smyth from the value of half-a-cartload of 
arrows which caused the death of Rose Parkyn, see Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., June 15, 

1415. Also 13-r. \d. paid by the Abbot of the Cistercians at Kirkstead (Monast., v. 465) 
near Tattershall, from the value of a windmill (niolendini ventrilici} which caused the 
death of William Cowper of Covenham near Louth, ibid. May 2, 1415. For a stick that 
caused a death at Leicester sold as a deodand and the proceeds given to charity, see 
Bateson, i. 364, 368, and when a child was killed by falling into a tub of hot grout 
(grutk) the tub was sold for $d. and the grout for 5^., ibid. i. 368 ; also a ladder from 
which a man had fallen (4^.), ibid. i. 375. For horses valued at 2cw. and 6*. 8d. respec- 
tively as deodands to the king in 1415 because they had caused the death of a man and 
a child ex casu fortuito, see Ad Quod Damn. 371. For the bell of St Mark's in Florence 
pronounced seditious and carried through the city on a donkey's back, see Rittiez, Palais, 
48. On Aug. 5, 1417, the Mary Knight of Danzig got on a shoal called the "Rantes- 
bourne Shelpe" in the Thames opposite the "Lymehostes" (i.e. Limehouse) near West 
Greenwich and the pilot or lodesman (conductor) who had been taken on at Harwich was 
killed while standing on an anchor which hung from the bows as he was driving a spike 
fafe*) to slack the knot in a rope. He fell and struck his forehead against the fluke and 
the jury found that the anchor had caused his death, assessing its value at /"*, Rilev. 
Mem., 655; Letter Book I, 185. 

1413] Shipping 33 

done by it according to the ancient precepts of the Levitical 
law. It had doubtless often operated humanely in securing 
immunity from risks for all on board, but it was liable to 
result in excessive hardship. A shipowner 1 for instance 
might have paid ^"500 for his vessel 2 and then have to 
forfeit both hull and freight owing to the foolhardiness of 
some drunken loon 3 who got killed in a chance-medley 4 or 
fell overboard through no fault of anybody but himself. 
Such obsolete regulations tended to check all enterprise on 
the part of the shipping interest and the supply of bottoms 
was becoming far too small for the increased requirements 
of England's rapidly expanding trade especially in the port of 
London. The king promised consideration 5 but as the very 
same request came up again some 20 or 30 years later 6 it is 
clear that the consideration did not result in much. 

Reforms were allowed in the matter of purveyance 7 , the 
king's caters 8 being henceforward bound to reckon eight 
bushels of corn to the quarter instead of exacting nine as 
had been their custom previously. The vat when filled 
was not to be heaped 9 but shaved even 10 with a strickle or 

1 Cf. "les owynours," Rot. Parl. iv. 12; "awner," ibid. v. 55; "Then commeth oure 
owner lyke a lorde," Reliq. Antiq. 2 ; Clowes, i. 343. 

2 Rot. Parl. ii. 94. 

3 Par yveresse, Rot. Parl. ii. 346; Bree, 254, from Harl. MS. 21, p. 90; de sa folie, 
Rot. Parl. iii. 94. 

4 Ascun foitz p chaud melle ascun occist autrui en mesme tielx vesselx, Rot. Parl. iv. 
12; tue par ascun autre, ibid. iv. 492; debates, frayes et aultres misgovernaunces, ibid, 
v. 55. For chance medley or chaud medley, see Stephens, Commentaries, iv. 42 ; cf. 
Chauff medley (Kingsford, Chron. 54). At that medle or melle, Laud Troy Book, 
373, 482. 

5 Church (48) thinks that the request was refused. 

6 Rot Parl. iv. 492; v. 55 (1442). 

7 For summary of the Statutes dealing with Purveyance from 1330 onwards, see 
Letter Book I, 288-298, dated Feb. 20, 1424. 

8 See Letter Book I, xliv. 288, 294, 295, where they are also called "takers"; cf. 
"lorrible nom le heignous noun de parveiours des vitailles," "that odyouse name pur- 
veour be chaunged and cald Catour or Buyer," Stat. i. 371 (1362) ; Halliwell, s.v. Acater, 
Cater, Taker. For yeoman of the king's Acatry, see Early Chanc. Proc. i. 46; Murray, 
Diet., s.v. Acatery. For "Cator," see Archaeol. xxviii. 14; Freeman, Exeter, 164. 

9 Token 25 quarters of come for 20 quarters for as mochell as thei mesured every 
bushell heped, Letter Book I, 288. For boisseaus rais v. boisseaux combles, foules v. 
non foules, mensuram calcatam et impulsam, see Delisle, Agric. 541 ; Aussy, Reg. iii. 
224; cf. setiers combles, Affre, Aveyron, i. 225. For the heaped bushel made illegal by 
Statutes of 1834, 1835, see Statutes at Large, Ixxiv. 142; Ixxv. 322. For the "bushel of 
Sudbury measure by hepe," see Barham, 158. For standard weights and measures defined 
12 H. VII, see Stat. ii. 637, all ultimately based on the sterling or pennyweight (or 2oth 
part of an ounce) which must weigh "32 comes of dry wheat that growe in the middes of 
the eare of the whete according to the olde lawe of the land," Wylie, iv. 44. The carat 
was originally a pea-pod (siliqua). For Hanse Carat, goldsmith in Paris 1392, see Add. 
Ch. 2092. 

10 Rasee et nient coumble, Rot. Parl. ii. 269; iii. 281, 291 ; iv, 81; v. 103. Euene 

W. 3 

34 Parliament at Westminster [CH. in 

strike 1 so that the bushel would stand on the top. No 
charge was to be made for meting 2 and the carriage must be 
paid readily in hand 3 . So the first Parliament of Henry V 
ended pleasantly after a session extending over 25 days 4 
and at its close the usual feast took place in Westminster 
Hall on Whitsunday, June n, 1413, the cost of which 
amounted to ^"15 1. 165. i%d. s 

The Southern Convocation which was dissolved on 
May 8th, 1413, granted one tenth 6 as did also the Northern 
Province at York on July 28th, messengers having been 
already despatched 7 to the Archbishop of Canterbury and 
a number of bishops and others asking for loans for im- 
mediate use though it took quite three years to get the 
money actually in 8 . 

But though the proceedings passed off quite amicably 
within the Parliament, outside there was a belated flicker of 
an old trouble about the " maumet " that had long threatened 
the peace of England. From the very beginning of the 
new reign emissaries had been abroad supplied with money 
in abundance to work up the tradition that Richard 1 1 was 
still alive. On April 14, 141 3", an order was put out for 
the apprehension of a Scottish knight, Sir Andrew Hake 
(a conspirator of long standing 10 ), a Yorkshire squire named 
Henry Talbot, a yeoman named John Whitelock 11 , and two 

mesure mett and wyzt, Kail, 63. For razer as a measure, e.g. of wheat, beans, meal or 
apples, see Godefroy, Cotgrave, s.v. Raster; Monast., vii. 668; Surtees, i. 129; A. 
Lambert, 476; G. Newman, 22. Cf. onze res d'avoyne, Tuetey, Test. 53; mesure rase, 
Godefroy, s.v. Ras. 

1 Lib. Alb. 362; Halliwell, 818. For picture of the use of it in Paris 1528, see 
Lacroix, 285. Cf. "take hem by mesure striken," Letter Book I, 289, 292 ; "striken and 
not heped," ibid. 295; "striked," Cotton, Abridg. 547; "a strik of corn," Coventry 
Leet, i. 27; 20 strike of oats, Cent. Diet., s.v. 

2 In Caxton, Dial. 44, Paulyn the metar of corn hath so much moten of com and 
mestalyn that he may no more forage. For the "coren metere" at Ghent, see Vigne, 
Recherches, 53, Plates 12, 15, with their arms showing cornshovels; also Vigne, Vade 
Mecum, 38, Plate 103, showing the bushel and strike. 

8 Letter Book I, 297; Rot. Parl. iv. 14; Stat. ii. 174. For payments to messengers 
carrying proclamations to this effect, see Devon, 324, Oct. 10, 1413. 

The writs of expenses vary from 26 days (Middlesex) to 42 days (Cumberland), 
Prynne, 498-501. 

5 Exch. Accts. 406/21, 7. e TJsk> I20 . Cal p at H v> ^ 2 g 7> 

[ Devon, 323, July 17, 1413; I ss . Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 2, 1413. 

8 Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch. and Mich., July 17, Dec. 12, 20, 23, 1415; Rec. Roll 4 
H. V, Pasch., June 5, 1416. 

9 Pat. i H. V, i. 27 d; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 35. 

1 For his connection with the conspiracy against Henry IV in 1399, see Letter Book 

' ><> Pat ' H - v ' L 35; " w ^ htlok -" Pat - * H - v > ' 

1413] John Whitelock 35 

chaplains together with any gold or silver that might be 
found upon them. On June 7, 141 3 1 , a manifesto was 
found posted on the church doors of the Abbeys at West- 
minster and Bermondsey, of St Thomas' Hospital in South- 
wark 2 and in other places elsewhere. It was addressed to 
the members of the parliament by John Whitelock who 
had been for many years a devoted adherent of King 
Richard 1 1 3 and had firmly convinced himself that his old 
master was veritably "in the warde and kepyng of the 
Duke of Albany 4 ." Of this he offered to take his oath 
on the Gospels or on God's body and if that did not 
settle the question he declared himself ready to be shut up 
in any honest prison in England till he had proved his 
words provided that he was guaranteed "sufficient living" 
while he was there and was not murdered or left to die of 
cold and hunger. If his evidence should prove true he 
asked no more than "a free issue out of prison and my 
name of a true man " ; but if it was found to be false he 
was willing to suffer the vilest death "that may be ordeined 
for me," adding, " I betake 5 the devil ever to lie in helle, 
body and soul without departyng but that persone that was 
sumtyme kyng Richard be alive in Scotland." Now if he 
had kept all this vapouring for his own private friends, he 
might have died in his bed, but for the last seven years he 
had been exploited all over England and Wales and after a 
short visit to Scotland he had just made his way back ac- 
companied by Sir Andrew Hake. But even before the late 
king's death Whitelock had been already run to earth and he 

1 Dep. Keep. 53rd Kept. (1892), App. I. 29, from Indictments in the King's Bench, 
Trinity Term, 1413. 

2 Goodwin, 3, from Term Trin. Midd. ; Guthrie, ii. 448. 

3 He calls himself " yoman with Kyng Richard the time of xxx u wynter," i.e. since 
1383, Dep. Keep. 53rd Kept. (1892), App. I. 29. The mention of "Kyng Henry and his 
sones " shows that the document was drawn up during the lifetime of Henry IV. 

4 Qui in domo dicti ducis detinetur. 

5 Cf. I betake (i.e. commit) my soul unto God, Fifty Wills, 104; Gower, Conf. Am. 
192; Nicholson and Burn, i. 94; Pollard, 85; G. W. Taylor, 103; je donne et envoye 
mon esprit, Chalvet, 239; Champollion-Figeac, 129; Hericault, i. 89. Cf. god betaght 
(i.e. dead), Chancery Warrants, Ser. i. 1364/51, 53; Gower, Conf. Am. 408; Townley 
Myst. 13; Wylie, i. 430, note 4; or God bitaught (1379), Wickham's Register in Palaeo- 
graphical Society, Ser. n. Plate 198. The Fadyr of hevyn beteche I the, Pol. Relig. 
Po. 130; suche a wounde thei hym betaujht, Laud Troy Book, 203 ; Gower, Conf. Am. 
415; I the beteche, Laud Troy Book, 486; Halliwell, i. 169; bytaujt Jason a riche ring, 
Laud Troy Book, 28; cf. granted betakyn and lette, Benham, 57; I betake you all to 
the fiend, York Play, 319; Wycliffe, 146; Townley Myst. 18; I the betake my yonge 
daughter here, Chauc. (S.), iii. 160. 


36 Parliament at Westminster [CH. in 

and his comrades had been in sanctuary at Westminster 
since March 14, 1413, where they were still sheltered when 
the manifesto appeared. Within a short time however they 
gave in and were transferred to the Tower 1 , and on July 8, 
141 3 2 , an order was issued to the Constable to bring up John 
Whitelock together with Thomas Clerk, Elias Kynet, kt. 3 
and Andrew Porter for trial on the Tuesday following (July 
n), when a jury was sworn 4 and a true bill of indictment 
returned with the result that the knight was set at liberty 5 
but the other two were remitted to the Tower. Whitelock 
afterwards managed to escape through the connivance of a 
warder named Richard Bathe and remained for a time at 
large with Sir Andrew Hake and several others who had 
accompanied him from Scotland, but the sub-constable of 
the Tower, Simon Campe 6 , was fined 1000 marks and 
degraded from his office while the warder Bathe who was 
afterwards captured was drawn, hanged and quartered at 
Leicester whence his head was sent to London in May, 
1414, to be fixed on one of the gates of the Tower 7 . 

1 For order dated June 13, 1413, for the detention of Thomas Whitlok and Thomas 
Clerk in the Tower, see Glaus, i H. V, 21. 

2 Glaus, i H. V, 21. For a document "de Billa Wightlock," see Sotheby Catalogue 
of Phillipp's MSS. p. 90, Lot 532, sold April 26, 1911. 

3 Called Lynet in Goodwin, 4, quoting Term Trin. Rot. xvii. Surrey. 
\ For their names, see Dep. Keep. 53rd Rep. App. I. 28. 

8 For order for his liberation addressed on July 28, 1413, to Sir Robert Morley as 
Keeper of the Tower, see Claus. i H. V, 22. 

* See page i, note n ; not the Duke of York, as Goodwin, 4 . He is called Simeon 
Campe in Exch. Accts. 406/21, mm. 21, 22. The fine was remitted on May 24, 1414 
Pat. 2 H. V i. 29 ; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 191, where Campe is called Lieutenant for Edward 
Duke of York, Constable of the Tower. 

callLfthT' orter n " ^' ^^ L nd n ' Bk ' '' 88 < L 5 ' ed ' Kin g sf <>^) where he is 



CALAIS was to benefit by the change of reign. The 
new king had himself had some personal experience of the 
difficulty of maintaining the garrison there in efficiency and 
his administration as Captain of Calais when Prince of 
Wales had been bitterly attacked 1 . He now annulled and 
cancelled all grants that had been made in connection with 
the place by his two predecessors and took the whole of 
the revenues of Calais and the Marches into his own hands 
except that some large obligations entered into with his 
brother the Duke of Clarence remained undisturbed, on the 
understanding that he should still continue to pay 600 per 
annum for these privileges as heretofore, and forasmuch as 
the proportion of English amongst the population of Calais 
was steadily decreasing 2 and their position was becoming 
every year more precarious in presence of a growing settle- 
ment of Frenchmen and others 3 it was decided to enforce 
rigorously the orders made at the time of the capture in the 
days of Edward III whereby the freedom of the town was 
to be restricted to Englishmen only 4 . All foreigners 
(including of course Frenchmen) residing in Calais were to 
pay one-fifth of their property 5 for the privilege of residence ; 
mixed marriages were to be forbidden except by special 

1 Sandeman, 17; Wylie, iv. 89. 

2 Not that the native population had been ousted, as supposed by Sandeman, p. 3. 

3 For natives of Holland, Zealand, Brabant and Flanders living at Calais in 1414, see 
Exch. Accts. 187/4. 

4 Rym. ix. 40; Carte, Rolles, ii. 208, July 15, 1413; Dep. Keep. 44th Kept. 544; 
Sandeman, 102. For confirmation of liberties to the inhabitants of Calais June 3, 1413, 
see Fr. Roll i H. V, 28-35. For the Mayor, Aldermen, burgesses and commonalty of 
Calais, see Priv. Seal 660/205, March 1414; also Wylie, iii. 68. 

5 Not T Vh, as Sandeman, 98. 

3 8 Calais [CH. iv 

permission 1 , and all houses must be roofed with slate or 
tiles to minimise the risk of fire. Robert Thorley 2 was 
reinstated as Treasurer of Calais and on May 16, 141 3', he 
and Sir William Bardolf were commissioned to enquire as 
to victuals, artillery and other stuff in the town and the 
neighbouring fortresses. On June 7, I4i3 4 > J onn Ormesby 
who was the king's carpenter and lived in Boulogne St. 5 
was ordered to provide carpenters 6 and during the year 

1 For licence (in spite of the recent order) granted to Richard Crosse, a soldier whose 
wife Joan was the child of Flemish parents, but had been taken to Sandwich in infancy 
and had spent most of her subsequent life at Calais, see Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 32, July 28, 

2 'Wylie, iv. 552. He had been imprisoned in Oct. 1412, ibid. iv. 89. For his 
account from Dec. 28, 1409, to May 29, 1412, see For. Accts. 4 H. V, 14 d, showing that 
he was reappointed Treasurer on Oct. 27, 1409, in succession to Richard Merlaw or 
Marlow (Wylie, ii. no; iii. 306; Letter Book I, 28). The account (in which he is 
called both Thorley and Throley) shows an expenditure of ^"43,581. 17*. 5</. during 
i\ years, and if to this be added ,88,487. 17^. 9^. spent in the previous ^\ years (see 
Wylie, iii. 67, note) we arrive at a total of ,132,069. 155-. i\d. spent in 5 years and 

2 months. Ramsay, i. 319 (Antiquary, viii.), estimates an annual expenditure of ^25,000 
at Calais for a garrison of 773 men during the reign of Henry V. For repair of a panel 
in the Great Hall in the Market-place at Calais temp. Ric' M'lawe, see Exch. Accts. 
187/6, which contains particulars of expenditure of 11,536. 19^. id. made by Robt. 
Thorley during the time Henry was Captain of Calais as Prince of Wales, i.e. from 

-March 18, 1410 (Wylie, iii. 306, not 1409, as Lavisse-Rambaud, iii. 393), till Oct. 20, 1412 
(Wylie, iv. 89); also ^"5170. os. i\d. received by Robert Thorley between Aug. 6, 1413, 
and Aug. 6, 1417, showing payments for 21 cementers, 32 carpenters, as well as smiths, 
tilers, plumbers, bakers, &c. Thorley's account shows that he kept two books, one called 
" Registrum de redditibus custumarum et assise" and the other " Rentale Regis in villa 
Cales" with a separate silver seal for the Scunnage (i.e. Skevinage, Eschevinage, 
Scabinage, Eskevinagium, 1'Eskivenage, Skabinagium, Rot. Parl. iii. 500; Rym. x. 490; 
Du Cange, s.v. ; Wylie, iii. 210, note 8), now St Pierre (Dillon, 303-329, 376). For 
John Montgomery appointed bailiff of "le Eskenage" at Calais v. John Kyghley, see 
Priv. Seal 658/59, June 16, 1413; Ewald, xliv. 544, 552, who supposes it to mean "the 
assize of wine, ale, beer and bread." For John Bernard, late Treasurer of Calais (i.e. 
before Nov. 15, 1412, Wylie, iii. 306, note 7), see Rec. Roll i H. V, Pasch., Mich., 
May 31, Nov. 7, 1413; ibid. 3 H. V, Pasch., May 6, 1415. In Rec. Roll i H. V, Mich., 
Dec. ii, 1413, Jan. 27, 1414, Robert Thorley is late Treasurer of Calais; also Rec. Roll 

3 H. V, Pasch., June 14, 1415, which shows ,221. os. igd. (sic) paid for passage and 
repassage of 100 men-of-arms and 300 archers. For retinue (5+13) of the Treasurer of 
Calais in 1415, see Excerpt. Hist. 26. 

3 Carte, Rolles, ii. 207. 

4 Fr. Roll i H. V, 3. 

8 Called Boloinstreet or Boloignstreet in Exch. Accts. 187/3, which contains a de- 
tailed account for building and repairing his house dated Aug. 3, 1412, showing wages of 
cementers (at 6d. to 8d. per day) with charges for timber ($s. the piece), beams, braces, 
summers (2.?. a piece), puncheons, posts, resons, chimneys, a penthouse (or pentice, Halli- 
well, 615; Baildon, Site, 98; or pentise, E. T. Bradley, 381), a porch with porchstones, 
brickstones (y. ^d. per 1000), gables, an autee (?), sloshornes (not slofhoues, as Wylie, iii. 
307), and husblase (not houseflax, as Wylie, iii. 306), Pfrom blaese = torch, lantern, 
Bosworth-Toller, s.v. 

6 For payments to Thomas Clopton, master-carpenter, and 32 carpenters at 8af. per 
day at Calais from Aug. 6, 1413, see Exch. Accts. 187/6. For payments to carpenters 

Dunster for making cippes (Pdoor posts, cf. cippus = stocks, Halliwell, i. 250), bordes, 
trestles, windows and doors, also iron to make twists (2 twistez pro hostio), hooks, &c., 
les rakkes in porta, and 2 hooks and 3 large nails for said rakkes, see Lyte, 119. For 
assers, tables, plancheborcl, elmenbord, oakenbord, slittyngwerk and quarters, somers 


Guines 39 

large payments are recorded to Richard Threll 1 as victualler 2 , 
for corn 3 , cattle 4 , pigs 5 , schonen herrings 6 , Portuguese wine 7 
and salted meat. The Duke of Clarence was Captain of 
Calais 8 and Guines 9 with William Lord Zouche of Harring- 

(i.e. wall-plates, see Cotgr., s.v. Summer; Halliwell, ii. 8-27), and bemys, giestes (i.e. 
joists, Halliwell, i. 399), and rafters, braces, wynbemes (i.e. window-beams), and cross 
andrewes, see Rackham, 36, 39. For plaunchebourde, quarterbourde, ieese and rafters 
see Feuillerat, 122. 

1 For his appointment, March 22, 1413, see Fr. Roll i H. V, T, where he is called 
"Trele," but "Thelle" in Rec. Roll 8 H. V, Pasch., July 9, 1415; or "Threl" in Iss. 
Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., May 27, 1416, where he receives ,33. 6*. Saf. for victualling San- 
gatte; or "Threll" in Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., April 24, 1415 (where he receives ,10 
for buying planks pro estuffamento), and May 18, 1415 (with payments to him for pro- 
viding corn and ^"128 for 32 casks of Gascon wine bought from Guerrys Darrengorsa of 
Bordeaux); also Exch. Accts. 328/6; Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Nov. 4, 1415; Rec. Roll 
3 H. V, Mich., Nov. 4, 1415 ; Exch. Accts. 187/6, which shows ^"2377. s. $d. paid to 
him (Richard Threll) inter alia for chains, anchors, belts, haspes, hakes, bendis, virrolls 
(i.e. ferules), gemels (i.e. hinges), pickoises all made of iron, besides spring locks, plate 
locks, stock locks and hanging locks (cerur' pendul') for doors and gates. 

2 Threll succeeded Richard Clitherow as victualler, Exch. Accts. 187/6, where he is 
nuper emptor victualium, Wylie, ii. 114, note i ; iii. 306. For "vittler," see Cotton and 
Dallas, iv. 76; "vychelere," ibid. v. 24. 

3 e.g. for 300 quarters of wheat at ^s. %d. the quarter, Iss. Roll I H. V, Mich., Oct. 17, 
Nov. 8, 1413; Jan. 27, 1414. 

4 For 100 Welsh cattle (,67. 13^. jd.) including 3^. ^d. for bringing them to London, 
also 60 for 93 Welsh cattle killed and salted in London and sent over to Calais together 
with 5 marks for slaughtering and 6. Ss. for salting cattle in Calais, also salt-meat sent 
over from Arundel in a balinger and 15 paid to the Countess of Arundel for hire of a 
balinger to carry pigs, cattle, &c., including wages for men-of-arms, archers and crew, 
see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 16, 19, 22, 1414. For John Yonge varlet summoned 
from Arundel in great haste and staying 14 days in London advising as to victualling and 
artillery at Calais, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 21, Dec. , 1413. 

5 For hogs salted for garrisons, see Clarke, 173; cf. lart c'est a dire char salle, Meun, 
141 ; baquons et lart et char salle, Priorat, 277. 

6 For the Schonentide, see Wylie, ii. 68; cf. les parties de Scone, Rot. Parl. ii. 306; 
iii. 63. Cf. as thikke as heryng fletes, Laud Troy Book, 198; Kempe, 25. For hering- 
man, heringfrowe, see C. G. A. Schmidt, 28; heryng fletes in here scole (or skull, i.e. 
shoal, Halliwell, ii. 716), Laud Troy Book, 418; au temps de herengison, Regnault, 27 ; 
herring-fare, Halliwell, i. 446. 

7 For 30 casks of Portuguese sweet wine at ,5 per cask bought of John Martin, 2 
lasts of herrings de scone ^14, with portage and wharfage (400?.), 9 quarters of salt for 
salting cattle infra quandam navem versus Cales (36^.), see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., 
Feb. 20, 22, 1414. 

8 Carte, Rolles, i. 209, Nov. 2, 1413. For grants to him of tithes and fisheries of 
Frtun, Calkwell (i.e. Coquelles, Wylie, iii. 161, note 3), Galimot, &c., see ibid. March 21, 
1414. Not that the Earl of Warwick succeeded the Prince of Wales directly as Captain - 
of Calais, as Sandeman, ii. 

9 Wylie, iii. 161, 164; Carte, Rolles, i. 210, 211, Aug. 21, 23, 27, 29, Nov. 25, Dec. 
16, 1413; Jan. 10, 23, 24, Feb. 5, 8, 13, March 15, 1414; Priv. Seal Bills 1114/29, 30, 
3 2 >33> III 5/ 2 > 4> 7> IO > u> I2 !4> I ^> i7> 21 ; Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 145, Feb. 15, 1415 ; Fr. 
Roll i H. V, 4 (where Thomas Norreys parson of Gatcombe in the Isle of Wight is with 
him); also Fr. Roll 4 H. V, 4, 6, Feb. 2, 1417. For Thomas Corbet of Essex going to 
Guines in the service of the Duke of Clarence, Captain of Guines, see Pat. 2 H. V, i. 13, 

-June 17, 1414. He is still Captain of Guines in Fr. Roll 6 H. V, 3, Jan. 7, 1419. For 
3342. los. 6d. paid to him as Captain of Guines, also .7662. os. iid. (sic) for the 
garrison of 60 + 60 from Aug. 6, 1413, to April 23, 1414, see Exch. Accts. 187/6, which 
records clearing the moat at Guines and a long ditch apud le Pynfold juxta le Turnepyk 
near the gate of the castle, and refers also to a lodge near the Mill Tower, a new 
watchhouse and garecte (i.e. watchtower, guerite, Murray, Diet., s.v. Garret) between the 

40 Calais [CH. iv 

worth near Uppingham as his Lieutenant 1 . On Feb. 3, 
I 4 i 4 2 Richard Beauchamp Earl of Warwick 3 was appointed 
Captain of Calais and Governor of the Marches of Picardy. 
He was received at Calais with great distinction, kissing 
the cross at his entrance into the town 4 and soon afterwards 
he took part in a three days' tournament in the Park Hay 

"ffanetour" and the first tower, together with payments to two sawyers for sawing 1065 
feet de planchour bord'. For 100 men as the garrison of Guines in 1415, see Excerpt. 
Hist. 26. In Fr. Roll 4 H. V, 3, Feb. 28, 1417, Robert Gray, fishmonger of London, is 
provider of victuals to the castle of Guines. 

1 For /8o8o 5* $d. paid to Dns. William la Souche (Wyhe, iv. 236, 238) for wages 
from Aug. 6, 1413, to Aug. 6, 1414, see Exch. Accts. 187/6. He appears as Lieutenant 
of the town of Calais on May i, July 8, Oct. 15, 19. Nov. 28, Dec. 16, 1413; Jan. 10, 23, 

1414, in Fr. Roll i H. V, 10, 12, 13, 22, 25, 37; Priv. Seal Bills 1114/42, u 15/9, 28, 4 o. 
On Oct. 19, 1413, Henry Pay is in his service as waterbailiff of Calais, ibid. 1115/28; Fr. 
Roll I H. V, i; Carte, Rolles, i. 212. For confirmation of this office to him, see Pat. 
i H. V, i. 14, June 12, 1413. For safe-conduct granted to deputies of Flanders by 
William' la Zouche, Lord of Totnes and Harringworth, dated 1413, see Barante, 
iii. 143. Lord Zouche died on Nov. 3, 1415, Inq. p. Mort. iv. 15; Dugd. Bar. 
i. 692, where Totnes Castle in Devonshire is among his possessions. In Claus. 3 H. V, 4, 
Feb. 13, 1416, he is defunctus, also Pat. 6 H. V, n, Feb. 20, 1419; Claus. 6 H. V, 20, 
May 2, 1418, where his widow Elizabeth who died in 1425 (Inq. p. Mort. iv. 99) is 
married to William Garnall. In Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 18, Dec. 13, 1415, Ralph Earl of 
Westmoreland is granted the custody of the lands of his son William held per servitium 
militare; also Pat. 8 H. V, 15, July 12, 1420, when the boy was 13 years of age (Dugd. 
i. 692). For the king as guardian of William Lord de Zouche, see Early Chanc. Proc. 
i. 30. 

2 Fr. Roll t H. V, 10 ; Carte, Rolles, i. 210, 211, though he already appears as Captain 
of Calais on Jan. 31, 1414, Rym. ix. m, not that he was appointed on July 18, 1414, as 
Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 147, or June 19, 1415, as Dugd. Bar. i. 244; Goodwin, 64; Hunter, 29; 
Demqtier, 81, where the appointment is to last till Feb. 3, 1417 (or June 29, 1415, as 
Sloane MS. 4600, ff. 265, 267, 278), which probably represents his return from Constance 
(i.e. before May 21, 27, 1415), on which days he was present at council meetings in 
London at the Blackfriars and the Tower, Rym. ix. 319; Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 167; Diet. 
Nat. Biogr. iv. 30; Add. MS. 24062, f. 147. He is called Captain of Calais on April 21, 

1415, Rym. ix. 224 (not April 24, as Lenz, 71), though this will not justify the infer- 
ence that he had already returned from Constance by that date. During his absence his 
place was filled by a lieutenant, viz. William Lisle jun., knight, who was appointed on 
Nov. 16, 1414, Rym. ix. 178, 179, 201; Dep. Keep. 44th Rept. p. 556, and in Feb. 1415 
it is stated that there is at present no Captain in the Marches of Calais, Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 
147, though on Feb. 6 and June 5, 1415, Lisle is officially called Lieutenant for the Earl 
of Warwick, Rym. ix. 201, 260. In Feb. 1417 Lisle was still at Calais, Ord. Priv. Co. 
ii. 209, though soon after that date he was succeeded as Lieutenant by William Bardolph, 
Rym. ix. 314, Oct. 7, 1415. On April i, 1413, the custody of the castle of Calais was 
entrusted to Thomas Beaufort, Earl of Dorset, Fr. Roll i H. V, i ; Carte, Rolles, ii. 212. 
For payments to him for wages of 40 + 20 as Captain of Calais, see Exch. Accts. 187/6, 
Ptemp. H. IV (see Wylie, iii. 306), where his appointment is dated July r, 1408. On 
Sept. 7, 1409, he was about to start for Calais, Letter Book I, 73. The Earl of Warwick 
is "ore Capitain du Calays" in 3 H. V (1415-16) in Sloane MS. 4600, f. 296, from 
Calig. D. 5, where he petitions the Chancellor, Bp. Beaufort, for ^"100 per annum 
and a guarantee for the wages of the garrison at Calais. In Sept. 1417 he is still 
Captain of Calais though actually taking part in the siege of Caen, Rym. ix. 490; Rot. 
Norm. 153. 

3 In 1411 (12 H. IV) he had been retained in the service of the Prince of Wales for 
life, Sloane MS. 4600, f. 282, and he was present at the suppression of Oldcastle's rising 
in Fickett's Field in Jan. 1414, Rous, 365. 

4 See pictures from Cotton MS. Jul. E. iv. Art. 6, in Strutt, Manners, ii. Plates XXXI, 
XXXII ; Carysfort, Pag. xxv, xxvi ; Green, ii. 518. 

1413] The Earl of Warwick 41 

at Guines at each of which he handsomely unhorsed the 
champion who ventured to accept his challenge 1 . 

It has been estimated that during the reign of Henry V 
the numbers of the garrison at Calais amounted on an 
average to 150 men-of-arms and 300 archers 2 and a con- 
troller's account written on June 8, I4i8 3 , shows that the 
numbers were constantly changing. On the Earl of 
Warwick's appointment it had been stipulated that in war 
time there should be 240 + 2 74", of whom 140 and 150 
respectively were to be mounted, together with 4 mounted 
scourers 5 , 40 balisters, 33 carpenters, 20 cementers and 
masons besides artillery and other mechanical craftsmen 6 . 
The above numbers appear to have been actually main- 
tained in 14 1 6 7 and payments running for three years from 
Aug. 6, HI4 8 , give the figure at 460, i.e. 230 of each arm, 
while yet another account shows that 30+500 were 
garrisoned in the town 9 , 30+20 in the Castle and 18 on 
the Rushbank 10 , each force being under its own separate 
captain. On July 19, 1413, a Yorkshireman Roger Sal vayn 11 

1 Rous, 366; Strutt, Manners, ii. Plates xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii; Carysfort, Pag. 
xxix, xxx, xxxi ; Brett, 59; but if the dates there given, viz. Jan. 6, 7, 8, are correct, the 
meetings must have been after his return from Constance. 

2 Rym. ix. -223. Called "thordinarie nombre," Excerpt. Hist. 26. 

3 i.e. by William Caston or Caxton, Exch. Accts. 187/6. 

4 Sloane MS. 4600, ff. 265, 267, where the figures vary somewhat ; cf. Goodwin, 64, 
where the archers amount to 334. 

8 Skurat' or scuratores at is. 6d. per day. 

6 Excerpt. Hist. 26 adds i plumber, i tiler, i yeoman artiller and i purveyor of 

7 Exch. Accts. 187/6, where ^"4154. 17-r. 8d. is paid for them anno 4. 

8 Ibid., where the amount paid is .2500. 

9 i.e. 3 knights (at is, per day), 26 "men of armys" (at is.), 300 archers (at 8d.) and 
200 foot (at 6</.), Excerpt. Hist. 26, though Sandeman, 21, gives only 387 for the town 
and castle. 

10 Excerpt. Hist. 26. In Exch. Accts. 187/10, April 9, 1413, the garrison consists of 
1 6 balistars or men-of-arms who must be English born. 

11 Fr. Roll i H. V, 23. He is called Treasurer, ibid, i H. V, 10, Nov. 28, 1415; 
also Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., June 21, July 5, 1415 ; Rec. and Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., 
Dec. 3, 1415; Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., May 27, June 4, July 6, 1416; do. 6 H. V, 
Pasch., May 2, June 20, 1418; Iss. Roll 7 H. V, Pasch. and Mich., May 5, 12, Oct. 13, 
Nov. 7, 30, Dec. 4, 1419; Jan. 20, Feb. 17, 1420; also Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Pasch., May 
ii, 23, 24, June 10, 1420; July 22, 1418, in Exch. Accts. 187/13; Rec. Roll 7 H. V, 
Mich., Pasch., Jan. 20, May 2, 1420, but late Treasurer in Rec. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., 
June 4, 1416, though this entry is a subsequent insertion. During this time his attorney 
in England is Robert Thresk (Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Pasch., May 6, 12, 1418; Rec. Roll 
6 H. V, Pasch. and Mich., May 9, June 20, July i, Nov. 22, 1418; Iss. Roll 7 H. V, 
Mich., Oct. 13, 1419), who had been a Remembrancer of the Exchequer since March 21, 
1413 (Pat. i H. V, i. 29). For 40 marks paid to Robert Thresk for parchment, see 
Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., July 9, 1415. In Rec. Roll (Auditors), March 2, 1416, he is 
Remembrancer to J. Kirkeby Marshal of the Exchequer, cf. Iss. Roll 5 H. V, Mich., 
Dec. 15, 1417. For 25^. paid to Roger Salvayn as a squire of the king's chamber before 

4 2 Calais [CH. iv 

was appointed to succeed Robert Thorley 1 as Treasurer of 
Calais and before Aug. 6, 141 3 2 , ^"4666. 13* 4^ had been 
paid to him from the revenues of the Duchy of Cornwall 3 
for wages to the garrison 4 while further sums amounting to 
^"2539. 8s. q\d. followed within the next six months 6 . 
John Gerard 6 was still Captain of the Lancaster Tower on 

Oct. 31, 1413, see Q. R. Accts. 406/21, 27, though he had been in the service of Hotspur 
and had carried his defiance before the Battle of Shrewsbury (1403), Wylie, i. 361 ; Harl. 
MS. 293 (78), which contains a sixteenth century copy of the defiance. For ^100 left to 
him in Henry V's will in 1415, see Rym. ix. 291. For a cask of wine given to him by the 
king at Harfleur in Sept. 1415, probably because he was on the sick list, see Hunter, 47. 
For his retinue (3 + 12) in 1417, see Iss. Roll 5 H. V, Pasch., Apr. 29, 1417; Rym. ix. 
595. In Rec. Roll 7 H. V, Mich., Nov. 16, 1419, he and Lewis John are farmers of the 
King's Change (cambii regis). For grant to him and Lewis John as changers (escambins) 
or hnnarii cambii regis, Rec. Roll 7 & 8 H. V, Pasch., May i, 1419, July 3, 1420, of 
the exchange of all money going to Rome from Aug. 13, 1417, to Sept. 29, 1419, on 
payment of ^200 p. a., see Pat. 5 H. V, i ; Priv. Seal 5 H. V, 876, Feb. 18, 1418; Rec. 
Roll 6 H. V, Mich., Nov. 8, 1418. For various journeys made by him from Normandy 
to Picardy, 5 & 7 H. V, see For. Accts. P. R. O. p. 80; Exch. Accts. 49^4, where his 
wife Mathilda is his executrix. 

For his will (where he is Roger Salvayn knight of York), dated Oct. 26, 1420, 
proved May 1422 (or March 7, 1422, Surtees, iv. 118), see Fifty Wills, 52, in which 
he desires to be buried in the church of the Grey Friars at York, leaving to his brother 
Thomas the "place at Dufneld" that he had bought of John Fulthorpe. For account 
of his brother Gerard Salvayn in connection with his estate, see Exch. Accts. 187/7, 
including ^37 for removing his body from London to York and for trentals of masses 
there, also 20 marks paid to two chaplains celebrating mass for his soul at North Duffield 
(Wylie, ii. 253), 10 to a bishop ad disponend' expeditionem animae suae, .20 to domina 
Mathilda Salvayn and 4 to his daughter Alice. In the account John Orwell (Wylie, 
iii. 59) and Robert Day are mentioned as having been Roger's deputies as Treasurer of 
Calais. For Roger Salvayn's account as Treasurer of Calais from the day on which 
he took up his appointment (Aug. i, 1413), see Exch. Accts. 187/6, showing that he 
received los. per day while in England, arrived at Calais Dec. 22, 1413, and that from 
Dec. 12, 1415, to July 12, 1416, he was in England collecting money at certain customs 
ports (i.e. Hull, Boston, Lynn and Ipswich), which yielded him altogether ,23,000. 
Bishop Beaufort, writing from Bruges on Sept. 4, 1417, notes that when he was at Calais 
the wife of Roger Salvayn spoke with him regarding the office of Treasurer of Calais from 
which her husband claimed to have been discharged and asking for his formal quittance 
as she is still keeping together all that belongs to the Treasury at her own cost, Ord. 
Priv. Co. ii. 234; Gilliodts van Severen, 359, where the letter is wrongly dated 1415. 
For his account as Treasurer of Calais on May ir, 1416, see Exch. Accts. 187/5. He is 
called Sal van in Iss. Roll 5 H. V, Mich., Dec. 7, 15, 1417; or le Sylvan, Surtees, iv. 114. 
In Rec. Roll 8 H. V, Mich., Jan. 21, 1421, he is referred to as late Treasurer of Calais, 
his attorney being Robt. Cawood in Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Mich., Oct. 15, Nov. 1420; 
March 1 1, 1421. For his accounts as Treasurer of Calais, 6 to 9 H. V, see Exch. Accts. 

For John Salvayn, Treasurer of the Household, see Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Pasch., May 
13, 1418. 

For John Salvayn of York (or of Warwick), going to France in comitiva of the Duke 
of Bedford, see French Roll 8 H. V, 8, Apr. 19, 1420. 

1 Page 38, note 2. 

a Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Dec. 4, 1413. See Appendix F. 

For 535-. ^d. paid for an iron chest for Calais to keep wages in, see Iss. Roll i H. V, 
Mich., Jan. 27, 1414. In Nov. 1414 the garrisons in Picardy petition that their wages 
may be paid in the Exchequer at Calais instead of requiring them to cross to England. 
Rot. Parl. iv. 55. 

6 Viz- 1716. i2j. get. and ^822. i6s. o\d. Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Dec. n, 1413, 
and Feb. 22, 1414. 

6 Wylie, iii. 58, note 4; Priv. Seal Bills 1114/56, June 28, 1413; ibid. 1115/11, 13, 


Garrisons 43 

the Rushbank 1 and John Lardner 2 remained for a time in 
command at Oye 3 but by Feb. 22, 1414, he had been re- 
placed by John Bastyner who received ^1265. os. io^/. to 
pay the garrison early in the year 141 4 4 while ,645. i$s. 8^. 
went to Ralph Rochford 5 to pay his men at Hammes 6 . 

23, Oct. 29, 1413, Jan. 30, Feb. n, 1414; Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Jan. 27, 1414; Fr. 
Roll i H. V, 10; Carte, Rolles, i. 211 ; Pat. 6 H. V, 20, Aug. 5, 1418; Fr. Roll 6 H. V, 
3 7 52, June 30, July 2, 29, 1418, Feb. 22, 1419; Fr. Roll 8 H. V, 2, 3, 7, 9, Nov. 19, 
1420, Jan. 26, May 20, 1421. For ^1226 paid to him from Aug. 6, 1413, to Aug. 6, 1417, 
see Exch. Accts. 187/6. For his appointment by John Earl of Somerset, on June 6, 
1405, to succeed John Toty, deceased (Wylie, iv. 143, note 3), confirmed by Henry IV, 
Jan. 2, 1406, and by Henry V, April 12, 1415, see Rym. ix. 218. 

1 For its position see Demotier, 112 ; Wylie, iii. 58; called "towre of Risebanke," 
Excerpt. Hist. 26; Ellis, Orig. Lett. Vol. u. Frontispiece (1546), not "the town of 
Rysbank" as Sandeman, 6, though called "Rysbank a great tower," ibid. 32, 37. It is 
still called "Risban," see map in Demotier, 402 ; Joanne, Nord, 80; Ardouin-Dumazet, 
xviii. 34. For view of Calais with the Lancaster Tower, see Zeiller, Pt. II. 14; Lennel, 
12 (1544). For Rysbank repaired cum faget' spinarum garbis arundinum et seggis, see 
Exch. Accts. 187/6 which has also a reference to "batel!' regis vocat' le feribot," i.e. for 
crossing the Paradise or harbour, Sandeman, 40. For le lieu appelle Paradis qe est bien 
pres les fosses de la ville, see Stat. ii. 108 ; cf. niefs au dit lieu de paradys pour y reposer, 
also les Baekenes devant la port, ibid. For " risshebotes," see Riley, Mem. 676; 
Letter Book I, 169. 

2 Priv. Seal Bills 1114/50, 1115/3, 22 5 Carte, Rolles, ii. 207, 209, 211, June 3, 
Nov. 23, 1413; March 8, 1414; Early Chanc. Proc. i. 33; Wylie, iii. 59, note 6. 

3 For Oye fortified in 1347, see Harbaville, ii. 199. For account of it, see Desrues, 
127; not "caya" as Rym. ix. 635; nor "Vye" as Bree, 147, from Cleopatra, F. iv. 

4 Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 22, 1414. Yet on Aug. 2, 1415, Lardner is still 
called Warden of Oye with a peace staff of 4 + 20 rising to 40 + 20 (sic) in time of war 
in Sloane MS. 4600, ff. 266, 268, though ibid. 265, 267, 281 has William Del Hoo, kt. 
as Gustos of Oye in 1 1 H. IV, who may be the same as William del Hay, esquire, retained 
10 H. IV with Geoffrey Arden to serve the Prince for life, ibid. 12. On Feb. 4, 1415, 
Nicholas Horton (PHooton) is Custos of Oye with a garrison of 4 + 20, also French Roll 
6 H. V, 5, 6, July 21, 1418; ibid. 8 H. V, 4, Oct. 21, 1420; Carte, Rolles, ii. 236, 241. 
For indenture with him, July 22, 1418, see Exch. Accts. 187/10, 13, where the peace 
garrison = 2 + 2, but 10+ 10 in time of war. For payments to Lardner as Captain of Oye 
for 20 + 40 from Aug. 6, 1413, to April 23, 1414, and onwards till Aug. 7, 1417} see Exch. 
Accts. 187/6, also for 2 + 6 and 6 balisters. He died before July 21, 1418, on which day 
Nicholas Hooton was appointed to succeed him, Exch. Accts. 187/10; Carte, Rolles, ii. 
241. For Richard Hyman (or Heyman), as one of his executors, Jan. 25, 1423, see 
Carte, Rolles, ii. 252 ; Ord. Prov. Co. ii. 345. 

Wylie, ii. 56, note 3. He is Captain of Hammes on May 10, June 5, 20, July 6, 17, 

Aug. 5, Oct. 9, 15, 21, 24, 1413; Jan. 23, Feb. 22, 1414, Pat. i H. V, ii. 9; v. 24; 

riv. Seal Bills 1114/34, 44, 47 
Feb. 22, 1414; Carte, Rolles, i. 207, 208, 210; on July 18, Oct. 8, 21, 1413, he is going 

Priv. Seal Bills 1114/34,44,47, 53, 55; 1115/15. 38, 39; Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., 

over sea to Picardy, Fr. Roll i H. V, 16, 23; Priv. Seal Bills 1115/15. For 
^3024. 7^. id., paid to him for wages of 30 + 20 at Hammes, see Exch. Accts. 187/6, 
but in Sloane MS. 4600, ff. 268, 280, his retinue at Hammes on July 6, 1413, is 30+50. 
In 1415 the garrison = 4i, Excerpt. Hist. 26. For grant to Rochford of 20 marks p. a., 
see Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Pasch., March 9, 1418. In Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Mich., Feb. 20, 
1417, he is dapifer regis. He was sheriff of Lincolnshire in 1404, 1407, 1409, Sheriffs 
Lists, 79; Wylie, ii. 228, 401. For grant to him on April i, 1415, from lands of John 
Beaufort, late Earl of Somerset, see Iss. Roll 5 H. V, Mich., Feb. 10, 1418. For the 
family of Rochefort at Walpole near Wisbech, see Blomefield, ix. 108. 

6 For plan of Hammes, see Dillon, 301; "in inaccessible marshes," Sandeman, 34. 
Exch. Accts. 187/6 has payments for repairing belfry (campanu") of the castle at 
Hammes, also putting 5 doors with 10 hengles (i.e. hinges, Murray's Diet., s.v.) and 5 
stone windows and a gunhole in the tower between the barbican and the watchhouse, also 
for raising a causey between the castle turnpike and the "pennes" (barriers) with timber 

. IV 

44 Calais [CH. iv 

William Swinburn 1 was still Captain of Marck 2 with 
Edmund Wyse 3 as his lieutenant and John Vale 4 , who had 
previously been Receiver at Calais 5 , received 100 marks 
in connection with his command in the newly captured 
castle of Balinghem 6 near Ardres. 

During the last reign complaints had been frequent in 
regard to the misuse of funds in the administration of Calais 
and the fortresses on the March, even Henry himself not 
having escaped charges of malpractice during his tenure of 
office as captain there 7 and it was apparently with a view 
to clearing the air as a warning to future captains and 

of the lintel (lyntell) and carriage from a place called "le stones." Letter Book I, 29 
shows that Thomas Swinburn was Captain of Hammes on Feb. 29, 1404, not that he 
was appointed on March 14, 1405, on which day he appointed a deputy there on his 
departure for Bordeaux, see Wylie, ii. 56, note. 

1 Wylie, ii. 89, note 6; iv. 74, note 3; Fr. Roll i H. V, 15, 21 ; Carte, Rolles, i. 209; 
Priv. Seal Bills 1114/49; III >I 1 9> 2O 2 7! J ul y 5, i5 Oct. 20, Dec. 5, 1413; Sloane 
MS. 4600, ff. 265, 267. For ^974. is. 8d. paid to him as Captain of Marck when Robert 
Thorley was Treasurer of Calais (see page 38), also 2 153. 8s. id. for wages of 20 + 20 
at Marck from Aug. 6, 1413, to Aug. 6, 1414, see Exch. Accts. 187/6. He is still 
Captain of Marck on Sept. 6, 1418, Deputy Keepers Rept. xliv. 697. For money lent by 
him in Feb. 1417, see Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Mich., Feb. 20, 1417. For his retinue (5+ 14) 
at Southampton in July, 1417, see Gesta, 269. He was present at the siege of Rouen in 
1418, Rym. ix. 595. For land lately acquired from William Swynbourne, esquire, and 
his wife Philippa by Gilbert Umfraville and others, see Pat. 8 H. V, 12, Nov. 28, 1420. 
For 200 crowns paid by the Jurade of Bordeaux to the proctor of Wilham Swyntborna, 
March 22, 1416, see Jurade, 336. He was brother and executor to Thomas Swinburn, 
knight, late Mayor of Bordeaux, Wylie, iii. 99 (not Strimburn, as Ribadieu, Chateaux, 
380), from whom that city had bought the castle of Ornon (Jurade, 41, 86; Drouyn, 
Guienne, i. p. 1. ; Wylie, iii. 273) in the parish of Gradignan, south of Bordeaux, Beaurein, 
ii. 342, where Henry Bowet has permission to sell the castle of Ornon to Bordeaux 
in 1406. For William Swinburn and the executors of Sir Thomas Swinburn, see Jurade, 
288, Nov. 23, 1415. For one of them, Thomas Barton (Wylie, iii. 98, note 6), going 
to Aquitaine on July 14, 1413, see Priv. Seal 658/73; Rot. Vase, i H. V, 10. For Sir 
Thomas Swynburne, kt. and Elizabeth Tryvet his wife as patrons of the living of Otter- 
hampton near Bridgwater, Nov. 17, Dec. 15, 1406, see Holmes, Reg. 64, 65. In Rot. 
Vase. 3 H. V, 2, Aug. 29, 1415, Thos. is late constable of Fronsak. For les procureurs 
de 1'eretey de mossenbor Thomas Swyntborna, see Jurade, 346 (1416). For William 
Swynbourne, M.P. for Essex in Nov. 1414, see Return Parl. i. 283. 

a For Marck, see Wylie, ii. 89, called "Marc" in Sandeman, 34, who regards it as a 
"strongly fortified town." For confirmation of privileges to the inhabitants of Marck, 
see Fr. Roll i H. V, 34, 35, June 30, 1413. 

8 Priv. Seal Bills 1115/19; Fr. Roll i H. V, 16, Dec. 5, 1413, see Wylie, iii. 59, 
note 6. 

4 Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 4, 1413. 

6 Wylie, iii. 306; Exch. Accts. 187/6. 

6 Wylie, iii. 60; iv. 72 ; called Balinghem in Harbaville, ii. 186; Ardouin-Dumazet, 
xviii. 297 ; Joanne and Cochery, s.v., but Bevelinghen in Bonaparte, ii. 69 ; St Denys, iii. 
551; Balinghin on map of 1544, in Vaillonet, Plate X; Baveling' on a seal, 1348, in 
Demay, i. 78, not Banellingham as Rym. x. 490; nor Banelinghen as Henry, 80. Exch. 
Accts. 187/6 contains payments to Roger Salvayn (see page 41), for custody of Bave- 
hnghem from Aug. 6, 1414, to Aug. 6, 1417, with 4 + 24 (half mounted and half pedit') 
nd 12 sters. For garrison = 13 + 14 and 12 balisters, July 16, 1421, see Exch. Accts. 

Page 37, note i. 

Inquisition 45 

governors that an enquiry was held before the Earl of 
Arundel as Treasurer of England and William Lord 
Zouche as Lieutenant for the Earl of Warwick. The 
enquiry was opened at Calais on Aug. 24, 1414, and 
evidence was submitted to a jury of 12 burgesses all of 
whom possess genuine English names 1 , and much valuable 
statistical matter is consequently now available in the 
documents which still exist and relate to these transactions 2 . 
The evidence submitted had reference to alleged frauds 
committed during the time of the four victuallers 3 who held 
office at Calais when Henry IV was king. These were 
Reginald Curteys 4 (twice), Robert Thorley 5 , Richard Marlow 6 
and Richard Clitherow 7 and the captains mentioned are 
John Beaufort Earl of Somerset (1401-1 410) s and the 
Prince of Wales ( 1410- 141 3) 9 . The items in question are 
arranged under the headings of the various commodities 
such as malt, barley, beans, oats, salt (both white and 
coarse 10 ), sea-coal 11 , billets (at 3^. ^d. per 1000), bows (2$. 
each) 12 , bowstrings ($d. per dozen), arrows with heads 
(2^. per sheaf), lances without heads (is. 8d. to 2s. each), 

1 Viz. Thomas Somerford, John Watford, John Amery, William Elnar, John Bristowe, 
Richard Baker, Roger Best, Edmund Fraunceys, Thomas Frankeleyn, Robert Louthe, 
Robert Nicholl and John Stanley, junr. 

2 Exch. Accts. 187/3, 4- 

3 For the victualler and purveyor at Calais, see Sandeman, 88. 

4 Wylie, iv. 231, Jan. 20, 1400. 

5 Page 38, note 2. 

6 Wylie, ii. no. 

7 Page 39, note 3. 

8 Appointed March 23, 1401, Carte, Rolles, ii. 181; Sandeman, 11; Wylie, i. 206; 
Doyle, iii. 343. For his death at 37 years of age, see Oman, Pol. Hist. 219. For 
reference to inquisition after his death held in Middlesex, June 28, 1410, see Iss. Roll 
3 H. V, Mich., Oct. 28, 1415; ibid. 4 H. V, Pasch., May 14, 1416; ibid. 5 H. V, Mich., Feb. 
10, 1418; ibid. 8 H. V, Pasch., Mayii, 1420; Devon, 343, showing that he died on Palm 
Sunday, u H. IV (i.e. March 16, 1410, Walcott, Cant. 51; Wylie, iii. 304), not 1419, as 
Hassell, 221. For his brother Bishop Beaufort, as one of the executors of his will, see 
Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., April 12, 1415 ; For. Accts. 4 H. V, i 4 d; Exch. Accts. 187/6. 
For the Bishop's dispute with John Doreward in regard to the will, see Pat. 4 H. V, 
i9d, July 28, 1416. 

9 Appointed March 18, 1410, Carte, Rolles, ii. 199; Sandeman, n; Wylie, iii. 306. 

10 Sal gross'. For gros sel (or sel gris) and sel menu, see Freville, i. 293 ; sel blanc de 
Languedoc, Spont, 431; Cotgr., s.v. ; sel noir de Guerande (Brittany), Spont, 430; sel 
de Poitou or de Ponant (i.e. black or grey salt), Freville, i. 293, i.e. for Marennes, Arvert, 
Oleron and Re, Spont, 430, 431. In Le Quesnoy black salt costs 20 to 25 sols the load 
(charge), but white costs 5 livres, i.e. 4 or 5 times as much, the white being much the 
heavier, Spont, 433. For salt albi, see Amyot, 278. 

11 For carbones maritimi to be sent from Newcastle to London, see Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 21, 
Dec. 5, 1415; charbon de mier imported at Sandwich, Boys, 556; 4 quarters of "see 
cole" &&, Aubrey, ii. 58, from books of the Brewers' Company, 1425. 

12 Cf. Wylie, iv. 230. For ^70 paid for timber and ^9 paid for 300 bowstaves, see, 
Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Dec. i, 1413. 

46 Calais [CH. iv 

lance-heads (jd. to is. each), fir spars 1 at 3^. to 6d. each, iron 
at 6s. %d. the cwt. 2 , and quick lime 3 (& to u. per quarter). 
Besides this there are winches 4 , haucepies 5 , hendriks for 
stretching the arblasts (/ balisf tendend'}, winchards and 
quarrels for the springalds, iron plates for winging (pro 
pennacione) bolts, lathnails 6 , gut for housetiles (nerff* pur 
housetile\ coarse gut (nerf gross\ grease' and glue. The 
account also contains particulars of the revenues of the 
place with lists of the tenants of hostels, cottages, shops, 
rooms, cellars 8 &c. in many of the streets 9 . 

1 Sparr' de ffir', cf. bothe sparre and rafter, Lydg., Troy Book, 140, Cotgrave, s.v. For 
sparrys (21*. the 100), see Maldon Rolls, I2J. 6d. ; for scipplancken, sparren, middelhouten, 
posten, rebben, stylen, scraghen, corbulen, spillen, sloven, stansoeuen, wrangen, &c., see 
Gilliodts van Severen, Invent, iv. 172. 

2 Centena, called 108 Ibs. in Du Cange, s.v. 

3 Gals' ustum, cf. pour estaindre chaux et mellier o sablon, Darne, 87. For "lyme 
and ston," see Kail, 66; murs de pers et de chaux, Burtt, 56. 

4 For winches used in building Dunster Church in 1444, see Lyte, 134. 

8 Wylie, iii. 41, Haucepy, Murray's Diet., s.v.; haussepiez, Darne, 41; cf. poudres, 
canons hauchepiez et tous aultres abillements pour la guerre, Brequigny, 117; arbaletes 
d'un pied et leurs haussepieds, Bonis, I. cxii ; un hauspie a parer arbalaistres, Port, 
328; hausspee a tandre, ibid. 329; spelt Hanaspeces, Hanespeces, or Hausepeces in 
For. Accts. 3 H. V (? neck-pieces) ; hauchepied, A. Martin, i. 151 (i336); = marchepied 
(stirrup or stretcher) pour tendre avec le pied les grosses arbalestes a tour, Godefroy, s. v. 
For aucepis, a wolf trap for jerking a noose with the foot, see York, 34, possibly chausse- 
pieds, i.e. slippers. 

6 Cf. Lyte, Dunster, 118; clou a latter, Monget, ii. 12. For clou chestival or 
quetiveil, Godefroy, s.v. clou a lath (Aussy, Reg. iii. in = lath Cotgr., s.v.); cf. in 
peciis meremii vocatis lates, Hist. MSS. I5th Rept. App. Pt x. p. 144; clou renfonce 
(thick), grant clou a coustre ( = rib, Cotgr., s.v. or coulter, Cotgr.), les doubliers et les 
noes (i.e. noues = gutter, Littre, s.v.; Godefroy, s.v. noe) de la salle, Darne, 62. For 
bordnales, see Baildon, Star Chamber, 28; traversnails, ibid. 29; lednails, ibid. 30. For 

1 cratnail (i.e. cartnail), 6d. in 1383, see Scrope, 163. For i6s. i id. pro clerostis (cloutnails) 
brodis (brads) et lynoes (lining nails), Walcott, Vestiges, 52. For clou a latte, do. a 
chaussier, do. a plomb, Briele, iii. 43. 

7 Silig' (Psmigma). For eras (i.e. grease) at Rouen in 1315, see Cheruel, Commun, 
i. 320. 

8 Sufsalle (sic). Cf. de quodam celario et warderoba et celario sub iisdem (1253), 
G. F. Turner, 18, 27. For John Chambre al. John del celer, Ewald, xliv. 616. For 
celarium below the moothouse at Colchester to be fitted with decent windows and used 
as a woolmarket, Benham, 6, 12. Cf. at celer door, York, 100; hath in Mr celer drinkes 
ful divers, Lydg., Troy Book, 145. Cf. thy sillers disclose, Secreta, 142. For a sellar, 

2 solers and a latrine (1361), see Exeter Deeds no. 906; also sellers and sellers, ibid. 
no. 1623. 

9 e.g. Foresters Street, John Geralds (or Heralds) Street, Woodport Street, Boleyngate 
(al. Bolengate, see p. 38, note 5) Street, Begins (al. Bogines) Street, St Nicoll (i.e. Nicholas) 
Street, Richardoredhalle Street, Mesonclew (i.e. Maisondieu) Street (in quo tenetur hos- 
picium artillar' Dni Regis), Old Staple Court Street, Friars Street, Parsons Street, Bert 
Street, the Watchhouse, the Bolenwell, &c. 



THE king had spent the first three months of his reign 
chiefly at Westminster or Kennington 1 , going down to 
Langley 2 on April 15, 141 3 3 , whither he summoned the new 
Chief Justice and his colleagues to confer with him when 
Easter was over 4 . We find him staying at Kennington 
till May 27, 1413, and he was there again in the early days 
of June. After the rising of the Parliament 5 he left 
Kennington with many of his lords on June 13 and 
travelled by Dartford 6 , Rochester (June 14) and Ospringe 
(June 15) to Canterbury 7 , the harness of the officers of his 
household having been sent down beforehand from Lam- 
beth as far as Faversham by barge 8 . The party arrived at 
Canterbury on June i6 9 and on the following day the king 
gave a funeral feast in honour of his dead father, the cost of 
which is entered at i 27. 7$. 2 \d. not including $. 14^. &/. 11 

1 Rym. ix. 13. 

2 For the Manor of Kings (or Childs or Chiltern) Langley near Watford, see Clutter- 
buck, i. 433 ; R. Gee, 10; Cussans (Cashio), 86; Lewis, iii. 24. The remains known as 
King John's Bakehouse, shown in Clutterbuck, i. 433, are really a portion of the Priory 
buildings, the only remains of the Palace being "the merest fragment on the left of the 
road leading up the hill from the village." J. Evans, 308, 309. For Queen Joan at 
Langley on Feb. 23, 1411, see Pat. i H. V, i. 33. For fancy picture of the Palace, see 
Knight, Shakespeare Richard II, p. 124, called "an ideal elevation" in R. Gee, 10. 

3 Exch. Accts. 406/21, m. 5. 

4 For payments to messengers to William Hankford and his socii to come before the 
King at Langley in crastino Clauc. Pasch., see Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., May 4, 1413. 

5 Page 34. 

6 For \^s. \d. paid to William Chaunderell for destruction of his garden, and 6s. 8d. 
to John Horner pro conculcatione domorum at Dartford, see Exch. Accts. 406/21, m. 30. 

7 For 13*. 4< paid to Philip Cranbourne going to Canterbury for herbergage for the 
King and divers other lords of England, see ibid. 

8 Exch. Accts. 406/21, m. 22. 

9 For documents dated at Canterbury, June 16, 1413, see Priv. Seal 658/54; Fr. 
Roll i H. V, i. 33; Carte, Rolles, ii. 212; Ewald, xliv. 543, 552. 

10 Festum exequiarum regis defuncti, Exch. Accts. 406/21, m. 7, 

11 Ibid., m. 19. 

48 Itinerary [CH. v 

paid for 1320 gallons of wine which had been previously 
forwarded by way of Leeds. On Trinity Sunday (June iS) 1 
he attended a solemn service in the Cathedral at the grave 
in Beckett's Crown behind the high altar, where a hearse 2 
had been put up at the cost of ^100 on which candles and 
wax torches burned night and day 3 while 90 banners were 
displayed about it painted with the arms of all the kings of 
Christendom together with multitudes of fanes 4 , getons and 
valances all gay with various devices 5 . The day finished 
up with a Trinity feast which cost the Exchequer 
,98. 165. 3^. 6 and two days later 7 Archbishop Bowet 
founded a chantry 8 in the Minster at York for two priests 
who were to receive a yearly stipend of 6. 1 $s. 4^. each 
to sing for the souls of King Henry IV and Bishop 
Beaufort, their maintenance to be covered by appro- 
priating the revenues of the parish church of Walton-on- 

On June 19 the king set out from Canterbury, returning 
by Sittingbourne, Newington 9 and Rochester (June 20) to 
Kennington where he stayed from June 21 to 25 10 . On 

1 Rot. Vase, i H. V, 12; Priv. Seal Bills 1114/52; Rym. ix. 27; Capgr. 303; Stow, 
Chron. 344; Wylie, iv. 114. 

9 For picture of a hearse with candles at the funeral of the Archbishop of Bari at 
Constance, see Richental (Prokhorof), 25. 

* Fo j;,^ 100 P aid to a waxchandler for a hearse to be made and placed within 

Church, Canterbury, for the vigil of Trinity with wax lights and other 

apparatus and 70 torches to burn round it, with 53^. 4 </. paid for cloth for covering 

imer round it (barr> pro hercia), see Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., May 20, June 27, 

* Fanez, Rym. ix. 3. 

1 Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., May 20, 1413, has 60 paid for making and painting 
la cum tpto estuffamento pro eisdem (6s. 8rf. each), 50 gytons with various arms 
alances painted with ymagines to be placed in the hearse for the anniversary of 
Z V w * nCXt T ln the Abbe ? of Christ Church at Canterbury. In 
getons'a? y * 5 ' ' 4I3 ' OSt f the banners is given at l6 *' 8</ ' each > and the 

8 Exch. Accts. 406/21, m. 7. 

* V> 2 ' I9; Cal ' Rot * Pat ' 261 ; not ct ^ '4'3' as 
AU Hall WS on the south side of the Presbytery 



s P. itant ' re gem et familiam and Gilbert 
Whlle enter l a ^ing the king's familia, also 
406/7 1 , m. 30. pr P e J racione vessellamentorum, see Exch. Accts. 

dated at Westmi nster, June 23, 1413, in Priv. Seal 

1413] Windsor 49 

June 26* he was rowed up the river in his barge to Sutton 2 
where a council was held on June 29' which advised that 
he should remain in the neighbourhood of London during 
the summer so that he might the more readily deal with 
any pressing business as soon as news of it should come in. 
In spite of this advice however he left Sutton on July 3, 
slept at Windsor on July 4, travelled down again by 
Dartford, Rochester and Ospringe (July 5) for another 
visit to Canterbury, where he passed the night on July 6 
and 7 4 . The purpose of this second journey was probably 
purely devotional in order to visit the shrine of St Thomas 
on the great Translation Festival (July 7) and make in 
person the offering of a golden head inwrought with pearls 
and precious stones which he had ordered at a cost of 
;i6o 5 together with two golden candlesticks weighing 
1 8 marks troy 6 . On the following day he started to 
return, slept at Faversham on July 8 and 9, was at 
Rochester on July 10 and passed through Dartford on the 
nth to Westminster where he transacted business for a 
few days. On July 17* he was at the Lodge in Windsor 
Park where he rusticated with his falconers 8 and feuterers 9 

1 Exch. Accts. 406/21, m. 8. 

2 For the King's barge passing between Sutton and Shene, see Exch. Accts. 406/21, 
m. 23. For payments before Oct. 31, 1413, to William Godeman (who had succeeded 
Robert Atte Were, Wylie, iv. 29, 213) as Master of the King's barge and a crew of 
1 6 bargemen for passages to Sutton, Westminster, Lambeth and Rotherhithe, see Exch. 
Accts. 406/21, m. 21. In do. m. 22 Robert Atte Were is defunctus. For extracts 
relating to the King's barge, see Lega Weekes, 167. For payments to John Freeman, 
the ferryman at Datchet, see Exch. Accts. 406/21, mm. 22, 30. Cf. Wylie, iv. 203. 

Ord. Priv. Co. ii. pp. xii, 125. 

Exch. Accts. 406/21, m. 8. Not that Rochester was the farthest point reached, as 
Ramsay, i. 167. 

Devon, 322. 

Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 38. 

apud Logen de Windsor, Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 17, 1413; Exch. Accts. 
406/21, m. 2, probably in the Little Park to the east of the castle, Tighe and Davis, 
i- 75> 369; Archaeologia, xxvi. 277. 

8 For his falconers, see Exch. Accts. 406/21, m. 32. For Robert Morton esquire, 
keeper of the King's falcons, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 10, 1413. 

3 For Roger Kent, Feuterer de Buckehoundes, see Pat. i H. V, ii. 33. For feuterer 
(i.e. dog keeper), see Halliwell, 355 ; Ogilvie, Diet. i. 744 ; not tenterer, as Wylie, iii. 245 ; 
York, p. xxii. For veltrars, see York, 105, 144; or veautrers (valtrarii), G. F. Turner, 
s.v. ; not veantrer, as Rot. Parl. v. 167; cf. Tho veloter two caste of brede he rase, 
Two lesshe of grehoundes yf that he have, Manners and Meals, i. 320, ii. 127. Called 
men who held the hounds in slips or couples, York, 72, 107, 162 ; Godefroy, s.v. vautroi ; 
Cotgr., s.v. vaultre, valtri; G.F.Turner, 151; veltre, veltris.veltrehus, vertragus, York, 142, 
199; Prompt. Parv. , s.v. grehounde (gresehounde), veltraga, vertagus; Fuller, Worthies, 
ii. 4, who derives it from velt (i.e. field) and rach (i.e. brach) ; not boarhounds, as Littre, s.v. 
vautri al. veltre, viautre. For account of William Brocas, Master of the King's "buk- 
hundes," on July 5, 1449, see Cal. Pat. P.R.O. H. VI, iv. 241, showing \d. per day each 

W. 4 

50 Itinerary [CH. v 

for the rest of the month with the exception of a short visit 
to Kingston on the 21st 1 . On Aug. i 2 he watched a 
wrestling match in Windsor Forest 3 , and on the same day 
he sent to the monks at Westminster 4 a huge stag which 
had just fallen to his cross-bow 5 . From Aug. 2 to 1 1 he 
was at Henley-on-the-Heath 6 and from Aug. 15 to Sept. 23 
his time was mainly spent at Windsor 7 where he was 
present at the consecration of Bishop Courtenay on 
Sept. i; 8 . From Sept. 24 to Oct. 8 he was at Guildford 9 
whither 1200 marks in money were sent down to him 10 for 
the expenses of the household 11 . On Oct. 9, 1413, he was 

for food for 30 hounds (i.e. 24 running dogs and 6 greyhounds), wages of i yeoman vautrer 
(id. per day), and 2 yeomen called berners (ijrf. per day). 

' 1 For w. 8d. paid to John Harlande at Kingston, pro occupatione domorum, see Exch. 
Accts. 406/21, m. 30. 

* Exch. Accts. 406/21, m. 23. 

8 For description of Windsor Forest, see J. C. Cox, 287-300. 

4 For 8 fallow deer from Windsor Forest given by Henry III to the Abbey where the 
huntsman blew 2 menees (Halliwell, ii. 549) on his horn at the high altar when delivering 
them, see York, 177. 

8 Memorials, 71. For the cross-bow used in hunting the deer, see Gaston Phoebus 
in Gallwey, 43, 49, 78, 79, with dogs retrieving bolts, ibid. 33. 

6 For documents dated at Henley, Aug. n, 1413, see Priv. Seal 628/81; also 
Aug. 28, 1415, ibid. 628/88; Pat. i H. V, iii. 6; iv. 25. For repairs to Henley-on- 
the-Heath in 1413, see Exch. Accts. 502/29, including tiles for pointing rooms 
brought from Aldborough (i.e. Albury) and Guildford, also for sowding (i.e. soldering) 
defects in a gutter. 

7 He was at Windsor Aug. 15, 18, 20, 22, 27, 1413, Exch. Accts. 406/21, m. 19; 
Rym. ix. 46; also Sept. 16, 17, 18, 20, 1413, Pat. i H. V, iii. 17, 18; v. 17; Glaus, i 
H. V, 18, 22 d; Fr. Roll i H. V, 22; Cotton MS. Calig. D. 5, f. i. For messengers 
sent from Windsor Park with tallies and letters of the Treasurer of England to the 
customers of Southampton, see Exch. Accts. 406/21, m. 32 d. For a document dated at 
Westminster on Aug. 19, 1413, see Rot. Scot. ii. 207. 

J Stubbs, Reg. 85; Mowbray, 165. 

9 For iis. Sd. paid for damage to house and vessels at Guildford, see Exch. Accts. 
406/21, m. 30. For w. 4^. paid to John Feriby for travelling 7 days from the court at 
Guildford to London, Windsor, Sutton, Kennington, Westminster, Eltham and Merton, 
see ibid. m. 23. In Rec. Roll i H. V, Mich., Nov. 8, 1413, John Feriby (or Fearby, 
Wyhe, ti. 476, note 8) and John Wake are farmers of the subsidy and of ulnage of cloth 
in Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex and Herts.; called Fereby et socii in Rec. Roll 2 H. V, Mich., 
Nov. 8, 1415. 

"For payment to Robert Burton sent to Guildford with 1200 marks to be delivered to 
the King and the Treasurer of the Household there, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 2, 
1413. The Larl of Arundel as Treasurer of England was there also, Exch. Accts. 
400/11, m. 12, Oct. 2, 1413, which records 200 received from him at Guildford. 

tor compotus of Thomas More, Treasurer of the Royal Household (appointed 

^f, ' ' 4 ^A ? L p Pat H T l l* { ' 445) fl m March 2 3> HIS, to Oct. 31, 1413, when he 

sded by Roger Leche, kt., see Exch. Accts. 406/21, during which time the 

expenditure = ^86oo. 17,. *., including 6. los. id. given in tlms at the daily 

^H'pnrv n iv?w 4 r M -- 3 ' maS de Brounfl ete, knight, late Treasurer of the Household 

now Sure f y h' H 475 .' n S I3! iU> * 84 ' n te 5) ' hallded Ver t0 Th maS M re > 
led ^ ,f ^ ? Cnry V ' JeWdS and VeSSdS th CXaCt Wei S htS Of Whicn 

lZ g w C r P ChargCrS . ( ?di P- cha 'gers, Wylie, iv. 198, 210!, candelabra, 
tabus , see 198). ladles and chaufrons, see Exch. Accts. 406/17. 

M re clerk y /l K S) f l^w at ^ 976 ' los ' ** see ibid ' 46/2O. For Thomas 
erk, late Keeper of the Wardrobe, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V? Mich., Feb. 20, 23, 


Thomas More 51 

at the Abbey at Chertsey and from Oct. 10 till the end of 
that month at the Augustinian Priory at Merton 1 , after 
which the Court appears to have removed to Kennington 2 
and thence to Eltham 3 for the winter. 

1415, which refers inter alia to supplies of pike, flounders and other fish, faggots, talwood, 
&c. (for tallwodde and smallwodde, see Essex Herald, 28/3/05). In Pat. 4 H. V, 17, 
June i, 1416, More is nuper Thesaurarius ; also Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Pasch., Mich., June 20, 
1418; Feb. 14, 1419. For wages (,31. 7-r. 9^-) and robes (53^. 4^.) to Thomas More as 
Treasurer of King's Household for Michaelmas Term, 1413, see Exch. Accts. 406/21, 
m. 27. On June i, 1416, he is late Treasurer of the King's Hostel, Rym. ix. 357. For 
references to him as holding the same office, see Wylie, i. 301 (Oct. 22, 1403) ; Pat. 
i H. V, i. 28, April 12, 1413; Cal. Rot. Pat. 260; Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., May 4, 1413; 
Rec. Roll i H. V, Pasch., Sept. 18, 1413. Thomas More was Dean of St Paul's (so called 
in Pat. 3 H. V, i. 31, June 25, 1415) from Jan. 1407 till his death in Dec. 1421, Le Neve, 
ii. 312. He had before held the prebends of Chamberlainewood (St Paul's) in 1390, 
Aylesbury (Line.) in 1395, and Leicester St Margaret (Line.) in 1399, ibid. 168, 374, 395. 
On Nov. 3, 1398, he was made Archdeacon of Colchester, ibid. 340. He rebuilt the 
chapel in the Pardonchurchyard (or Pardonchurchhaugh, Benham-Welch, 59) on the 
north side of St Paul's, and was himself buried there on Jan. 4, 1422, Stow, 122 (ed. 1876), 
called the Charnel Chapel, i.e. over the charnelhouse, where two brotherhoods were 
founded in 1379, Knight, London, iv. 222. More had likewise added the cloister in 
which was afterwards painted the picture of the Dance of Death known as the Dance of 
Paul's, with Lydgate's verses (MacCracken, xii; Benham, 10), translated from those in 
the cemetery of the Innocents near the Halles in Paris. For permission to him to found 
a chantry dedicated to St Anne and St Thomas the Martyr for 3 chaplains in the chapel 
called " Pardonchirchehawe, " see Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 31. It was destroyed temp. Ed. VI, 
the materials being used in building Somerset House, when the bones were removed to 
Finsbury, where they formed a bone-hill (now Bunhill Fields), Benham-Welch, 59. In 
1421 More was received in fraternitatem at St Albans, and his executors contributed 26.?. 
ad opera hujus ecclesiae, Amundesham, i. 65. 

1 Exch. Accts. 406/21, mm. 9-17. For John Romeney, elected Prior of Merton, see 
Pat. i H. V, i. 28, May i, 1413. For money delivered to the King at Merton, see Iss. 
Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 17, 1413- For reference to the Treasurer of England at Merton, 
see ibid. Oct. 21, 1413, with an entry on the same day of 7u. 8d. +6. is. id. for 
breakfast at Westminster (one day) for the Chancellor, Treasurer and other Lords of the 
Council, together with the Justices and barons for electing sheriffs, escheators and Justices 
of the Peace. 

2 For an indenture dated at Kennington, Nov. i, 1413, see Exch. Accts. 406/18. 

3 For reference to the Treasurer at Eltham and js. 8^. paid to a malemaker (Wylie, 
iv. 274) for 4 pairs of budgets (bowges) to carry a certain sum of money from Westminster 
Abbey to Eltham with all speed, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Nov. 8, 1413; Feb. 16, 22, 
1414; also for the Keeper of the Wardrobe at Eltham, ibid. Dec. 9, 1413. 




NEGOTIATIONS that had been pending with Scotland 
during the closing months of the late reign 1 were allowed 
to proceed and safe-conducts were issued for Walter 
Forrester Bishop of Brechin 2 , Clerk of the Rolls of Scot- 
land 3 , and others who were coming to treat for the release 
of King James. 

On April 12, 1413*, an order was made out for the 
liberation of Sir James Douglas and 24 other Scots 5 from 
the Tower, the list including John of Aiwa or Alway 6 , 
Robert Scrimgeour, who had been macer to King 
Robert III 7 , Dougall Drummond, chaplain to King James, 
who became the medium of further negotiations 8 , and John 
Wells, afterwards the king's confidential servant to whom 

p. IxxviT * Safe ' Conduct dated Feb< ?> H'3, see Rot. Scot. ii. 202 ; Exch. Roll Scot. iv. 
Rym. ix. 5, 4 8; Rot. Scot. ii. 204, 207; Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. r6o, April 16, 

I27 ' I32 ' J 34' '59. Vi, 

(called^ADr^S t'rJ n' co ? mitt ? d ^ \ he Tower P er John Drax, dated April 2, 

8 " csvi69) ' see Claus - r H - v ' ^ For 

x5 . 

S-4R fi 

Abbe^f see Cowfn i l" 47 ^ ^'f' F-. portrait 3 Rob^t III from Newbattle 
Iconiraphia Tor'lisseaHcor 7 ^^ A hl ^' J nst n ' Inscri Ptines, i; Pinkerton, 
For Ws medal wkh sw^d scent rl^ "^ Anders q on ' Diplomata, Plate LX; Pinkerton. 
Anderson, Diplomata ^ Plate CLXXVI' H CrOWn n a " d ? otto! -^ "*"* ' w, see 

omaa ate CLXXVI H n - , 

, whodates SfS^li S 6 "L** 11 * 1 the ld and valet udinary king" in 

I4 5> instead of Aprii 4> I4 6f see 

. Roll pp. Ixxxv, 339, 344 , 34 9 5 , 

i4 J 3] Roxburgh 53 

he entrusted the care of his little daughters Margaret and 
Elizabeth 1 . The balance of the Earl of Douglas' ransom 2 
was likewise paid off and on Aug. 26, 141 3 s , a permit was 
issued for him to cross from France and have an interview 
with King Henry. 

But during those months events were happening which 
kept English vigilance from being ever lulled to sleep. 

The truce with Scotland had still five years to run and 
would not formally expire till Easter 14 18 4 , but in view of 
the prevailing temper it was now decided that if satisfactory 
terms could not be arranged for the future outlook, the 
forces of Lancashire, Yorkshire, Nottingham, Lincoln and 
Derby should be placed at the disposal of the Wardens of 
the Marches to strengthen their position and enable them 
to insist effectually upon compliance with all necessary 
demands. An immediate instalment of 50 men-of-arms and 
100 archers was despatched to the East March with ^455 
assigned to pay their wages while a force of half that 
strength was sent to Carlisle 5 . The Earl of Westmoreland 
received ^939. 17^. 6^</. 8 to pay his troops on the West 
March and sums amounting to ^1950. icxr. 8</. 7 were sent 
as wages for the garrison at Berwick to the king's brother 
John 8 , to whom grants were made of manors and fishing 
rights on the Scottish side of the Tweed 9 . Robert 
Umfraville was summoned to appear before the Council at 
Westminster by the middle of August 14 13 10 in order to 
arrange for the future custody of Roxburgh which had been 
granted to him for six years in 1411 with an allowance of 

1 Exch. Roll Scot. iv. pp. ci, 411, 437, 438, 473, 508. 

2 Viz. 700 marks, Rym. ix. 718; Rot. Scot. ii. 205. For meetings at Cawthorpe 
(near Louth) and Raby to discuss ransoms in 1413, see Rym. ix. 49; Rot. Scot. ii. 204, 
208. Barrett (108) seems to think that the Earl of Douglas was set free immediately 
after the battle of Shrewsbury, but his whole account of the battle is uncritical and 

3 Rym. ix. 48; Rot. Scot. ii. 207; Chancery Warrants, Ser. i. 1364/1; Michel, 
Ecossais, i. 113. 

4 Wylie, ii. 393; Hi. 281. 

5 Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 133. 

6 i.e. j625 for wages from March 21, 1413, Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 24, 1413, 
and ^314. 17^. 6Jrf., ibid. Mich., Nov. 15, 1413. 

7 Viz. ^1325. IQS. Sd., Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 24, 1413 (not ,1335 as Devon, 
3 2 3) + ;625 Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Nov. 15, 1413. 

8 For his appointment as keeper of the town and castle of Berwick, see Pat. i H. V, 
iii. 41, June 12, 1413. 

9 Rot. Scot. ii. 207. 

10 Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 135. 

54 Scotland [CH. vi 

,1200 per annum in war-time and 1000 marks in time of 
peace 1 . Half of this amount was still in arrears but before 
the king had been a year on the throne the annual allowance 
had been paid up in full 2 and on May 24, 14 14", an order 
was sent out for stone-cutters, carpenters and labourers to 
repair the castle, arrangements being at the same time 
made for the carriage of corn, beer and provisions for 
victualling the garrison. The traders of Berwick 4 were in 
the meantime to be kept in good humour by a ten-years 
renewal of their privileges whereby the rate of duty was 
reduced on wool grown between Teviotdale and the 
Coquet 8 . On July 19, 141 3 6 , Robert Umfraville and 
Robert Ogle were appointed to negotiate on behalf of the 
king of England; on Aug. 7 7 three Scottish knights 8 were 
commissioned by the Duke of Albany, who was then at 
Doune Castle on the Teith, to meet them on the Border 
and on Sept. 26, 1413, a truce with Scotland was proclaimed 
to last till June i, 1414', and it was while these negotiations 
were going on that the safe-conduct was issued 10 for the Earl 
of Douglas to come by land to Calais with 40 persons, 
cross thence to any of the Cinq Ports and return to France 
or Flanders. 

Communications had been for some time passing 
between the Dukes of Albany and Burgundy and when 
HenrylV was dying, a Scottish knight named John Bothwell 11 
was with the latter from whom he brought back a handsome 
chamber 12 of Arras as a present to the Duke of Albany in 

i Wylie, iii. 280; Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 133, 134. 
Mich lu/i I '.f A** 1 * 1 '*'** +&M' 6s ' **' Iss - Rll i H. V, Pasch., 

Rot oii,;, ' o c0 ' v ' '7* 

re as Chamberlain and Customer of 

*, , . 9 
SHr - 

* Rym. ix. 60. 

uJl. ^'DTA.tiogV^f 53> "' 3 ' F r belief that this safe-conduct was not 
W .theviUe in Ub'oVde, i. 97; Bo.hville, Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. , 

1413] The Earl of Douglas 55 

Scotland. It is not surprising therefore to find that during 
the spring and summer of this year the Earl of Douglas had 
been in Paris in company with the Earl of Orkney 1 where he 
formed an alliance with the Duke of Burgundy on April 2, 
14 13", whereby he agreed to bring 4000 Scots to the service 
of the Duke in Artois or Flanders, as might be arranged, the 
Duke of Burgundy on his side undertaking to land 300 men 
in Scotland if required, and it is probable that the Earl of 
Douglas now seized the opportunity of putting himself right 
with the dominant Armagnacs who were just reasserting 
themselves against the violence of the Cabochians, while 
his ally the Duke of Burgundy was at that very moment 
being driven from power in the capital. In the meantime 
the Duke of Albany had bestirred himself on behalf of his 
eldest son, the captive Murdach, and sent his second son 
John Earl of Buchan 3 , then Chamberlain of Scotland 4 , ac- 
companied by his chaplain John Busby to England in the 
autumn of 1413 to arrange if possible for his release 5 . On 
July 1 6, I4I3 6 , passports were issued for William Cockburn 7 , 
John Sinclair and others to visit England. Others again 
such as Robert Maxwell of Calderwood 8 and Master 
Robert Lany (or Lanyn) Provost of St Andrews 9 followed 

carreaux d'ouvrage, Deschamps, viii. 137; une chambre blanche de satino a devise de 
faucons et autres oiseaulx volans garniz de 6 tappiz de Guinec to cost 4000 liv. tourn., 
Lecoy de la Marche, Manuscrits, 179. 

1 Wylie, ii. 395/2, 399/1; not 1412, as Bower, ii. 447; Maxwell, i. 141; Rait, 
Quair, 17, supposes that he was "tutor" (i.e. instructor) to King James, and remained 
with him throughout. 

2 Gachard, 44; not April n, as Plancher, iii. 373; nor 1412, as Michel, Ecossais, 
i. 113; Beaumont, i. 306. 

3 Not eldest son, as Maxwell, i. 140; called "Bughan" in Rym. ix. 244, or 
"Bogham," Rym. ix. 48; Rot. Scot. ii. 208; cf. Wylie, ii. 264. He had been made 
Earl of Buchan in 1408, being then about 28 years of age, Pinkerton, Iconographia, 
who gives a fancy picture of him from a private collection near Chambord (Loir et Cher). 
For his marriage in 1413 (contracted in July 1410, Maxwell, i. 140) with Elizabeth, 
daughter of Archibald Earl of Douglas, see Douglas, Peerage, i. 266; Exch. Roll Scot. 
iv. p. clxxxiii; but cf. Wylie, ii. 382, note 6. 

4 Exch. Roll Scot. iv. pp. 1, clxxxii, 261, 262 (June 27, 1416), 326, 327. For his 
account as Chamberlain of Scotland rendered at Perth on July 28, 1420, by his deputy 
John Forster of Corstorphine, see ibid. pp. 332-336. 

5 Rym. ix. 48; Rot. Scot. ii. 207, Sept. i, 1413. For safe conduct, dated July 6, 1413, 
for Alexander Carnys Provost of Lincluden and Master Gilbert Kaime or Cavane till 
Nov. i, 1413, see Priv. Seal 658/72; Rym. ix. 30; Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. 169. 

6 Rym. ix. 40; Rot. Scot. ii. 206, 207. 

7 He was customer of Haddington and was absent in England on July 3, 1413, Exch. 
Roll Scot. iv. 177. For his death in 1419 see Bower, iv. 1212. 

8 Near Kilbride in Lanarkshire, Exch. Roll Scot. iv. 238. 

9 Ibid. iv. 142, 163, 211, 223, 238; called "Langue" in Menteith, i. 245. 

S 6 Scotland [CH. vi 

in November 1 and on Dec. 19, 1413*, Sir William Douglas 
of Drumlanrig 8 , Alexander Scheles of Peebles 4 and John 
Wells were all in London and had personal interviews with 
King Henry about the release of the Scottish King James 
who, as we have seen, was then lodged in the Tower 5 . On 
Aug. 3, 1413", an order was issued to deliver him and 
Murdach to the custody of the constable of Windsor 7 but 
both were back again in the Tower by Oct. 31, 1413 8 . In 
the following year the release of King James seemed so 
near at hand 9 that 5000 marks out of the money expected 
for his deliverance was earmarked for payment of the 
wages of the garrison at Calais 10 but in spite of protracted 
negotiations his actual release was really as far off as ever 
and on Feb. 22, 1415", he was sent to the dreary flats at 

1 For their safe-conducts dated Nov. 13, 1413, Feb. u, May 8, June 28, July 20, 
1414, see Rym. ix. yr, 113, 125, 145; Rot. Scot. ii. 209, 210, 211 ; Exch. Roll Scot. iv. 
pp. Ixxi, Ixxviii. For 120 paid to them in 1414 for expenses of two journeys to England 
pro liberatione domini nostri regis see ibid. iv. 211. For safe-conduct dated Oct. 10, 
1413, for Sir J. Drummond of Concraig (near Crieff) coming to England, see Cal. Doc. 
Scot. iv. 170. 2 Rym. i x . 79, 8o ; Rot. Scot. ii. 209. 

3 For safe-conduct for his return dated Feb. 8, 1414, see Rot. Scot. ii. 209 For 
permission dated Oct. 15, 1414, for him to come to Berwick to fight with John Clifford 
ibid i' "' 7I2; Rym ' iX> l6l> subse( l uentl y altered to Carlisle Dec. 16, 1414, 

Exch. Roll Scot. iv. 23. 5 Page If note IIe 

,- TV*! 4 t 5 < ? ' D T OC - Scot ' iv ' r 7 ; J- T - T - ^own. 93 J Tighe and Davis, i. 
278, who think that King James was at Windsor for ii years. 

Pat , H v y -" l4l3 ' f Si A J ^ n ,? tanleyis referred to as Constable of Windsor Castle, 

&* : j^tt^te^*s 

Sco t ^d\fi e C Cdlch M oTlvfe 4 ' s te f Rv J il 1 n PMter <^ Ue '-399, note 5) coming f rom 
Albany dated at Falkirk May 7l5 ,1, , top' ?' , Jl - F ?, r mst ti from the Duke of 
to treat for the release o?Zrdkh^ t Me n W " "" f ! L W> 55) 

upon. See also tal'lW 5^ tfWml *?* ^ in certain 'p.aces, to be agreed 


. ,. , 4 , 5 , to Dec. 3 o, %% kec.t " 

1413] King James 57 

Pevensey under the charge of Sir John Pelham who received 
^700 per annum for his maintenance 1 , being retransferred 
to the Tower after King Henry's return from Agincourt 2 . 
During this time good feeling certainly existed between 
the two sovereigns for we know that the prisoner James 
had presented Henry with three palfreys 3 , and on Jan. 30, 
1416*, described him as "more gracious than he could say 
or write" while still urging that the Duke of Albany should 
do his duty for his deliverance. 

1 For his expenses from Dec. 19, 1415, to Jan. 28, 1416, see Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., 
April 30, Aug. 10, 1416. For John Pelham's park at Herstmonceux, see Ad Quod 
Damn. 368. For his will dated at Robertsbridge, Feb. 8, 1429 (not 1428 as Wylie, ii. 
112), where he died on Feb. 12 following, see Collins, viii. 106 ; Inq. p. Mort. iv. 121. 
For value of his manors in Sussex with inventory dated Sept. 29, 1403, see Collins, viii. 
97. On March 21, 1413, he was appointed a Justice of the Peace for Surrey and 
Sussex, Pat. i H. V, i. 35 d. He was commissioned to array the forces of Sussex on 
May 29, 1415, Rym. ix. 253 [255]; Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 37; Collins, viii. 103, and on 
Oct. 24, 1415, he was on a drainage commission for Peasemarch, Rye, Farleigh (i.e. Fair- 
light) and Pett, Pat. 3 H. V, i. 17 d. 

2 On Jan. 28, 1416, he was placed under the charge of Sir William Bourchier, 
Constable of the Tower, at a cost of 135-. \d. per day, Devon, 345, March 18, 1416. For his 
expenses in the Tower at 13^. 4^. per day from Jan. 28, 1416, to Dec. 12, 1416, on which 
day Roger Aston the Lt-Governor was exoneratus, see For. Accts. 6 H. V, 20 ; Cal. Doc. 
Scot. iv. 175; Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Mich., Nov. 4, 1416; Add. MS. 24513, f. 13, where 
Roger Aston, kt., Lieutenant for William Bourchier Constable of the Tower, received 
payment on Aug. 10, 1416, on account of King James who had been in his custody since 
Jan. 24, 1416. For a letter from him to the city of Perth written in London, Aug. 8, 
1416, see Menteith, i. 287. 

3 i.e. between 1414 and 1416, see Exch. Accts. 106/24 (i) where they are called 
"Bayard Kyng, Lyard Kyng and Blaunche Kyng." Also 2 palfreys, one of which was 
called "Dun Wodevyle," were given by King Henry to the Earl of Fyfe with 3 laton 
saddles and bits and reins (capistr'). 

4 Menteith, i. 285, 286 ; Exch. Roll Scot. iv. p. Ixxviii ; Maxwell, i. 142 ; Lang, i. 292 ; 
Wylie, ii. 403, note 3 ; not 1417 as J. T. T. Brown, 94. The letters were sent to Scotland 
by John Lyon "belufit chapellayn" who was in London on Jan. 20, 1416, on which day 
a safe-conduct was issued for his return to Scotland available till April i, 1416, Rot. 
Scot. ii. 215. For a curious quarrel as to priority of knowledge about these letters, see 
Burnett, 9, 15-19. If "Stratford Aw" from which they are written means Stratford on 
Avon James was apparently staying at the college there (see Monast. viii. 147 1 ), if Stratford 
Abbey as Lawson, xxi, xc ; Wylie, ii. 403, note 3, it is to be noted that this house was 
known as Stratford Langthorne (Monast. v. 586) which has been sometimes confused with 
St Leonard's nunnery at Bromley; called Stratford at Bow, Lysons, Environs, ii. 59; 
Monast. iv. 119; Ashbee, p. 3; called domus de S juxta civitatem Londonii juxta 
stratam publicam situata, which was sunk in poverty temp. H. IV, V. Add. MS. 24062, 
f. 150. 



ON June 8, 141 3 1 , Sir John Stanley was for the second 
time 2 made Lieutenant of Ireland in place of the king's 
brother the absentee Duke of Clarence 3 . The appointment 
was to last for six years on the understanding that he 
should receive 4000 marks (2666. 13*. 4^.) for the first 
year and ^2000 per annum afterwards, for the defence of the 
country over and above the cost of transport of his troops 
and baggage 4 . On June 19, 1413', orders were sent to 
the mayors of Liverpool and Lancaster arranging for the 
shipment of 1000 horses for him at ports in Lancashire 
and Cheshire, and on July 15, he was still preparing to 
start 6 . On Sept. 6, 141 3*, a proclamation was issued re- 
quiring that all Irishmen should return to their own land to 

1 Pat. i H. V, ii. 15; iii. 19, 34; iv. 36; Cal. Rot. Pat. 261; Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 231 ; 
Ramsay, i. 167. He is called Lieutenant of Ireland on July 13, 15, 27; Oct. 6, 24, 
1413, in Priv. Seal Bills 1114/3, 43> 4^i 1115/24, 35; for two payments to him of 
,1333. 6s. Stt. each on June 27 and Nov. 15, 1413, respectively, see Iss. Roll i H. V, 
Pasch. and Mich., on which latter date he is called Lieutenant of Ireland for three 

2 Wylie, i. 223-227. For account of him see ibid. ii. 289-293. He was the second 
son of William Stanley knight of Stourton in Wirral (Cheshire) who died in June 1398. 
William Stanley's grandson Thomas married Maud the only daughter of John Arderne 
kt. of Elfordnear Lichfield, for whose monument, see Earwaker, i. 323, 324, 328; Wylie, 
Notes, 113. For a pedigree of the Stanleys, originally from Stoneley in Staffordshire 
(Sleigh, 185), see Earwaker, i. 328; ii. 602. For their arms (3 stags' heads), see Viet. Co. 
Hi.-t. Lanes, iii. 158, with bibliography. For "the Eagle sitting on a Roote, A swathed 
Infant holding in her foot," see Drayton, 31. This appears on the stall-plate of his 
grandson Sir Thomas Stanley, K.G. (d. 1459), Hope, Plate LXII; also of Sir Thomas 
Stanley, K.G. (d. 1504), ibid. Plate LXXXVI. 

1 Wylie, iv. 551. For arrears to be paid to him from the death of Henry IV till the 
arrival of Sir John Stanley, see Glaus, i H. V, 16, July 14, , 4 , 3 . On Oct. i, 1413, the 
Duke of Clarence is still called Lieutenant of Ireland in Glaus, i H. V, 14, 17. 

For 110 paid for shipping his men, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., June 27, 1413. 

r? i k 1 ' IS U d ' .. F r 4 sma11 iron S uns and 4094 Ibs. of gunpowder delivered 
to him, see Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 341. 

6 Profecturus, Pat. i H. V, ii i 

7 Glaus, i H. V, 2 id. 

1413] Sir John Stanley 59 

defend it, and later in the same month, Stanley sailed from 
Chester for his new command. On Oct. i 1 he landed at 
Clontarf on the north shore of Dublin Bay and a Parlia- 
ment was held at Dublin on Nov. 6 2 . The new Lieutenant 
was certainly at Dublin on Oct. 25 and Nov. 19*, and 
he spent his Christmas and held his New Year's Feast at 
Ardee 4 in County Louth, but he died on Jan. 18, 1414*, 
killed, as the native bards believed, by the stinging virulence 
of their lampoons 6 . His wife Isabel the heiress of Knowsley 7 
followed him to the grave nine months later 8 and they were 
buried side by side in the chapel of the tower that he had 
built by the waterside at Liverpool 9 . 

John Stanley left indeed no pleasant memory among 
the English settlers in Ireland who complained that he 
enriched himself by his extortions and did not pay his way 10 . 
The Irish had been lately giving trouble 11 and the native 
annals record victories for them in County Wexford 12 under 
Art McMorough Lord of Leinster, by the O' Byrnes over 
the English of Dublin and by Murrough O'Connor Lord of 
Offaly (now King's County) at Killeagha 13 in the Barony of 
Fore near Oldcastle in County Meath. So on the day of 
Stanley's death 14 three war-governors were deputed to act 
in the king's name until the appointment of his successor. 

I Marleburgh, 218; Sanford-Townsend, 93 ; D' Alton, 85; called Sept. 25 in Holinsh. 
76, who calls it "Clawcarfe"; though For. Accts. 8 H. V, m. 30, records charges for the 
Red Cog taking him from Chester to Dublin in August, 1413, William Turbuk being the 
Constable of Chester though not mentioned in list of Constables in Ormerod, i. 224. 

a i.e. Monday after All Saints, Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 203. 

3 Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. pp. 96, 99, 157. 

4 Anstis, i. 39. For documents dated there on Dec. 25, 1413, and June i, 1414, 
allowing a murage for building the town walls, see Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 202, 203. For con- 
firmation of privileges to Athirde (Atrium Dei called Athird in Holinsh. i. 76), see Pat. 
i H. V, ii. 9, Oct. 20, 1414. 

5 Marleburgh, 218; Gilbert, Viceroys, 301; not Jan. 8, as Beltz, xvii, clvii; nor 
Jan. 6, as Earwaker, ii. 602; nor Jan. 6, 1413, as R. Cox, i. 149. In Pat. i H. V, ii. 
4, Feb. 14, 1414; Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 203, he is nuper loc. ten. Hib. 

6 Four Masters, iv. 819; Gilbert, Viceroys, 301. For native Irish writers of the 
fifteenth century, see Olden, 281. 

7 Wylie, ii. 290. 

8 She died Oct. 26, 1414, Earwaker, i. 328 ; Langton, i. 105, from inquisition held 
at Ormskirk on June 5, 1415, where she is called "Issabella." 

9 T. H. Turner, iii. 421 ; Viet. Co. Hist. Lanes, iii. 159; Baines, ii. 307, with view 
of it in 1680; Wylie, ii. 292. 

10 Gilbert, Viceroys, 302, 568; riens ou poy, H. F. Berry, 568, where the settlers 
complain in 1421 that his heirs are graundement enriches e enhansez and ought to be 
made to pay his debts. 

II Holinsh. i. 76. 

12 Called Conta Reagh, Four Masters, iv. 815. 

13 Cill Eochain, ibid. 14 Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 203. 


Ireland [CH. vn 

These were Christopher Holywood, Sir Edward Ferrers 1 , 
and Janico Dartas 2 , who was still constable of Dublin 3 
while the chancellor, Thomas Cranley 4 Archbishop of 
Dublin, took formal charge of the government as Justiciar 
or Lord Justice of Ireland 5 , John Bermingham 6 a Judge 
of the Irish Bench undertaking the duties during his 
temporary absence in England 7 . Cranley however soon 

1 For grant to him dated March 28, Sept. 13, 1414, of custody of two parts of the 
lands of the late John Darcy in Ireland during the minority of Philip the son and heir, 
see Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 204, 205 ; Rot. Select. 52. For Ferrers' previous appointments in 
1407 and 1409, see Wylie, iii. 163, 170. For his appearance before the Barons of the 
Exchequer in Dublin Nov. 2, 1415, and Dec. 10, 1417, see Rot. Select. 52. In Glaus. 
4 H. V, 15 (Aug. 27, 1416), also Exch. Accts. 247/7, 10 (1420) where he is called Edward 
Pers, kt., he is Constable of the castle of Wicklow \_Wynkynlo inter Obrynnes (i.e. 
O'Byrnes, Wylie, ii. 145) situata\ where his son John is also mentioned. On June 26, 
1417, he was one of those who signed the memorial to the English government urging 
that John Talbot should not leave Ireland, Orig. Lett. Ser. 11. i. 63. 

'"For grants to him of 100 marks p. a. from the customs of Drogheda, ^40 p. a. 
from the fee farm of Dublin, and is. per day (Wylie, iii. 166, note i) confirmed on 
April 21, 1413, see Pat. i H. V, iii. 20, 30; Rot. Parl. iv. 161; Memoranda Roll K. R. 
3-4 H. V, 41, May 3, 1415; Gesta, 126, June 5, 1418; Carte, Rolles, i. 264; Dep. 
Keep. Rept. xli. 693 ; Pat. 6 H. V, 20, July 20, 1418; Claus. 6 H. V, 3, Sept. 23, 1418 ; 
also of the manor and town of Esker, see Priv. Seal 658/76, July 17, 1413 ; for arrears 
pardoned to him Dec. 25, 1413, see Rot. Select. 41. This manor was regranted to him 
for life together with Newcastle of Lyons and Tassagard (i.e. Saggard) from Sept. 16, 
1420, see Pat. 8 H. V, i, Feb. 18, 1421 (i.e. after the death of Sir John Dabridgecourt), 
Wylie, iii. 167; D'Alton, 649. For permission to him and his wife Elizabeth to accept 
lands at Killaghyr (co. Louth) from two chaplains, see Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 204, dated 
July 14, 1414. For his muster (10 + 30) at Southampton in 1415, see Exch. Accts. 
4 6 /3 (8); Sloane MS. 4600, pp. 265, 267, 278; not Dartus as Hunter, 54, nor Daytas as 
Nicolas, Agincourt, 378. For permission dated Dec. 9, 1416, for him to export 600 
barrels of wheat from Ireland to England, Harrleur, Bordeaux and Bayonne, see Pat. 4 
H. V, 7. In Priv. Seal Writs 3 H. V he is Seneschal of Ulster and Custos of Greencastle 
and Carlingford. On March 25, 27, 1417, he is going to England, Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 214. 
For 2 trotters and 2 palfreys in the king's stables called Lyard Janico, Bayard Janico, &c., 
as gifts from him, see For. Accts. 3 H. V; Exch. Accts. 106/24 (i), where he receives a 
horse called Lyard Mortimer. For English earls interceding for him after he had fought 

uel, cf. Gesta, 126, note, who refers to his obit (Nov. 20) in Book of Holy Trinity, 


Dim. He was with the king at Louviers in June 1418, Rym. ix. 595; 
rants, Ser. I. 1364/63 ("which yet is abydyng with us"); and he took part i 

; Chancery 
in the siege 

oi Kouenm the same year, Rym. ix. 596; Gesta, 125; J. Page, 9 (who calls him 
'lemco ' Brut, ii. 388, or "lenyco the Squyere," Brut, ii. 396). For 
Um n ^ w Bord ?. aux > f e Carte ' Roll es, i- 348, where the praepositura Urnbrarie 
A br a T f' Wy i! e ' I1K 75) at Bordeaux, is granted to him Sept. 14, 1400, see 
Accts. i87/!2 For grants to Sampson Dartas Apr. 19, 1414, see Cal. Rot. Hib. 


^ HCrtS " SeC Pat 3 H. V, i. I0 d. 

I49; Lascelles ' L *? (who su pp ses that he was Lieu - 

t-' Hih 0n J a Y9. Oct 18, 1414, he is Justic' Hibernie, Rot. Select. 4 o, 
Hib ,. 20 tho in 

p^ u'u J \ *y>~^- 10 > '4M' " c is justic moernie, Kot. Select. 

irch 8 O N* 5 ' Ug Sald ^ haVC been ^PP 010 ^ on J an - 22, I 4 i 4 , 
'r>-iu '-'^^ov. 13, I 4 i 4 , he is nuper Justic', Cal. Rot. Hib i. 206 cal 
3r in Gilbert, Viceroys 302. 

at tl 1 ^:;^^ Hr 3 , being in England 

altered). For i 'nalfrev 't i' SS& " l6j (where the word "settled" should be 
06/^4 (i). y> y Evelyn," given by him to the king, see Exch. Accts. 

1414] John Talbot 61 

returned 1 and at once marched out from Tristeldermot with 
prayers and a religious procession and slew 100 of the 
O'Mores and the O'Dempseys at Kilkea 2 in the valley of 
the Barrow, repairs being about the same time ordered for 
the dilapidated walls at Naas 3 . On Feb. 13, 1414*, the 
Treasurer, Lawrence Merbury 5 , left for England to lay the 
state of Ireland before the Council and to seek a remedy 
with the result that on Feb. 24, 14 H 6 , the great John 
Talbot 7 Lord of Furnival and Hallamshire was appointed 
Lieutenant of Ireland for six years though he did not 
actually take up his command in the country till nearly 
nine months later, and pending his arrival a force of 60 
men-of-arms and 300 archers was sent over for the protec- 
tion of the settlers under Thomas, Earl of Desmond 8 . 

On the day on which John Talbot received his appoint- 
ment as Lieutenant, Hugh Burgh 9 was made Treasurer of 
Ireland in place of Lawrence Merbury who was again 
appointed Chancellor of Ireland on March 2, I4I4 10 . On 
Feb. 25, 14 14", a Parliament met in Dublin and sat for 

I He was in Dublin on March 16, May 28, July 12, 1414, Rot. Select. 42; Cal. Rot. 
Hib. i. 209. 2 Marleburgh, 219; called Kilka in Holinsh. ii. 76. 

3 For murage for 20 years granted for this purpose from May 24, 1414, see Cal. Rot. 
Hib. i. 206. 

4 On this day William Tynbegh was appointed to act as his deputy during his absence, 
Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 203; Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 99. 

5 For grant to him of the manor, castle and domain of Tallagharn in South Wales 
(i.e. Laugharne near Carmarthen) dated June 9, 1413, see Pat. i H. V, i. 22 ; Cal. Rot. Pat. 
260 ; also of the manors of Crumlin and Chapelizod near Dublin, the latter on March 1 1 , 
1415, see Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 206; D' Alton, 545, 696. For allowance of ^40 p. a. 
(Wylie, ii. 133, note 3) continued to him June 12, 1413, see Pat. i H. V, i. 8. For will 
of his former colleague Edward Noon, kt. (Roy. Lett. i. 76; Wylie, ii. 133), dated at 
Shelfang (? Shelf hanger near Diss in Norfolk), proved at Lambeth in 1413, see Genealo- 
gist, vi. 132. For Lawrence son of Thomas Merbury in Ireland, see Pat. 3 H. V, i. 21 ; 
ii. 26, May 3, Nov. 5, 1415. 

6 Pat. i H. V, v. 13; Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 206, 212; Doyle, iii. 309; cf. Devon, 335; 
Sanford-Townsend, i. 245; not 1413, as Gilbert, Viceroys, 304; O'Flanagan, i. 80. For 
^100 paid to him as Lieutenant of Ireland, see Devon, 335, July 19, 1414. 

7 Called "John Talbot de Halomshire Sire de Furnivall" in Rot. Parl. iv. 161 ; Add. 
MS. 24513, f. 13. 

8 He is stated to be about to cross on April 21, Dec. 18, 1413, in Pat. i H. V, iii. 
18 d; v. 30; Priv. Seal Bills 1115/8, 18 ; Four Masters, iv. 815, where the Earl of 
Ormonde (i.e. James Butler the 4th Earl) also comes from the King of England. In 
Pat. i H. V, iv. 4, Thomas Abbot of Keynsham near Bristol is going to Ireland on 
Dec. 18, 1413, with R (sic) Earl of Desmond, and on Sept. 12, 1413, the Earl of Desmond 
granted to him the advowson of the church of Dungarvan, Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 204. 

9 Pat. i H. V, iv. 2. He was still Treasurer on Sept. 18, 1414; Jan. 7, ii, May 23, 
1415; Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 209, 211 ; also in 1420 (8 H.V), Exch. Accts. 247/14. On Oct. 1 8, 
1414, he was going to England on business of John Talbot, Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 205. For the 
manors of Esker, Saggart and Crumlin granted to him in 1416, see D'Alton, 649, 723. 

10 Chancery Warrants, Ser. I. 364/4; Pat. i H.V, v. 16; Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 205, 207 ; 
Wylie, iii. 162, 170. He was still Chancellor in 1420, Exch. Accts. 247/7, 8. 

II Marleburgh, 218; Holinsh. i. 76. 


Ireland [CH. vn 

15 days but refused to grant a tallage. On March 6, 1414*, 
Edward Ferrers was appointed Marshal of the armed forces 
of Ireland but the only outcome of the preparations would 
appear to have been a serious defeat of the settlers by the 
O'Connors in County Meath where Thomas Mareward 
Baron of Skreen 2 was killed 3 and Christopher Fleming and 
Janico Dartas 4 were taken prisoners. 

But as a rule the Irish records are of little interest at 
this time. The king's thoughts were elsewhere and Ireland 
was left to fight her own battles by herself. The Carmelites 
of Leighlin received their usual allowance for keeping the 
bridge over the Barrow against the Irish, and the land- 
owners of County Carlo w 5 had to be compensated for the 
losses inflicted on them by their remorseless neighbours. 
Here and there some favoured Englishman 6 receives a 
betterment in recognition of his services in Dublin, while 
others are appointed to petty offices as waterbailiffs, 
gaugers 7 or spigurnels 8 . Some Irishmen were allowed 
the libertas Angliae* (i.e. to come under English law) 
with permission, in spite of English statutes 10 , to hold 

1 Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 203. 

2 For the manor of Santry granted to him as one of the possessions of the family of 
Feipo or Phepoe into which he married (Wylie, ii. 133, note 4), see D'Alton, 253. 

* Four Masters, iv. 815; Moore, iii. 153; Wylie, ii. 133. In Marleburgh, 219; 
Holinsh. ii. 76; the engagement is dated May 10, 1414, but this must be too early, for 
Mareward is still referred to in a document dated July 17, 1414, in Cal. Rot Hib. i. 204. 
On April 12, 1415, he is late Baron of Skreen (ibid. 210), and his death is referred to in 
a document dated Dec. 18, 1415 (ibid. 215), where his wife is called Joan and his son 
Thomas is under age. This son signed the protest of June 26, 1417, as Baron of Skreen, 
Orig. Lett. Ser. ii. i. 63. 

* Called John Dardis in Marleburgh, 219. On the arrival of John Talbot his grants 
(see page 60, note 2) were all suspended as having been p'chaces sinistrement et p faux 
suggestion, and not restored to him till Nov. 16, 1417, Rot. Parl. iv. 161. 

T 2?&J L I27 i, e 'S- Kobert Vale, Lord of Castletown (? either Black Castle near 
Leighhn Bridge or Ballymoon near Bagenalstown), received 20 marks p. a. for his losses 
through the Insh, Pat. 2 H. V, iii. 5, June 25, 1414. 

e.g. increase of 4W. p. a granted on April 14, 1414, to John Corryngham, clerk, 
urer of the Exchequer of Ireland, Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 204. On Jan. 18, 1416, he was 
^ ^^ at DubHn and Clerk f the Works of the 

7 Priv. Seal 659/106; Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 213. 
i.e. sealer of writs (obsignator), Du Cange, vi. 6 49 ; Cent. Diet., s.v. ; Purey-Cust, 

i, see Cal. Rot Hib i 

"Liber fas Angliae" 63 

benefices 1 or to be received into religious houses. Permits 
of absence were granted to Irish labourers and others to 
reside away from their country 2 while English merchants 3 
were authorised to import English cloth and salt, bringing 
away Irish fish and Irish corn in return. 

We have seen above that John Talbot was appointed 
Lieutenant of Ireland 4 on Feb. 24, 1414, though on Nov. 16 
of the previous year the records contain an order committing 
him to the Tower 5 . So far I have not been able to find 
any explanation of this fact unless it be in connection with 
certain " discords, dissensions and debates " that had arisen 
between him and the Earl of Arundel about some land in 
Shropshire 6 and it may be that Talbot's appointment to the 
government of a country where his kinsmen had long held 
land 7 was a sort of diplomatic ostracism intended to nip 
the possibility of a Talbot- Arundel feud which might have 
developed into political venom such as was sapping the life- 
blood of France beyond the Channel. It has been sug- 
gested 8 however that Talbot's imprisonment may have 
been connected with Oldcastle's rising and the date of the 
warrant would at first sight seem to lend some probability 
to this view. But that he could have shown no real 
sympathy with this movement is obvious from the fact that 
just when it had reached its most dangerous climax he was 

1 For John Martell, a native of Ireland, warden of the Free Chapel at Cork, a 
scholar in the University of Oxford, see Pat. 4 H. V, 3, March 26, 1417. Tyler 
(ii. 232) thinks that "no Irishman in those days was ever promoted to an ordinary 

2 Pat. i H. V, iv. 34. For permission dated April i, 1414, for John, son of Richard, 
chaplain, to be absent from Ireland for 7 years, also to Gilbert Alneth (July n, 1414), 
clerk, physician to the Duke of Clarence, for 2 years, see Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 204, and 
John Pedwell, prebendary of Tipperkevin, Dublin, going to Rome on private business, 
ibid. i. 205, Sept. 14, 1414. 

3 e.g. Robert Russell of Bristol, Pat. 2 H. V, iii. 7 d, Feb. 12, 1415. For the 
"Trinitee de Bristol" carrying wine, salt, cloth, &c., to Ireland, see Clans, i H. V, 36, 
April 5, 1413. 

4 "Lyeutenant of Irland," Secreta, 133; Gilbert, Account, 119. 

5 Claus. i H. V, 14; Dugdale, i. 328. 

6 i.e. a close called Pokmore which the Abbot of Wenlock had let to John Talbot to 
farm; see order dated Feb. i, 1414, to the escheator of Salop to take it over for the 
king, Claus. i H. V, 12; called "le comune de Poukesmere" in Chancery Warrants, 
Ser. I. 1364/9; Gesta, xxviii, where a writ dated June 3, 1414, from the King to the 
Chancellor directs that the case shall be decided in the courts. 

7 For Malahide on the coast near Dublin, granted to Richard Talbot in 1174, see 
D'Alton, 191, 199. For Thomas Talbot, who had been in those parts since the time of 
Richard II, see Orig. Lett. Ser. I. i. 63; also Richard Talbot, of Meath, ibid. 

8 Diet. Nat. Biogr. v. 319. 

64 Ireland [CH. vn 

considered safe enough to be appointed a commissioner for 
the trial of the rebel Lollards in Shropshire 1 . 

In view of his approaching departure for Ireland he 
took out letters of attorney on May 14, i4H 2 > but at least 
six months more elapsed before he actually sailed 3 . On 
Sept. 26*, Archbishop Cranley crossed again to England 
in person and it was evident that Talbot's departure 
could not now be longer delayed. Official payments 
had been made to the new Viceroy before July 19, I4I4 5 . 
Orders had been issued on Aug. i8 6 to provide shipping 
for his passage. Harbingers 7 and purveyors had been 
appointed to provide corn, barley, bread, fuel, wine, beer, 
fish, flesh, poultry and all things necessary for his hostel 8 
while tilers, stonecutters and carpenters were busy reno- 
vating and repairing Dublin Castle for his reception 9 . He 
landed at Dalkey on Nov. 10, 14 14, and three days later 11 
he was ceremoniously received by Archbishop Cranley in 
the Lady Chapel of Trinity Church in Dublin 12 . Letters of 
protection were made out for him in England on Dec. 4, 
1 414" and we have still a note of the wages paid to the 

J Pat. i H. V, v. 23 dors. Jan. 1 1, 1414, where he is called John Talbot of Halumshire ; 
also on July 28, 1414, to enforce the Leicester statute against the Lollards, Pat 2 H V 
ii. 32 d. 

Pat. 2 H. V, i. 37. For Sir John Aston, clerk, and Robert Dyke going to Ireland 
in the service of John Talbot, knight, see Pat. 2 H. V, i. 33, May 10, 1414. 

w-,r For T 0rder , dal fL May "' I4I4> to him and Willia 'm Roos of Hamlake to arrest 
William Laverok of Chesterfield, see Pat. 2 H. V, i. 19 d. For tomb of William Roos 
. Bottesford with SS collar, see Eller, 25, 365; Wylie, ii. 180, note; also that of his 
wife Margaret who was a daughter of John Lord Arundel, Eller, 366. She died July * 
<? ] C mp / eer - V1 " 4 2 ' , f S u <* Beatrice (see Wylie, ii. 1 79, note i), Lady de Roos 
dated Jan 26, 1414, proved May 16, 1415, see Palmer, Yarm, 17. For Roos arms in 
York Minster also at Kirkham Priory near Malton (Yorks.), founded by Walter 1'Espec, 
Monit vf "o;. 1 ' ** ' "' ***' * ^^ f Kirkham ' See Apologia, xxi. ?6o] 

4 Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 209. 

8 Devon, 335. 

8 Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 208. 

herbarjour, Halliwell, 

Sept is> Dec - 8> I4i> 

iv. no' ' <9; n0t e P tember > as 

v. no oML ' er > as our uem, 

of Erin. Ce ' "' I45> Whlch sa >' s that he Plundered many of the bards 

] S vS, lb r' Vicero >; s ' 34, who thinks that he was then in his 

1415] Hosting 65 

troops who came over with him from Dec. 5, 1414, to 
Feb. 20, I4I5 1 . One of the objects of the new appointment 
had been "the keeping of the sea 2 " and for this purpose 
he was accompanied by some of the king's ships. On 
Dec. 10, I4i4 3 , a knight named John Keghley and an 
esquire John Brigg were appointed Admirals of Ireland 
and on Jan. i, 14 15 4 , Robert Rowland was made a Marshal 
of the Admiralty in Ireland for life. 

John Talbot's administration was marked at the outset 
by a burst of restless activity and during the year that saw 
the capture of Harfleur and the victory of Agincourt he 
was hosting the wild Irish and the rebel English as far 
from the capital as he dared. He rebuilt the broken bridge 
over the Barrow at Athy 5 , spoiled the Walshes of Sleave 
Breathnagh in the west of County Kilkenny and plundered 
Brinemore in West Meath 6 . Twice he raided the O' Mores 
of Leix 7 , staying six days in their country and each time 
burning the crops and wasting the land. He took the 
strongholds of Shenneigh and Colindragh 8 and set free 
many English prisoners. After the second visit O'More 
came to terms, gave up his son as a hostage for good be- 
haviour and served in person with the English force in their 
attack upon the O'Connors 9 and MacMahons in Louth 10 . 

1 In comitiva dni de Talbot, Exch. Accts. 44/24. For 1166. y. ^d. (i.e. 
33- 6s. &d. + ^"832. i6s. 8d.) paid to him for wages from Jan. 30 to Dec. 31, 1415, 

see Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., June 25, 1415; also Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 179, where the 
amount is totalled as ^"2445. us. \\d.; see also Cleop. F. iii. f. 141; Ord. Priv. Co. 
ii. 198; Orig. Lett. Ser. II. i. 54. 

2 For payment recorded Oct. 4, 1414, for repair of the Cog John going with 
Dominus Talbot pro salva custodia maris, see William Catton's account in For. Accts. 
8 H. V. 

3 Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 206. For Admirals of Ireland from Wicklow Head to Lepers 
Island (Leperisylond, probably the same as Slepesyland in Wylie, iii. 166), see Pat. 2 
H. V, ii. 22; Cal. Rot. Pat. 263, where "Wykyngloue (i.e. Wicklow) Head" becomes 
Wikinglande. Cf. Nicolas, Navy, ii. 534. 

4 Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 206. 

8 Moore, iii. 154; Gilbert, Viceroys, 305. Not Athenry, as Diet. Nat. Biogr. 
Iv. 319. 

6 Four Masters, iv. 821. 

7 Now Queen's County, called Layse or Laies in Orig. Lett. Ser. n. i. 56 ; or 
"the Morthes of Leys" in Secreta, 203. Cf. R. Cox, i. 150. 

8 For Collyndrogh, Cullintraugh or Colyntagh in Co. Meath or Co. Carlow, see 
Inquisitionum Repertorium, Index, s.v.; Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 139, 160. The name may 
perhaps still survive in the Barony of Cullinagh near Abbey Leix in Queen's County. 
Shenneigh is identified as Shean in D' Alton, 30. 

9 For various indentures between John Talbot and the Irish leaders O'Connor, 
O'Brien, &c., still extant, see D'Alton, 201. 

10 Or Uriel, Wylie, ii. 146. Called "the parts of Ulnestre" in Orig. Lett. Ser. 
II. i. 56; D'Alton, 30. 

w. 5 

66 Ireland [CH. vn 

Here the new Viceroy made a great impression by cutting 
his way for six miles through a dense forest and carrying 
off great numbers of cows, horses and small cattle thereby 
for the moment striking amazement into the Irish chiefs 
one of whom named Maurice O'Keatmg submitted at 
Whitsuntide at Lissenhall 1 near Malahide with a rope 
round his neck and his sword's point held against his 
throat 2 while Arthur MacMorough of Kildare sent an 
envoy 3 ' to England in the summer of 1415 signifying his 
willingness to do homage, his son Gerald Caelmanach 
following later on the same errand 4 . But nothing really 
permanent came of it, for in spite of a mandate 5 to the new 
bishop 6 to treat for terms the English in Meath were 
again attacked in 1416 by the O'Connors of Offaly who 
captured arms and horses and took many prisoners 7 , while 
MacMorough slew or captured 340 of the settlers in 
County Wexford, taking hostages before he would consent 
to terms of peace. Meanwhile the interests of the Viceroy's 
family were not allowed to suffer, for besides the appoint- 
ment of his brother Richard as Archbishop of Dublin to be 
presently related, Talbots with various Christian names 
constantly appear as holders of many positions of profit 8 . 

1 Lassenhall, Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 226; D' Alton, 327. 

3 Orig. Lett. Ser. n. i. 59; Tyler, ii. 238, who dates it in 1417. 

8 Viz. John Down, the Cistercian Abbot of Dusk or Dousk in Co. Kilkenny (=Vallis 
S. Salvatoris or Vallis Dei), Dublin St Mary's, ii. 218, 226, 228, 231. 

4 For his safe-conduct, dated July 24, 1415, see Rym. ix. 287. For Donough, son of 
Art MacMurragh, King of Leinster, sent to the Tower by John Talbot, see Gilbert, 
Viceroys, 311; O'Flanagan, 83, who gives neither date nor authority. He is called 
Arthur MacMurgh captayne of Iryshraen in laynystere in Secreta, 186; or Art Mac- 
Murdhadha, Loch Ce, ii. 147. For his death in 1417, see Four Masters, iv. 831, where 
he is Art, son of Murtagh, son of Maurice, Lord of Leinster. For leynestere, or 
laynester, whych is the v 6 part of Irlande, see Secreta, 181, 184, the other parts being 
Thomon (or Thomond, of which the Obrenys, or O'Breens, Wylie, ii. 145, are princes 
in 1422), Connaght and Monstre (the Bourkenys), Uriel (the McMahons), and Ulnestre 
(O'Neyle-boy), Secreta, 203. 

8 Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 209, March 10, 1415. 

i.e. Edward Dauntsey or Dantsey, who had been Archdeacon of Cornwall since 
July 13, 1396, Le Neve, i. 398; Staff. Reg. 80. He was appointed Bishop of Meath, 
April n, 1413 (Pat. i H. V, i. 28; Cotton, iii. 113; Gams, 229), in succession to 
Robert Montagne or Montan, who died May 24, 1412, Eubel, i. 355. Dauntsey received 
the temporalities on Feb. 13, 1415, Cal. Rot. Hib. 208, 215, and held the bishopric till 
his death on Jan. 4, 1430. 
7 Four Masters, iv. 829. 

8 e>g \/ 20 p<a ' S ranted to Thomas Talbot, junr, Feb. 21, 1415, Cal. Rot. Hib. 

208. Walter Talbot is made Marshal in County Wexford, Jan. 18, 1416, ibid. i. 211, 

Talbot is appointed Coroner for County Kilkenny, Feb. 18, 1416, ibid. 

V 'i'-'r iu i homas Talbot > Knight, as attorney for the viceroy's brother, Gilbert, 

i i .?" l " En g land > s ee ibid. i. 211, Jan. 14, 1416. For John Talbot, Kt., 

oing to Ireland on Oct. 10, 1415, see Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 23. For the tomb of Richard 

1416] Thomas Cranley 67 

Apart from the time spent in Dublin John Talbot was 
frequently found at Trim, Naas, Tristeldermot, Ardbrakan, 
Ardee, Lusk and Tallaght 1 but though he accomplished in 
a short time more than had been done in Ireland for many 
years past yet he could not get payment for his men who 
took to promiscuous plundering to find sustenance for 
themselves and their horses. Again and again important 
personages crossed to England 2 to ask for men, money, 
ships and guns, but no satisfaction could be obtained from 
the English Treasury as all available funds were wanted 
for the conquest of the crown of France, and at length 
when Agincourt was won and King Henry had come back 
in triumph, John Talbot recrossed to press his claims in 
person at Westminster. He sailed from Clontarf on Feb. 7, 
14 1 6 3 , and took part in the reception of King Sigismund 
on his landing at Dover in May of the same year 4 . He 
left the government of Ireland again in the hands of 
Archbishop Cranley 5 who took the oath as his deputy in 
Dublin on Feb. i4 6 . During Talbot's absence his wife 
bore him a son at Finglas 7 on June 19, 141 6 8 . But the 
child, who was named Thomas, died on August 10 following 
and was buried in the church of the Black Friars in Dublin. 

Archbishop Cranley called a Parliament at Trim on 
May n, 1416, which sat for 1 1 days and granted a subsidy of 
400 marks and life went on in Ireland very much as usual. 
The archbishop crossed for the last time to England on 
April 30, 1417, commissioned to represent the desperate 

Talbot, a burgess, in the Cathedral at Kilkenny, see Carrigan, iii. 152, who dates his 
death as 1408 (?), but 14(5 in Holinsh. ii. 76, where he is Robert Talbot, "a right noble 
man that walled the suburbs of Kilkenny." 

1 Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 206-211 has documents dated at Trim, Jan. 7; Feb. 13, 16; 
March i, 9, 10, n, 29; April 12; Nov. 12; Dec. 2, 18, 19, 1415. Naas, Feb. 26; 
May 12; June 10, 26; July 9; Aug. i, 1415. Tristeldermot, Feb. 22, 23, 24, 1415. 
Ardbrakan, Feb. 28; March 14, 21 ; April 22, 24; Aug. 8, 28; Sept. 28; Nov. 13, 1415. 
Ardee, Sept. 8, 13, 18; Oct. 5, 6, 10, 18, 23, 24; Dec. 8, 1415; Jan. 23, 1416. Lusk, 
Nov. 2, 1415. Tallaght, Dec. 21, 29, 1415. See also Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 99. 

2 e.g. Hugh Burgh, the Treasurer, p. 61, note 9; Cal. Rot. Hib. 211, May 23, 1415. 
Bishop Dauntsey, ibid. Nov. 12, 1415. 

3 Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 212; not 1415, as O'Flanagan, i. 80. There is no ground for 
supposing that he was present at Agincourt, as Nicolas, 127; Towle, 325, the retinue 
(20 + 53) given in Nicolas, 345, at Southampton in Aug. 1415, being that of his brother 

4 Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 194. 

5 Gilbert, Viceroys, 306. 

6 Cal. Rot. Hib. i. 212. 

7 A few miles to the north-west of Dublin, D' Alton, 376. 

8 Not 1414, as Gilbert, 306. 



Ireland [CH. vn 

condition of the country, in spite of some opposition on the 
part of the Talbot faction 1 . But he was now 80 years old 2 
and he died at Faringdon in Berkshire on May 25, 141 7 3 . 
His body was carried to Oxford and buried in the chapel 
of the New College of which he had been Warden 20 years 
before 4 , and the college still possesses several of his books, 
some oif which he had bought at Liverpool and Chester on 
landing from Dublin 6 . He is described by a contemporary 
as beautiful and courteous, tall of stature and of a sanguine 
complexion 6 and with a high capacity for wit 7 , and his 
memory was cherished among the English at Dublin as 
that of a kindly, honest administrator who paid his way 
reasonably without oppressive extortion 8 . He was suc- 
ceeded as archbishop by John Talbot's brother Richard 
who was made Archbishop of Dublin on Dec. 20, 1417". 
He had previously been beneficed in the diocese of 
St David's 10 , had been vicar of Ludlow 11 , Radnor and 
Henllys 12 near Newport in Monmouthshire, had held pre- 
bends in connection with the cathedrals of Hereford 13 and 
York 14 , had been Precentor of Hereford 15 and had lately 
been appointed Dean of Chichester 18 . He crossed to Ireland 

1 For refusal of the Chancellor, Laurence Merbury, to affix the Great Seal of Ireland 
to his commission, see Gilbert, 310; H. F. Berry, 567. 

2 He was born in 1337, Diet. Nat. Biogr. xiii. 17. 

3 Gams, 218; Pits, 597. 

4 For his brass with epitaph, see Waller; Ware, i. 337; Wood, Antiq. i. 201, where 
he is said to be dressed in his "formalities"; Druitt, 79. He had also been the first Warden 
of Wickhara's College at Winchester, Wylie, iii. 162, note i, but resigned May 12, 1389, 
Leach, 66, 67, 128. For picture of him in Thomas Chandler's MS. at New College 
Oxford, see Archaeologia, liii. 232; Leach, 216. 

8 e.g. on July 2, 16, 1408, from a priest or from Friar Richard Torbok (see p. 59, 
te i) at Chester, or from a bookseller in Liverpool, Coxe, New College MSS. xxxvii, 
xxxvni, xci, civ, cxii, cxxii, where he is called "Cranle." 

Marleburgh, 219. Non modo ingenio verum etiam calamo utpote bonis instructus 

ambus plunmum mvaluit, Leland, Commentarii, 269, who says that he wrote an elegant 

Latin p>em (consisting of 106 lines) to the king, whom he supposes to have been 

'" 5 ' " ^ *' ^ ^^ Archbish P s ' ***' GObcrt, Vice- 

7 O'Flanagan, i. 83. 
Gouverna benignement et honestement, H. F. Berry, 568. 

10 Cotton, ii. 16. 

^ Wh . ich ^e resigned in 1407, Reg. Mascal, f. 26. 

^ 2? I4 e ? 3 S m Pat ' ' H ' V > L *7' where he exchanges to it from Radnor on 

' !'*' F U ^ S n ^ aj0r ? ince J une 6, 1401, Le Neve, i. 526. 
. Fndaythorpe, in Oct. 1412, ibid. iii. 187. 

J ,TcV 4 M 7 ' ibi *- L 486; ' F1 anagan, i. 86. 
i.e. in 1415, Le Neve, i. 256. 

1417] Richard Talbot 69 

on May 2, 141 8 1 , and retained the archbishopric till his 
death which happened on Aug. 15, I449 2 . On Feb. 26, 
141 7 3 , a petition was presented to the Council at West- 
minster that all persons born in Ireland should return 
thither to take their share in the defence of the country 
as they had been required to do more than three years 
previously 4 ; to which the king replied that the matter 
should be attended to when Lord Furnival's term of office 
had expired. But the situation could not brook such delay 
and before a month was out the necessary order was issued 
in the most peremptory terms 5 . For the next two years 
the records show that John Talbot's allowance of ,2000 per 
annum as Viceroy of Ireland was punctually paid 6 though 
he did not actually return to his command till April 14, 
14 1 8 7 , and even then made no long stay in the country. 
We know that he was at Swords on Jan. 5, I4I9 8 , but 
later in the same year he sailed from Ireland for the 
campaign in France, leaving the government in the hands 
of his brother Richard 9 who received ^"500 per annum from 
the Irish Exchequer as Lord Justiciar of Ireland 10 in addi- 
tion to his emoluments as archbishop. John Talbot never 
actually returned to Ireland 11 and after his departure tongues 
were freely let loose against his extortion and rapacity 
which spared neither saint nor sanctuary 12 . He still formally 

1 Pat. 6 H. V, 29, where he is going to Ireland in comitiva Johannis Talbot. 

2 H. Cotton, ii. 16; Elmham, Lib. Metr. 163. 

3 Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 219. 4 Page 29. 
6 Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Mich., March 18, 1417. 

6 Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., Mich., May n, 1416, March 9. 1417; also 
,1042. 165-. 5^., ibid. 5 H. V, Mich., March 5, 1418, and payments are still made to him 
as Custos of Ireland in Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Pasch., April 4, 8, 1418, and passim; do. 

7 H. V, Pasch., Mich., May i, 5, 21; June i; Aug. 26; t)ec. 5, 1419; also March 8, 
1420, where he is called Gilbert Talbot. 

7 Called a leave of absence for 10 years in Gilbert, Viceroys, 311; D' Alton, 201, 
supposes that he was at the siege of Caen in Sept. 1417, but this is probably a confusion 
with his brother Gilbert. For letters of protection, April 4, 1418, for him going to 
Ireland, and letters of general attorney, April 12, 1418, see Pat. 6 H. V, 28, 29; though 
from H. F. Berry he would appear to have been present at a Parliament held in Dublin 
on Jan. 27, 1417 (4 H. V). 

8 Rot. Select. 40 ; also on July 21, 1419, Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 99. 

9 Diet. Nat. Biogr. ^.319; O'Flanagan, i. 86. 

10 He was appointed Justiciar on March 6, 1420, Exch. Accts. 247/9; an d sworn in 
office as Justic' ter' Hib' on March 9, 1420; ibid. 247/10. He is still so named on 
Oct. 28, 1422; Gilbert, 569. 

11 He actually ceased office on Feb. 24, 1420, Exch. Accts. 247/7. ^ n I ss - RH 

8 H. V, Mich., Jan. 30, 1421, he is late Lieutenant of Ireland. In Rot. Parl. iv. 161, 
July 12, 1421, he is ore enhabitant en Engleterre. He was present at a Council at 
Westminster on Nov. 5, 1422, Ord. Priv. Co. iii. p. 6. 

12 Gilbert, 310, 570; O'Flanagan, i. 83; saunz poy ou rien paier, H. F. Berry, 570. 

?0 Ireland [CH. vn 

retained the name of viceroy till he was succeeded in office 
on Feb. 10, 1420', by James Butler, 4th Earl of Ormond 

I have already endeavoured to show how entirely 
misinformed the English settlers were as to the real habits 
and character of their neighbours whom they persisted in 
speaking of as the "wild Irish 2 " and a recently published 
account 8 of the personal experiences of a southern traveller 
who journeyed into the very heart of the country supplies 
so many authentic details of the highest interest in regard 
to this question that I am tempted to digress here into 
a short abstract of its contents 4 . Raymond of Perillos 6 was 
a native of the county of Roussillon, which, though on the 
northern side of the Pyrenees, then formed part of the 
Kingdom of Aragon. But his father had been personally 
attached to the Kings of France and he himself had been 
brought up at the court in Paris, where he had been 
one of the chamberlains to Charles VI 6 . In 1390 he was 
created Viscount of Perillos 7 , a fortress in the Corbieres close 
to the frontier of Languedoc, where the remains of a castle 
may be seen to this day 8 . He was also Lord of Roda 9 and 

1 Exch. Accts. 247/10, 13; not 1419, as Lodge, Peerage, iv; nor 1407, as Ware, 
Hist, and Antiq. ii. 88 (W. Harris, edn. 1764); H. L. Ward, ii. 492 ; R. Cox, i. 152. 

a Wylie, ii. Chap. xlvi. Cf. "des Escos sauvages," "des Hirlandois sauvaiges," 
Lannoy, (Euvres, 169, 171, who visited the Purgatory in Ireland in 1430. 

3 i.e. by A. Jeanroy. Portions of it were translated into Latin by the Irish contro- 
versialist O'Sullivan Beare, and published in his History in 1621. 

1 For a previous short account of this episode, see Wylie, ii. 168. 

5 For an account of him, see Anselme, vii. 758; Gazanyola, 257 ; Jeanroy- Vignaux, 
pp. xiv-xviii, who finds no mention of him later than 1405 (p. xviii) and refers to his 
supposed burial in the Grey Friars Church at Perpignan (pp. xxii, lix) ; but he had an 

- ..- - mines of Argentiere and Freyssinieres 

in Dauphmy, Comba, 282. For Ponzetuo de Perillos, nephew of the Archbishop, see 
A. Leroux, 173, Feb. 14, 1418. 

Jeu era son servido e camerlene (i.e. of Charles VI) et fory de son pay re que me avia 
^JT 11 ' Jf nro /' .53- Cf. camerarius regis Francie, Carte, Rolles, ii. 174. 

1 Penllaux m Rym. viii. 14; Anselme, vii. 759; Perilleu, Carte, Rolles, ii. 174; 
i erellos, Uemay, n 51 ; D. M. J. Henry, ii. 36, where he is captain-general of Roussillon 
an; miglios, Wolff, Panormita, 45 ; Perilleux, O'Connor, 52 ; Perhilos, Healy, 
tios, Delehaye, 38; Pereliosus, Valla, 1044, 1056, where he is inter primos 
m procerum; called Don Raimondo de Perellos, Faraglia, 188; Raymundo 
on Kamon de Perelhs, Ametller y Vinyas, i. 47, 64 ; Raimondo Periglios, 
/'I- o 11 mon de Perellos gobernador de los Condades de Rosellon y 

monte, ii. 5^, 9 ? Raimondo Periglios Catalano huomo de multa autorita, Sum- 

; Jeanroy, xiii. 

9 H , V > , . 

Castella^e i ^.^ Vesconte ^ Perelhos et de Roda et Senhor de la baronia de Serret, 
e, 51, 72, Jeanroy, 3, 54 . Ro da is called Rodes in Rym. viii. 14; Carte, Rolles; 

1397] Raymond of Perillos 71 

Ceret 1 . He was a great traveller and had often been 
imprisoned both by Christians and Saracens 2 and when 
King John I of Aragon died in 1395, his restless spirit 
formed a resolve to visit the famous Purgatory at Lough 
Derg 3 in Ireland to try if he could find the spirit of his 
dead sovereign there and see what pains he was enduring 4 . 
With this purpose in his mind he went to Avignon 
where he had an interview with Pope Benedict XIII and 
two Cardinals who all advised him not to tempt God and 
deceive himself 5 but to remember the fate of the many 
former venturers to whom the Purgatory had proved their 
grave. But his mind was quite made up and after obtaining 
the Papal blessing he left Avignon with his nephew and his 
three sons 6 on Sept. 8, I397 7 , and was well received on his 
arrival in Paris. A safe-conduct 8 had been already procured 
from King Richard II and after full deliberation Raymond 
made his way across from Calais and landed at Dover 9 on 
Nov. i, 1397. He was sure of a welcome in this country, 
for the long truce had just been signed 10 with France after 
the recent royal marriage between King Richard and the 
French king's daughter Isabel 11 ; one of the members of 
Raymond's company being Enguerrand Lord of Coucy 12 
whose wife Isabel had come over as governess to the young 
bride and was now the greatest lady at the English court 13 . 

ii. 174, or Rodda in Anselme, vii. 758, who places it at the entrance to Cerdagna coming 
from Roussillon. In Jeanroy-Vignaux, p. xv, it is petite ville de Catalogne, probably 
Roda near Vich. For Lois de Perellos, Vicomte de Roda, see Vidal, 370; not that he 
was a knight of Rhodes, as Gilbert, Viceroys, 275; O'Connor, 62, 98 ; Felice, 57 ; Healy, 
663. For Pons Perilleux (or de Perilloniis, Sauret, 167), son of the Viscount of Rodez 
(sic), who went bail for Guillaume Meuillon when he was imprisoned in the castle of 
Caille at Cagliari in Sardinia, see Meuillon, 18. For seal of Pons de Perellos, chamber- 
lain to the king and the Duke of Burgundy, Feb. 20, 1406, see Demay, ii. 51 ; called 
Perilleux in La Barre, Mem. ii. 120 (1410). 

1 For his connection with Ceret (Pyrenees Oriental es), see Jeanroy, 15. 

2 Castellane, 54. 3 See App. G. 

4 Jeanroy-Vignaux, pp. xvii, xxi, ii; Castellane, 55. 

5 Ne volgnes temptar dieu ne enganar me meteys, Castellane, 59, 67. 

6 Castellane, 67; Jeanroy-Vignaux, 20. 

7 Not 1 398, as stated in the MS., .see Jeanroy-Vignaux, pp. xvii, 2, n; Castellane, 53, 56. 

8 Dated Sept. 6, 1397, Rym. viii. 14; Carte, Rolles, ii. 174; Delehaye, 38; not Sept. 7, 
as Krapp, 25, 32; Felice, 57; nor 1328, as O'Sullivan, 22. 

9 He calls the cliff "lo cap de Garalh," Jeanroy-Vignaux, 53. 

10 Comensan lo matremoni avian faytas treyas de xxx ans, Jeanroy-Vignaux, 12; 
Castellane, 57 ; really 28 years, Wylie, i. 84 ; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xlviii. 151 ; Rym. vii. 820. 

11 See App. H. 

12 Traison, 25, 26, 163, 165; Wylie, i. 85; P. Meyer, Entrevue, 218; though called 
Courcy, ibid. 218, 223. 

13 La major doma que forsen entorn la regina d'Englaterra,_i.e. Isabel (d. 1437) daughter 
of Jean Duke of Lorraine, second wife of Enguerrand < 

de Couci, Anselme, v. 514; viii. 

72 Ireland [CH. vn 

Travelling by Canterbury to London Raymond found that 
King Richard was at Woodstock 1 , whither he straightway 
went and received a most friendly reception during a stay 
extending over 10 days. The manor of Woodstock, which 
he calls Got 2 , then formed a part of the Queen's dower 3 and 
Raymond describes the park as a vast enclosure like the 
Bois de Vincennes near Paris in which the king had a fine 
strong hostel 4 with large rooms within eight miles of 
Oxford, which the English call " Estancfort." Hiring a 
ship at Chester 6 he touched at Holyhead 6 , visited Anglesey 
which he describes as "very populous 7 " and then after 
some days sailing landed at Dublin 8 . Here he had an 
interview with the Viceroy, Roger Mortimer, Earl of 
March 9 , who did his best to dissuade him from his purpose 
but finding that he could not prevail he provided him with 

545; Mas-Latrie, 1590; Wylie, i. 85 ; his first wife, whom he married in 1383, being 
Isabe daughter of Edward III, King of England, Stubbs, Germ. 149; Maulde la 
Claviere, i. 12. 

2 ;!^ I d , OC ,? ments dated at Wdstock Nov. 17, 20, 1397, see Rym. viii. 25, 26. 
Called un pare nomme Houdescot pres de la cite d'Oucsenefort," in Salmon, u 
This cannot be Stamford, as Castellane, *7 
Wylie, ii. 284. Cf. 

Before the chambre window of the Quene 

At Wodestok upon the grene I lay. 

the Cuckoo and the Nightingale, written STS-E (not 

'3; Catellane, 57 

dd W *' ' ^^ ^ Fk.oher, 309, 3,7. 

poblada ^eanroy.Vi^x , C 3 f cSfane 58 ' erS '" ] tempS del ^ A rt us ' ' 

ibid. oSwS: WS!l*fti dl !?ft Beboi 1 e n ciuta,, 
, translates i, as "Dubhlinnan " Itl?v a 8 h ' 1 " ch ' s V"e impossible; O'Sullivan, 
Baldoyle as a landing place see Wvl.V y f ^V be Mal hide or Baldoyle. For 

' Not Richard, Krapp 20 ^ MO ''A' f 'u, d ^"^ in D ' Alto "' '7- 
appo-nted Lieutenant of 

1397] Sf Patrick's Hole 73 

an escort of 100 men-of-arms under the command of two 
cousins, Thomas and John Talbot, the latter of whom under- 
stood the Irish language and was able to act as interpreter 1 
to the party. Thus accompanied Raymond started in 
November 1397 for Armagh 2 where he presented his 
credentials to Archbishop John Colton 3 whom he says the 
people regarded as a pope. The archbishop, who had only 
just returned from his visitation to Deny 4 , tried to frighten 
him off from the journey but he gave him the sacrament 
with his own hand 5 and met him again a week later at 
Dundalk 6 , which he describes as a city as big as Puigcerda 
or Tarragona. Here he received a safe-conduct to an Irish 
chief called O'Neil 7 , but as soon as they were actually in 
the country of the wild Irish the escort turned back and 
Raymond's little party went on their way alone. The Irish 
chief however sent to meet the travellers with a present of 
meat and salt and two spongy buns 8 which were as black 
as a coal and as soft as paste though they proved pretty 
palatable nevertheless. So they made their way to 
Termon 9 on the north bank of Lough Erne, where they 
had to leave their horses and travel the rest of the way on 
foot to the Priory which was five miles away. Arrived at 
the monastery in Lough Derg 10 they found the Prior who 
uttered the usual warning against tempting God and 
pointed to the graves of other foolhardy travellers who 
had ventured the risk to their cost, but Raymond's mind 
was not to be shaken and after hearing a requiem mass he 
handed to his nephew a will that he had previously drawn 

1 Que sabia la lenga de Yrlonda que era mon trocheman. Castellane, 59, names also 
an esquire Johan Dimi as a member of the party. 

2 Armanach, ibid. 

3 Called Archbishop of Ireland in Krapp, 26, 42. 

4 Wylie, ii. 161-5. 

5 Presi de sa ma nostre Senhor, Jeanroy-Vignaux, 14; Castellane, 60. 

6 Diondani, Dundela, ibid.; not Drogheda, as Wylie, ii. 168. 

7 O'Sullivan Beare, 22; = O'Nellum regem, Krapp, 26; Felice, 58. For O'Neil 
Captayn of Iryshemen of Ulvestere, see Secreta, 186; or O'Neyle, ibid. 203. 

8 Fougasses, see Cotgr., s.v. Fouace\ in Godefroy Fouacier = patissier. 

9 i.e. Termon Dubheoc or Daveog (now Termon Magrath on Drumawark Hill near 
Pettigo, O'Connor, 46, 51, 63, 129), the Magraths being the Termons or erenaghs (i.e. 
guardians) of this sanctuary. Vila appelade Processio, i.e. Protectio or Sanctuary which 
is the meaning of Termon or Tearmuin, O'Sullivan Beare, 22. For termon-lands, see 
O'Connor, 47; Wylie, ii. 161. 

10 Lotherge stagnum rubeum, Delehaye, 48. The monastery stood on Saints' Island 
(H. L. D. Ward, 49^ Krapp, 35; Delehaye, 47, 58), which was connected with the 
shore by a bridge, O'Connor, 64, 80, 81, 84 (with picture). It was established there by 
the Austin Canons in the eleventh century and destroyed in the seventeenth. 

74 Ireland [CH. vn 

up and having arranged with the monks to bury his body 
where they liked he kissed them and said farewell as one 
who might never come back again to them alive. Then 
they stepped into a boat made out of a hollowed tree-trunk 1 
and were put across about half-a-mile of water 2 to the 
island where Raymond went down into the pit 3 . 

What he saw there is only a repetition of the account 
given nearly 200 years before by the English monks Henry 
of Sawtrey and Jocelyn, translations of which into French 
and English had long been circulating to stimulate the 
curious all over Europe. He adds however as special 
personal items that he saw and talked with King John of 
Aragon and was surprised that he had so much punishment 
laid upon him for he had always regarded him as a just 
king 4 , while to his great surprise he met also his own niece 
Aldosa de Queralt 8 who had died since he started from 
home and was now having a very hot time in the Hole for 
painting her face and generally playing the coquette, also 
a Franciscan whom he knew named Francis Delpueg from 
the Grey Friars at Gerona who had now to do his punish- 
ment for carrying off a nun 6 . 

On his return Raymond was received by King O'Neil 
with all kindness at Armagh, where he stayed long enough 
and had his eyes open wide enough to tell us what he 
actually saw. O'Neil he reports as the greatest of the chiefs 
in that part of the country. He owned 3000 horses and 
had go 7 mounted warriors who rode with saddles and wore 
coats of mail with belts and iron basnets and gorgets of 
mail 8 . They were armed with swords and short lances, 
while the rest of the fighting men carried long, sharp, 
straight knives 9 and small bows with which they did great 
execution though they were only three feet long. Nobody 
whether king, bishop, abbot, lord or knight wore shoes 10 , 

Deleha"* ^^ d ' U " ^ ^^ ^ aUtKlS b&rCaS n n y avia> Castellane ' 6 5 ' navicellam, 
2 Krapp, 53 ; or a mile, Delehaye, 47. 

This pytte or hole," Krapp, 41. See App. G. 

* Jeanroy-Vignaux, 33; Castellane, 69. 

Called "Aldonsa Carolea a cousin of his," in Krapp, 26: Felice, 58. 

or una monga que trayssa clu monestier. 
g Or 40, Jeanroy-Vignaux, 16. 

Tl rgCy t t k de mal , ha et ca P elinas redondas de ferr', ibid. 16; Castellane, 61. 
10 v ' S n nxz et estre g z et talho fort be. 

Me porto caixssas, ni sabatis n porto bragas. 


a Neil 75 

breeks or hose and they rushed to battle with a war-whoop 
like the Turks. Both men and women went naked except 
for their frieze cloaks 1 , and all alike, even the queen's damsels 
themselves, showed every part of the body 2 with as little 
shame as we should show our faces 3 , and he adds "they are 
the finest men and the prettiest women that I have seen in 
any part of the world." Bread, wine and oats were un- 
known as they sowed no corn and reared no vines 4 , though 
as regards this statement he must certainly have been 
mistaken 6 . The cattle shared the houses with their 
owners 6 and were fed on grass and holly-leaves 7 just 
bruised to crush the spines and as the pasture failed the 
homes were changed to keep up with the beasts. The 
people lived mostly on beef 8 , the great lords drinking milk, 
the others beef-brose 9 and the poor folks nothing but water 10 . 
Raymond spent Christmas Day with the chief and was 
present at the feast where all were seated on the rushes. 
The meat was carried in on poles like a bier 11 and O'Neil 
wiped his mouth with the most dainty plants, asking with 
much curiosity about the manners of the Kings of France, 
Aragon and Castile but maintaining that his own were the 
best and most perfect in the world. So far from taking any 
harm Raymond, like other pilgrims, had everywhere received 
much help 12 from these strange people, whom he had been 
led to regard as savages who had no government and whom 
no one could trust 13 . After leaving O'Neil he spent New 

1 Mantels de flissa, Wylie, ii. 149, note 10. For panni Hibernie de Galway (or 
Galewych), see Pat. 5 H. V, 4, 5 ; Cal. Rot. Pat. 266. 

2 Mostro los partz vergonhozas tant los femmes quant los homes. 

3 Mostravo tot quant avien au tan pauca di virgonha coma de mostra la cara (visage), 
Jeanroy-Vignaux, 1 7 ; Castellane, 63. 

4 Els no semeno negun blat ne' non reculthisso pont de vy. 

5 See Wylie, ii. 150. 

6 Los hostals son comunement pres dels buous, Castellane, 64. 

7 La fuelha dels agreffols (i.e. acrifolium, Jeanroy, Glossary; Castellane, 64, who 
calls it the wild gooseberry), called Steckpalmen in Du Cange, s.v., or an unknown tree 
of evil omen, Lewis and Short, s.v. 

8 Pannier, 22, 139. 9 Del broet de la earn. 

10 James Yonge in 1422 testifies to "the grete abstynence that owre Irysh enemys 
supportyth in metes and drynkes," Secreta, 176. 

11 Coma horn porta semals (une civiere). 

12 No fazian mal, ajudo mot a endresser los peleris. 

13 Gens salvatges lasquals non avian regimen en que negus se degnas fizar, Jeanroy- 
Vignaux, 13; Pannier, 22, 139; iretges salvatges (i.e. Irois sauvages), Perillos, 60; 
Pannier, 22; wylde Yrische, Pol. Songs, ii. 188; Pauli, Hertzberg, 50; not heretiques 
sauvages, as Castellane, 60, who quite needlessly supposes that some Wyclimtes may 
have been at work amongst them. 

7 6 Ireland [CH. vn 

Year's Day in a castle belonging to the Countess of March 1 
and then sailed from Dundalk* back to Holyhead, found 
King Richard and his queen at the Abbey at Lilleshall 3 in 
Shropshire, and after paying his respects crossed from Dover 
homewards. For the next seven months he stayed about 
the French court and was present at the fetes given to 
King Wenzel 4 when he visited Rheims in the spring of 
1398. On his return he wrote an account of his journey 
in his native Catalan which is still to be seen in the Public 
Library at Toulouse. He reappears in 1420 as Admiral of 
Aragon 6 in which year he joined in the attack made on 
Naples by King Alfonso V. 

One or two other visitors have also left us scanty 
fragments of information as to Ireland in that same age. 
On September 20, 1409*, a Durham man named William 
of Stranton 8 went down into St Patrick's Hole, being con- 
ducted over the place by the Yorkshire saint, John of 
Bridlington, and the Cornish saint, Ive of Quethiock near 
Liskeard, or according to another account by Saint Hilda of 
Whitby, whose shrines he had often visited, but his story 
reads like a mere moralising sermon against the prevailing 
vices of his day 9 such as dressiness 10 , drunkenness, lechery 
and swearing. Among the victims in the Hole Stranton 
found his own sister and her lover whose marriage he had 

1 Jeanroy-Vignaux, 52; Castellane, 71. For a story that he was stabbed at the 
Purgatory by one of his companions, a knight named Ugolino, and that his ghost still 
walks the countryside, see O'Connor, 106. 

2 Daneli. 

8 Liquesiel fort bela abadia de monges negres (i.e. Austin or Black Canons), not 
Liquefiel, usually supposed to be Lichfield. For a document dated at Lilleshall Tan. 25, 
1398, see Rym. viii. 32. For Henry IV at Lilleshall in 1402, 1403, see Wylie, iv. 481. 

L Lmperador de Alamanha que era adonc lo rey de Boemia. 

Cf ^ For Wen f 1>s arrival at Rheims, March 22, 1398 (not 1397, as Castellane, 53), see 
Denys, n. 564; Jeanroy-Vignaux, p. xvii. 

Navarrette, i. 442 ; Faraglia, 188. For a picture of him in the Monastery at Mont- 
near Barcelona, see Jeanroy, xv, quoting Zurita, Book 10, chap. 50. For views of 
lontserrat, see Piferrer, ii. 242, 246, 250. 

A D riln r T^ 3 H 5 T 6 'n 8 ^ H ^' ^ Ward > "-484; Delehaye, 38; sometimes called 
SSToL H ' L ' D -Ward, n. 487; or 1407, Aubrey, ii. 59; or May 3, 1409, O'Con- 

Usually called Staunton, H. L. D. Ward, ii. 484 ; Frati, Tradizioni, p. 60; Wylie, 
100. He came from Stranton near Hartlepool, Krapp, 55, who publishes the text 

^Thoume ' ? d " H< L ' D> Ward> "' 4 * 4 ' but with Ut any details 

' 6 with summar y, PP- 60-70. 

1 4 1 1 ] Antonio Mannini 7 7 

prevented, and his uncle 1 a parson who had neglected the 
duties of his parish, together with plenty of vainglorious 
bishops, fraudulent executors who "tokyn the dedis goodes 
to here owne use 2 ," negligent priests who let the rain and 
snow get in to the roof of their chancels where God's body 
should be sacred 3 , parents who would not flog their children 
and worldly prioresses who had entered religion for pomp 
and pride to have ease of their bodies and abundance of 
riches, living like empresses with rings on their fingers, 
silver and overgilt girdles at their waists, buckles on their 
shoes and other such nice vanities 4 , all of whom were taking 
their appropriate punishments in the raging and tearing 
torment of the fiery place. But again there is no question 
of any wild or terrifying population without, and when in 
his farewell word at parting St John of Bridlington bids 
the pilgrim to dread nought of the way as he passed home- 
wards 5 his fear is directed against the possibility of the 
sight of evil spirits and not to attacks by savage tribes. 
Yet another peep into this fascinating mediaeval hell 6 is 
afforded by a letter written by a Florentine, Antonio Mannini, 
who had been mixed up in the intrigues of the reign of 
Richard II. In 1411 he found himself in Dublin with time 
on his hands and, falling in with a Hungarian knight 
Lawrence Ratholdi who was on his way to the Purgatory, 
he resolved to make use of his opportunity and try the 
adventure himself. Accordingly he left Dublin on Sept. 25, 
1411*, and after what he calls three weeks 8 on a dangerous 
road he reached Lough Derg on Nov. 4. The lake he 
describes as lying amidst very high mountains and he gives 
particulars of the Priory with exact dimensions of the island 
and the chapel. At the Priory he made his confession and 
for the usual three days 9 tasted nothing but bread and water. 
On Nov. 7 10 he rose before dawn and after further confession 

1 Thi eme that was person of suche a place, Krapp, 69. For "erne" or "em," see 
Laud Troy Bk. 9, 176, 211, 258; Weever, 478; Wylie, ii. 403. 

2 Krapp, 65. 

8 Ibid. 70. 4 Ibid. 75, 76. 

Ibid. 77. 

Al misterioso Pozzo, Frati, 140. 
Frati, 1 56 ; do. Tradizioni, 58. 
Called i\ months, d'aller et retour, in Delehaye, 41. 

II digiuno consueto, Frati, 156; called 15 days by Grissafary in 1353, Wylie, ii. 166; 
O'Connor, 85, 99 ; also by Ratholdi, pro ut moris est, Delehaye, 47. 
10 Delehaye, 38. 

7 8 Ireland [CH. vn 

and mass he was rowed across by one of the canons in 
the little boat made out of a hollowed tree-trunk 1 in which 
there was only room for four. The day was calm and the 
canon plied the oars and when they got within half a bow- 
shot of the island 2 a big bird like a heron and as black as 
a coal with not a feather on its back and only four or five 
on each wing rose and fluttered about the boat. Mannini 
wanted to know what it was but the canon, speaking in 
Latin, said : " Nothing ! nothing ! Don't ask ! don't ask 3 ! " 
and then went on to tell him that it was a demon that had 
tempted St Patrick. They called it "corva 4 " and scared 
it away by blowing on a horn. Arrived at the chapel the 
visitor stripped to his shirt and put on a long white cloak 
like a deacon's dalmatic, took a cross in his hand and lay 
with beating heart 6 and eyes closed while they chanted over 
him the office for the dead. By the time this was over he 
was so weak that he could not stand, but at last they got 
him on his feet and down he went into the Hole. How 
long he stayed there he does not know but he thinks it was 
five hours or possibly 24. He only knows that in the dark- 
ness he saw an enormous black spider as large as the palm 
of your hand, and as the ugly thing came near him he 
grasped his cross quite tightly in the right hand and fell 
asleep and when they came to wake him they thought that 
he was dead 6 . He came to himself however and waited 
while his Hungarian friend took his turn on Nov. n 7 as 
to which he testifies that Ratholdi came through quite well 
and behaved himself as a good knight should 8 . The two 
returned together to Dublin where Mannini wrote a letter 
on Feb. 25, 141 2 9 , to a Florentine merchant 10 in London 

cavato" ^V^ C ^' Fratl) T 5^ ' ^ atto come un taglio d'un albero vuoto e pur forza 
see Felice 8 ^ " ISland ' *** ' Connor ' 54. 64, 114- For a visit to it on March 29, 1905, 

Nihil, nihil est! non quaeritis! non quaeritis! Frati, 157. 

Demon cornu hibernice nuncupates, Delehaye 48 

1 cuore mi comincio a ritremare e a battere, Frati, I<Q. 

Mi trovo sanza mnno spirito o sanza aliture, Frati 160 

of the P e umafo e ;v 50 se p K r Certificate da j. ed Thursday after Martinmas from Matthew, Prior 
E tory, see Krapp, 35, not the Prior of St Matthew, as ibid. 58, 59. 
Frati *! 2 ! ^ cavalieri ' Frati ' ' 62 5 exivit incolumis et jocundus, Krapp, 34. 
10 i e Corso H-' r ' B If I4 "' aS ibid " I4 ; do " Tradizioni, p. 57. 

imprisoned a[piLn^ V m n T 4 2^ UStiChi ' f Wh m nOthing " kn Wn 6XCept that he Was 

I4 11 ] Lawrence Rdtholdi 79 

in which he told him that he was not allowed to write down 
what he had seen or to speak of it except in confession but 
that he would tell him all about it when they met. And so 
we lose sight of him altogether except that we know that 
he did not get back from Ireland until nearly two years 
later 1 . He subsequently returned to Florence and died 
there in I43i 2 . His letter, which was carried to England 
by Ratholdi together with others addressed to two English- 
men whom he calls "Nortona" and "Giovanni Berlintona 3 ," 
somehow came into the hands of the youngest of his four 
brothers 4 , Salvastro Mannini, who entered it up in a common- 
place book which has fortunately survived until this day 5 . 

His companion, Lawrence Taar 6 or Ratholdi from 
Paszt6th 7 , was a great traveller and linguist 8 who had been 
brought up from childhood at the Hungarian court where 
he was now head sewer and dispenser 9 to King Sigismund 
who together with his queen Barbara gave him a general 
letter of safe-conduct on Jan. 10, I4O9 10 , to cover him in 
his proposed journey in search of knightly adventures 
including visits to Compostella and the Irish Purgatory. 
How he had fared in the first part of his programme we do 
not know, but in Sept. 1411, as we have seen, he had 
recently arrived in Dublin with a herald and a train of 
followers 11 where he was received as a personage of dis- 
tinction and paid visits of devotion to the relics of 
St Patrick, St Columba and St Bridget, specially venerating 
the famous Jesus staff in the Cathedral of the Holy Trinity 
with which St Patrick had driven all the snakes out of 

1 He left Ireland on Oct. 12, 1413, Frati, 154, 162. 

2 Salutati, iii. 499. 

3 Frati, 155. 

4 He had four brothers, viz. Alamanno (d. 1423), Luigi, Niccolo and Salvastro. His 
father's name was Alamanno di Zucchero detto Mannino, Salutati, iii. 620. 

8 Salutati, iii. 499, where it is described as Cod. Magliab. xxv. 595, c. 423 (Carlo 
Strozzi), probably a MS. of Antonio Magliabecchi in the Laurentian Library at Florence. 

6 L. L. Kropf, in Catholic Home Annual, N.Y, 1897, p. 72; Delehaye, 91. 

7 i.e. Paszto near Gyongyos in the County of Heves, Krapp, 35 ; called Tar Lorincz, 
Laurentius Taar, Sobole Ratholdi in Irodalomtorteneoi Kozlemenyek, 1896, p. 402; 
Kropf, Paszthoi, 716; Wylie, ii. 169. For a church dedicated to St Michael in villa tua 
propria, see Delehaye, 53. 

k Omnes mundi partes pro majori noviter visitavit, Delehaye, 44; variis ydiomatibus 
eruditum, ibid. 5 1 ; ebraici, greci et latini ydiomatibus, ibid. 58. 

9 Magister dapiferorum reginalium Hungare, Delehaye, 40, 57, 58; supremus dispen- 
sator, ibid. 46; Kropf, Paszthoi, 718, 725, 730. 

10 Dated in castro nostro S^Georgii, Jan. to, 1408 (i.e. 1409), in Delehaye, 46, though 
called 1408 in H. L. D. Ward, ii. 489; Krapp, 34; Felice, 59. 

11 Delehaye, 45. 

go Ireland [CH. v 

Ireland 1 . He was honourably received by the Archbishop 
of Armagh 2 , but the description of his journey is a blank, 
and when he reached the Saints' Island he got the usual 
warning from the Prior and took the usual bread-and-water 
discipline 3 . He was struck with the abundance of trout 
and salmon in the Lough and when the Prior and one of 
the canons rowed him over in the skiff he saw the same 
diabolical bird like a ragged heron 4 , hooting like an owl. 
He likewise gives the dimensions of the island which he 
found crowded with ravenous choughs, kites, owls and 
vultures and other satanic fowl 5 , nesting and chattering 
in their old ancestral homes among the thorns and prickly 
bushes with which the place was overgrown. Having 
changed his clothes and put on three albs and a new pair 
of breeches 6 he lay flat on the ground while the Prior 
recited the litany of the dead, and as they opened the 
door they sang the Dies Irae and sprinkled him with holy 
water and so they locked him in. Round his neck he had 
four pieces of the True Cross, some little pieces of three of 
the Holy Coats 7 and other precious relics and stones, and 
he carried a book of the seven psalms and a candle (sereum) 
which had to be cut into nine pieces as the roof was so low 8 . 
Once in the Hole Owen's trite old visions came to him 
with the accustomed "admirable regularity 9 ," and so his ex- 
perience provides us with nothing new 10 except that he 
went a mile down before he reached the Purgatory and 
that he saw a number of his own relations in the flames as 
well as the souls of St Nicholas, of an Englishman whom 
he calls Eugene or O'Brian 11 and of his own compatriot 
George Krisszafan 12 , whose visit to that awful place some 

\ ^PPv 34 ' clensit from al venemouse bestis, Secreta, 202. 

i.e. _ Nicholas Fleming (May i, I4 o 4 -June, 1415), H. Cotton, iii. 16. 

bub mensura panis et aquae, Delehaye, 47 
4 Ardee dispennatae, Delehaye, 48. 
^ Capis, coredulis (quasi cor edens, Du Cange, s.v.), &c. 

Nudus et jejunus exceptis rosetis et uno femorali, Delehaye, 58. 

^um particuhs tnum tunicarum Jhesu Christi, Delehaye, <o 

Proper stricturam spelunce, ibid. ; Krapp, 34. 

r C11CC) O. 

Ward *ii f !So ly t S p K hiS account / rom ? y al M S- 10 B. ix. ff. 36-44, described in H. L. D. 
O'Connor,^ PP> 33 ~ 36 ' th text in Deleha y e > 45- For several MSS., see 

';, 58. 

7*6; cacdVybrTfkf V^ ^""P* ^ fani r Kri ^fan, Kropf, Pfethdi, 716, 
issafan, Toldy m Szazadok, v. 231, 247; or Cussafan, M. Denis, 

1413] Sigismund 81 

60 years before has been already described 1 . Back again 
in Dublin he received a final certificate from Archbishop 
Fleming 2 and supplied particulars of his adventure to 
a notary named James Yonge 3 who drew up the colourless 
account as we have it now. To this however he appended 
a personal note to the effect that he had paid the visit in 
order to see the wonders of Ireland and to report on them 
to his master Sigismund. Asked as to whether he had 
convinced himself that Purgatory was an actual reality, as 
the soul was usually supposed to be invisible, impassive 
and incorporeal, or whether, when he saw these visions, he 
was "out of the body," he could only say "God knows!" 
but he rather thought he must have been " in the body " 
all along, for he lit nine separate bits of his candle and saw 
them burn away before he got out of the place himself. 

Lawrence still continued high in Sigismund's service 
and was employed by him to negotiate at Venice on 
Jan. 20, I4I3 4 , but the report of his visit had a singularly 
unfortunate reaction on his master's character and a century 
later a tradition was afloat that Ratholdi had seen Sigismund 
himself down there in a red-hot bath and a bed of fire 5 getting 
purged of his sin by the ladies whom he had led astray in 
his lifetime. 

2445, where the year is wrongly given as 1343, and Archbishop Fitzralph's letter is dated 
at Dromiskin near Dundalk ; Crissiphani, in O'Connor, 95. For suggestion that this is 
the Neapolitan form of Christopher, see Kropf, ut sup. 

1 i.e. in 1353, Wylie, ii. 166. 

2 Dated at Dromiskin, Dec. 27, 1411, Delehaye, 57, in which he styles himself 
Primas Hibernie. 

3 Notarius imperialis et hujus memorialis compilator, Delehaye, 56, 58 ; Krapp, 35. 
For William Yonge, Archdeacon of Meath since 1407, see H. Cotton, iii. 127. He be- 
came Chancellor of Ireland in 1422 (i H. VI), Rot. Pat. Hib. i. 224; O'Flanagan, i. 84. 

4 Kropf, Pdszthoi, 730. 

5 Tinodi, 358, who had read the account "in an old song" now lost, but possibly = 
Thurocsi, Lat. Chron. Sig., see Kropf, Paszthoi, 725 ; Wylie, Constance, 20. 




AMBASSADORS were already on their way to England 
from Ferdinand I 1 who besides being Regent of Castile 2 
for his young nephew Juan II 3 had just succeeded by 
election to the disputed throne of Aragon. His uncle 
Martin I, King of Aragon, called the Humane 4 , had had 
only one son, known as Martin King of Sicily 5 , but that 
son had died on July 25, 1409", and by the advice of 
Vincent Ferrer King Martin of Aragon had married a 

1 El Honesto, Courteault, Archives, 134, 152. For picture of him see Fages, i. 397. 

2 Cum sitis unus de tutoribus carissimi nepotis nostri Johannis regis Castelle et 
Legionis (see letter of Henry V to Ferdinand in Add. MS. 24,062, f. 150 b), i.e. under 
the will of his brother, Henry III, dated Dec. 24, 1406, whereby he arranged for a 
council of regency, in which his wife Catherine and his brother Ferdinand were to 
occupy the chief places ; Daumet, Alliance, 69. For poem by Ruy Paez de Ribera to 
Catherine and Ferdinand as Regent for Don Juan, see Baena, i. 292. For poems of 
Alfonso Alvarez de Villasandino on the sickness and death of Henry III (d. Dec. 25, 
1406, Gamez, 429, 430 ; Staindl, 527 ; Lodge, 475 ; Wylie, ii. 330), see Baena, i. 61, 64 ; 
ii. 287. For poems addressed to Catherine as madre de nuestro sefior el rey Don Juan 
see Baena, i. 65, 313. 

3 Rym. ix. 134. For picture of him see Heiss, Monedas, i. 83. For his coins see 
ibid. i. 91-97, Plates ii, 12. For his monument (d. 1454) in the Charterhouse at 
Miraflores near Bourgos see Carderara, xlviii ; also his second wife Isabel of Portugal 
(d. 1496), daughter of the Infante Juan, to whom he was married at Madrigal in 1447 
(Carderara, cxxiii). For poems on his birth (March 6, 1405, Beaucourt, i. 302 ; Wylie, ii. 
329) by Friar Diego de Valencia, Francisco Imperial (a Genoese living in Seville), 
Bartholome Garcia de Cordova (a friar in the monastery of Freydeval, i.e. Fres-del-Val 
or Frex del Val, near Bourgos, see Los Rios, 799, 803), Don Mosse (surgeon to his father, 

ienry HI, Baena, n. 3! 8), and his secretary, Ferrant Manuel de Lando (who celebrates 
; tournament held at Valladolid on March 7, 1405, in honour of the event, and who 
9d after 1449, Baena, a. 75, 277), see Baena, i. 199, 208, 217, 219, 278. In Harl. MS. 

^ a HCnry IV ' datCd Sept ' I2) I4 8 ' add * essed to him as 

El Humane, P. Bofarull, n 294 ; M. A. S. Hume, 255. For altar frontal with his 
and those of his first wife, Maria de Luna, who died in 1407, see Burlington 

Magazine vii. 142. For his registers (248 vols.) see Courteault, 150, 151. 

^ For* coins see Heiss, ii. 23, 185, 230, 3 53, 4*o; Plates 72, 79, 90, 98, 105, 

8 Anselme i. 289 ; P. Bofarull, Generacion, 312 ; Heiss, Monedas, ii. 23, 35 ; iii 
aTHets Mo y n da XXni '8^ V^'v ^ ' 4 ' ' 4 9 ' in Histo <^' Hist'. ^,^^4" 
Sardinia Jj ,' '' ? }< /" ' ^ ^ in CaStr Calleri (i ' e ' Cai11 ^ at ^gHari in 
lulv . I4 o9 not 14,0, as Meuillon, 18), see Starrabba, 9. For i6th ce 
see Ke!lpfnr*>ct r > />^^._ :: o-_ n I f^ .. . .. . . .. 

3r a plan or Caghan, ibid. u. 

1410] Martin I 83 

second wife 1 in the hope of averting the danger of a dis- 
puted succession. But he was a stout torpid man 2 and in 
broken health at 55 years of age 3 . He put himself into 
the hands of the nuns of Valdonzella 4 near Barcelona, who 
plied him with what they considered the right sort of 
fare to suit his case 5 , without consulting the doctors 6 . On 
May 29, 1410, he ate roast goose 7 and garlic, which 
proved too heating 8 , and in two days afterwards he was 
dead 9 . 

A vivid description of that death-scene still remains. 
Intriguers (men and women) came and went in the room 
seeking promises for their favourite candidates, but the only 
witness of the last agony was the court fool, who joked on 
to keep his dying master alive till he saw his soul pass up 
from his feet, flit like a little shadow across his stomach 
and finally flicker out at his lips and vanish clean away 10 . 
Martin I was buried in the cathedral at Barcelona on 
June 19, 1410, Pope Benedict XIII being present at the 

1 i.e. Margaret de Pratis, in Aug. 1409, Alpartil, 196 ; Eubel, Bullarium, vii. 553. 
For her Register, 1412-1421 see Courteault, Archives, 151. 

2 Carderara, xxxix ; adipibus torpidum...incommoda habitudine corporis, Valla, 
1040, 1041 ; nimium pinguis, Alpartil, 196. 

3 Called 52 in Tolra de Bordas, 24. 

4 Vallis Puellarum, Surita, Indices, 407 ; Gamez, 449 ; in valle Donzellae non procul 
a muris Barcelonae, Valla, 1040; Valdoncellus, Bayle, 165, 198; Marineo, 865. 

5 For usus rerum faecundantium see Kymer, 556. 

6 Quae quotidie citra medicorum conscientiam cibariis ad Venerem quam ad salutem 
aptioribus inferciebant unguentisque oblinebant, Valla, 1040, who says that a lot of this 
sort of stuff was found in the convent. 

7 For " gos farced," i.e. with parsley, swine's grease, mutton suet, boiled together 
with chopped eggs, pepper, ginger, cinnamon, saffron, salted grapes or onions, cloves, 
and a little boiled pork, see Two Cookery Books, 44, 81, 109. 

But a fatt goos whan it is newe slayn 

In disshis of gold a morsel agreable 

Is sewid up atte kingis table 
Swymmyng on lyve in watris cristallyn 
Tendre rostid requeerith to have good wyn. 

Pol. Relig. Po. 23. 

8 Cf. Ne manges espices et aulx (i.e. garlic) et teles viandes qui engendres mauvaises 
chaleurs et perilleux esmovemens, i.e. Gerson's advice to his sisters, Jadart, 134. For 
avoidance of sauces and hashes advised by Vincent Ferrer see Bayle, 354. For buvrages 
et potages pour malades see Menagier, ii. 237. 

9 i.e. May 31, 1410; Gams, Kirchengesch. i. 295; Finke, Acta, i. 9; Gamez, 474; 
p. M.J. Henry, ii. 31 ; Blancas, 217; do. Inscriptiones, 34; Viciana, iii. 160 ; Papon, 
iii. 311; P. Bofarull, 296; Touron, iii. 45; Fages, ii. 3; do. Notes, 152; Tolra de 
Bordas, 24 ; Lavisse-Rambaud, iii. 469 ; Alpartil, 247 ; called May 30 in Arenijs, 647 ; 
Schirrmacher, vi. 181 ; not May 2ist, as Gazanyola, 256 ; Vidal, 258. 

10 Valla, 1040, who had the story from the fool when he was a rich old man, 84 years 
of age, and still kept up his craft (necdum a scurrando vacans). Valla also notes (1041) 
that there was a total eclipse of the moon in the month in which King Martin died, 
but this took place on March 21, 1410; Oppolzer, 365. For this reference I am indebted 
to my friend, Mr C. T. Whitmell, of Leeds. 


84 Spain and Portugal [CH. vm 

funeral 1 , but in 1416 his body was removed to the burial 
place of the Kings of Aragon in the great Cistercian Abbey 
at Poblet 2 near Tarragona. He left behind no lawful child 3 
and very soon six claimants 4 were in the field, each pushing 
his pretensions with threatening zeal. 

Within a year 5 after the king's death the Archbishop of 
Saragossa 8 was assassinated and the whole country was 
filled with the fiercest internal discord 7 , every man carrying 
a sword or a dagger, whether at home, in church or in 
council, always at hand for use in private feuds 8 . For two 
years there was no recognised ruler in the land till the 
position at length became intolerable and the Estates of 
the provinces of Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia met and 
elected three arbiters each, to whom was delegated the task 
of choosing a king. These nine commissioners 9 , mostly 
lawyers and churchmen, including the Archbishop of Tarra- 
gona 10 , the Bishop of Huesca and the brothers Boniface 11 
and Vincent Ferrer, met on March 16, I4I2 12 , in the castle 
at Caspe 13 near the confines of the three provinces, where 
they listened to representatives and proctors of the different 
claimants for 30 days 14 , and after being further locked up for 

1 He afterwards went to Montserrat and thence to Tarragona, leaving for Saragossa 
on Nov. 5, 1410, Arenijs, 648. 

3 Marineo, 865; Viciana, iii. 160; P. Bofarull, ii. 294; Monfar, ii. 34 6. For his 
epitaph see Piferrer, ii. 397. For account of Poblet or Poboleda see Piferrer, ii. 

1 El qual no descana hijo ni hija, Guzman, 34. For his bastard children see Beccario. 

* Gamez, 474; P. Bofarull, ii. 796; Janer, 5; Fages, ii. 8, 16 (with illustration); 
do. Notes, 228; called 4 in Gams, Kirchengesch. i. 295; or 5 in Blancas, 218; 
Cavamlles, iv. 60. For their names see Papon, iii. 312; D. M. J. Henry, ii. 34; 
E. A. Schmidt, Aragomen, 322. 

8 Not within a month, as Valla, 1043. 

8 i.e Garcia Fernandez de Heredia, Archbishop from Oct. 5, 1383, killed June i, 
1411 , Gams, 20; called Garsias in Marineo, 860 ; Alpartil, 201. 

Magis atque magis indies ad vim spectare res videbantur, omnia plena motus 
timons, turbationum et periculorum, VallaT 1041 

8 Valla, 1060. 

App. xxxviii ; do. Notes, 229. 

10 i * 'D A J_ /__11 1 -r^ 

M ; do. Notes, 228 y <P) [or women from appel de justice, see Fages 

Viciana iii. 161. 

1412] Caspe 85 

eight days in secret deliberation they delivered their judg- 
ment on June 24, 141 2\ By this decision, which is known as 
the " Compromise of Caspe 2 ," they directed that Ferdinand, 
the Regent of Castile, should henceforward be king of a 
united Aragon 3 . On June 28*, an altar was set up outside 
the western door of the church in the castle yard at Caspe 
and benches were placed for the commissioners, and 
there at the head of the great double flight of steps 5 
Ferdinand was declared King of Aragon 6 , as a personage 
accepted of all*, by the mouth of Vincent Ferrer 8 , who 
preached to the assembled crowds from the text : " Let us 
be glad and rejoice and give honour to him, for the marriage 
of the Lamb is come 9 ." As he commended the decision 
with all the force of his matchless eloquence the multitude 
who thronged the square to the very housetops shouted : 
"Viva nostre Rey et Senyor Don Ferrando! 10 " The 
banner of Aragon was then unfurled before the altar amidst 
shouts again and again renewed ; the bells rang out ; the 
fifes and horns took up the joy and the streets were filled 
with dancers day and night 11 . 

In this success it is certain that Ferdinand received 
the active support of Pope Benedict XIII, who afterwards 

1 Nauclerus, 1043, IO 44 '> Blancas, 242, 488 ; do. Inscriptiones, 35 ; Janer, 69 ; 
Cavanilles, iv. 74. For their declaration see Janer, 171, 173. 

2 Called el Parlamento de Caspe in Guzman, 44 ; or Congreso de Caspe, Heiss, 
Monedas, ii. 25 ; el Fallo de Caspe, C. Soler (quoted in Fages, Notes, 241). For a 
picture of it in the Palacio de la Diputacion at Madrid (Quadrado, 406), see Fages, 
ii. 20. 

3 Valla, 1047; Historians' Hist. x. 120. 

4 Janer, 86, 175, 176; Cavanilles, iv. 76; not June 14, as Gazanyola, 256; nor 
June 29, as Valla, 1047; Boyssel, 391 ; Fages, ii. 19; nor June 30, as Guzman, 45; 
nor July 25, as Viciana, iii. 166 ; nor 1411, as Tolra de Bordas, 24; nor 1414, as Gratz, 
iv. 221. 

5 For picture of the church see Fages (edn. 1901), i. 415. 

8 His full title was King of Aragon, Sicily, Valencia, Majorca, Sardinia and Corsica, 
Count of Barcelona, Roussillon and Cerdagne, Duke of Athens and Neopatras (in 
Phthiotis, Grande Encycl. iv. 445), Rym. ix. 293, 295 ; cf. cum Rex Aragoniae 
nuncupatur Cataloniae quoque Princeps subintelligitur, Valla, 1041 ; Monfar, ii. 340, 
549, 560, 591 ; Surita, Indices, 405 ; Lodge, 478; Blancas, Inscriptiones, 34. 

7 De consensu totius populi, Add. MS. 24,062, f. 150; Viciana, iii. 162 ; E. A. Schmidt, 
Aragonien, 326. For a letter to him written at Constance June 9, 1417, see Mart. Anec. 
i. 1750, in which the writer says that there would have been no peace in Aragon but for 
his auctoritatis pondus et consilii. 

8 Yo pronouncii la sentencia en Casp, Ferrier, i. (Sermons) 35. 

9 Rev. xix. 7 ; Janer, 71, 177. The full text of the sermon is lost (Finke, 32), but 
Mariana (ii. 217) supplies the substance of it from his own imagination. Cf. Cavanilles, 
iv. 77 ; Touron, iii. 75 ; Bayle, 205 ; Fages, Notes, 256. 

10 Cf. nobile Infante Don Ferrando, Baena, 66, 239, 292, 307. 

11 Valla, 1048; muy grande alagria, Guzman, 45. 

86 Spain and Portugal [CH. vm 

threw out the taunt that he had made him 1 and could 
unmake him again ; but the real hero to whom the country 
owed its rescue from anarchy was the great Dominican 
Friar afterwards canonised as St Vincent Ferrer 2 , and it 
is one of the penalties of his commanding influence in an 
ultra-credulous age that his record is so overlaid with 
childish miracles as to leave the true picture of the real 
man in a hopeless confusion of absurdities. 

For certainly there is no personage, whose life was 
passed in strenuous effort in those distant days, whose fame 
has been so cruelly wounded in the house of his friends. 
From the day of his death down to the present time his 
biographers 3 have worked him as a patchwork of thauma- 
turgics, relying upon "immemorial traditions 4 " as if they 
were sober facts and paying less heed to the actual verities 
of human life than to a mistaken regard for the " edification 
of the faithful 5 ." Indeed it would seem as though the more 
babyish the reputed miracle the more greedily has it been 
swallowed. Their hero cures the blind before he is born 6 ; 
he makes an eight-months' infant come down from its 
betrayed mother's breast to walk along a crowded church 

1 Me qui te fed, Marineo, 867 ; Mariana, 937 (edn. 1592) ; Tolra de Bordas, 30. 
3 For bibliography of works on him see Fages, Notes, pp. i-lx ; for a representation 
of him by Fra Angelico in the predella of the Crucifixion in the chapter-house of the 

The industry and patience displayed in this latest life cannot but command respect, but 
the book is only one more proof of the incurably uncritical trend of the hagiologist mind. 

n his preface (I. p. x) P. Fages declares that it is idle to try and reduce his hero to 

human proportions, and seems to think that he has added to our stock of reliable proof 

by quoting from Teyxidor, who was an inmate of the Black Friars at Valencia in the 

Tfl-T 1V)> , In Fag . es ' Notes ' 2 35, Viciana is quoted as a contemporary author, 

hough he did not publish his chronicle till 1563. For a criticism of the book (which 
was written in response to an urgent call for a really worthy biography of the saint by 

.Meyer ,n Romania, x p. 229), see EC. des Chartes, Ivii. 461, where it is called 

. , . , 

mal digjh-e; le verbiage, le mauvais gout, 1'absence de critique gataient le fruit 
BeS Fnl e r e er p eS; - Cf ' hat ^ iden Teilen genugen wollen, dem Forscher und dem 
TV 5 ' Previous to the canonisation, though the stories of miracles were in 
Lculi/ e i they v w ,f re aCCepte , d With much S reater reserve ' e -S- ra memoranttir 
a d,T S ' J S '> ^ 47 5 - didtUr qu d daret multis raculisT Alpartil, 308. Finke, 
LvIS , STT " die dUrfti S sten w l offizielsten 1 . In dealing with 
.nmony m regard to the visions and marvels of Ermine, who died Aug. 25, 
the c^tffied testL ^ 8 % mterestl "S Comments; e.g. multa insuper ibidem (i.e. in 
i? u iraculis <l uae natura liter salvari possint, and he 
be published, because some people are so ignorant and 

muitorum ua 

6 Bayle> 354 ' 

1412] Vincent Ferrer 87 

and single out her seducer 1 , while a dishonest taverner 
pours a bottle of his diluted wine into the saint's scapular 
only to find the water separating from the wine as soon as 
it touches the holy man's garment 2 . In a pelting storm at 
Graus he waves his hand and at once the sun comes out 3 . 
If the crows caw or the mules bray when he is preaching, 
he has only to motion to them and they are still 4 , and when 
1000 thirsty people follow him about, they all drink from 
his half-cask of wine and yet it keeps as full as ever 6 . 
When a child had been killed and cut up and baked in an 
oven and served up in a dish, he makes it come to life 
again, open its eyes and give its father a kiss, and you may 
still see the oven at Morella, where it all happened 6 . And 
thus the real life-purpose of this wondrous man who preached 
as never man had preached since the days of the Apostles 7 , 
who swayed whole nations, reconciled the feuds of con- 
tending towns and factions 8 and saved his country from the 
most embittered of civil wars, is lost in a cloud of fatiguing 
and unprofitable puerilities. 

Yet for years he pursued one fixed, devoted course of 
life. He lived with Pope Benedict at Avignon 9 and with 
kings at the courts of Aragon and Castile without becoming 
entangled either in royal or papal intrigues. He spent his 
life in harmonising discords 10 but there is no evidence that 
he ever made an enemy, except it were the saintly Gerson 
who chid him mildly for coquetting with the Flagellants 11 . 
With honours offered on every hand he chose the life of 

1 For a picture of the scene see Teoli, 65. 

2 Bayle, 226 ; Pages, ii. 58. 3 Ibid. ii. 59. 
4 Ibid. ii. 59, 60. 

6 Ibid. ii. 91, 92, where he also feeds 4000 people in the Charterhouse of Scala Caeli 
near Conflans, in August, 1415. 

6 Ibid. ii. 72. For a picture of the miracle see ibid. (2nd edn.), ii. 53. For the 
attestations see ibid. i. App. xxxvii. 

7 Despuys que les Apostels mortz foran non fou vist in auzit home si automens 
predicant, Boysset, 362; Magnus predicator ad populum, Alpartil, 405. 

8 Bayle, 155; Fages, ii. 32 ; Pradel, 46. 

9 i.e. from 1394 to 1399, Fages, Notes, pp. 90, 99; Alpartil, 396-403. 

10 For letter from Benedict XIII to him in 1414 to make peace if possible between 
the Counts of Foix and Armagnac see Eubel, Avign. 183. P\>r picture of him recon- 
ciling enemies see Fages (2nd edn.), i. 249; e.g. between the clergy and town of Valencia 
in reference to the university in 1411, Fages, i. 3, 277. Not that he founded the 
university, as Bayle, 171; Pradel, 72, which was really founded in 1209. For bull of 
Alexander VI (1492-1503), see Llorente, 143. 

11 Antonio, ii. 207 ; Fages, i. App. Ivi; Notes, 133, with postscript by Pierre d'Ailli, 
from Hardt, vol. ii. p. 252. For Gerson's treatise against the Flagellants see Tritheim, 
Cat. 135- 

88 Spain and Portugal [CH. vm 

voluntary poverty 1 and to the last he was plain " Brother 
Vincent 2 " to the throngs of listeners who marvelled at the 
power of his mighty tongue. 

In accordance with the compromise Ferdinand was pro- 
claimed King of Aragon at Saragossa 3 on Sept. 3, 1412', 
thus uniting for the moment all northern and eastern Spain 
from Alicante to Finisterre, with the exception of Navarre, 
under the personal influence of one controlling will 5 . But 
the new king had still to fight his way to general acceptance 
in his own domain and one at least of his fellow-competitors, 
James (or Jaime) the Luckless 6 , Count of Urgel 7 in Catalonia, 
a youngish man of commanding presence 8 who had married 
the Infanta Isabella 9 , sister to the late King Martin, did not 
easily acquiesce in the decision of the electors at Caspe. 
He accordingly got together 2000 French horsemen as 
mercenaries, who entered the country from Andorra 10 , and he 
engaged in a compact with the Duke of Clarence 11 , who 
was wintering idly with a large force of English troops at 
Bordeaux 12 . According to this the English duke undertook 
to bring 1000 lances and 3000 archers in person to his 
assistance 13 if his father would allow him, or if he could not 
actually come himself he would send 500 men-of-arms and 
3000 archers by Midsummer Day 14 13", the Count of Urgel 

1 Nyder, Formicarius, in Fages, i. App. cxviii. 

"Fray Vicente," Guzman, 42 ; Bayle, i. 144; Fages, i. 221, App. xvi ; "Maestro 
Vicente," Surita, ii. 73; " Mestre Vincens," Rouquette, 410; Thomas, 241; Affre, 
Rodez, 45; Annales du Midi, iv. 382, 384; Petit Thalamus, 452; "Maestre Vicent," 
Fmke, 32; Guzman, 61 ; Bayle, 104; "Maestro Fray Vycente," Baena, i. 281 (from 
Ferrant Manuel de Lando) ; "Frayre Vinsens," Boyssel, 362; Romania, xxi. 549; 
"Frater Vmcentius de Valencia," Glassberger, 228. 

For Saragossa as urbs antiquissima, see Rozmital, 103. 

Mariana, ii. 218; Schirrmacher, vi. 189; Marineo, 866; Touron, iii. 57. 

Quod utnusque regni unus ipse gubernaculum fuerat, Valla, 1064. 

El Desdichado, P Bofarull, ii. 295 ; Monfar, ii. 325 ; Janer, 5, 56, 170. For his 
descent from Alfonso, King of Aragon, who died in 1336, see Lodge, 549. 

For coins of the county of Urgel see Heiss, Monedas, ii. 175, Plate 97. 
8 Juvenis eximia specie corporis, Valla, 103-7 

U, in 1405, Vidal, 4 o; Lodge, 483, 549. ' 

Cavanillesiv 8l ^ *"* application for French and Navarrese mercenaries, see 

duque de ciarencia in surita> iL 37; cf - 

duoues Q d! h Oril an PaSS l d ** rein de Francia con muv Poderosa ejercito en favor de los 
cf Tlie ! 8* y C ntra Carl S (5ic] ddfin de Franda > Surita ' "' 37' 39J 

' 06 ' Wh confuses the 
14 Surita, ii. 37 ; Schirrmacher, vi. ,91 ; Monfar, ii. 461. 

14*3] Balaguer 89 

promising to give him his sister in marriage 1 and make him 
King of Sicily 2 in the event of their ultimate success. But 
owing to the death of Henry IV and the return of the 
Duke of Clarence to England more help was promised than 
was really brought 3 and only 700 Gascon troops 4 actually 
crossed the mountains under the command of Don Antonio 
de Luna 5 . These entered Huesca and some of them 
effected an entrance into Lerida 6 by stealth, but when 
a trumpeter in the town, being a heavy drinker like the 
rest of his class, got out of bed in the night 7 and played 
a call on his bugle for a joke they thought they were dis- 
covered and decamped out of the town in a panic. In the 
end they were driven back disastrously 8 and the Count of 
Urgel surrendered on Oct. 30, 14 13", after sustaining a ten 
weeks' siege at Balaguer 10 . He was sentenced to imprison- 
ment for life in the fortress of Xativa near Valencia, where 
he was ultimately assassinated on June i, 1433". After this 
pronounced success Ferdinand was formally accepted as 
King of Aragon by the Cortes at Saragossa in Jan. I4I4 12 

1 Great confusion centres round this point. Janer (90) speaks of envoys sent to 
England to arrange a marriage between a daughter of King Ferdinand (sic) and a son 
of the Duke of Clarence. In Monfar (ii. 462) the Duke of Clarence is himself to marry 
Isabel, the daughter of the Count of Urgel. In Surita, ii. 60, Clarence is called the 
Duke of York. 

2 Goodwin, 9 ; Monfar, ii. 461. This was one of the titles of the Kings of Aragon, 
see Rym. ix. 622 ; p. 85, note 6. 

3 Valla, 1060. 

4 Called 400 Gascons in Guzman, 43 ; Valla, 1043, IO 44 Schirrmacher, vi. 187 ; 
or 350 men-of-arms and 400 archers in Surita, ii. 39 ; or 600 English and Gascons, 
E. A. Schmidt, Aragcnien, 329. 

5 Valla, 1044, 1056, says they were under Raymond Pereliosus (i.e. of Perillos) ; 
also Monfar, ii. 414, 455 ; Schirrmacher, vi. 187. For Mosen Ponce de Perellos as 
envoy to the Count of Urgel see Guzman, 46 ; Monfar, ii. 448, 525. 

6 For account of Lerida see Piferrer ii. 313, 335. 

7 Ejus rei gratia qua solent qui saepius bibunt, quod genus est in primis tubicinum ; 
Valla, 1059. 

8 Goodwin, 10 ; Guthrie, ii. 451, who supposes that Ferdinand was dead and 
Martin alive. Fages, ii. 24, thinks that they retired after a regiment had been cut up 
on July 10, 1413. 

8 Surita, ii. 42, 52; Mariana, ii. 220; Schirrmacher, vi. 191; Finke, Acta, i. 311; 
Gamez, 474; or Oct. 31, as Janer, 96; Monfar, ii. 529, 531, 535. In Cavanilles, 
iv. 83, 84, the siege lasts from Aug. 15 to Oct. 29, 1413; called from Aug. 10 to 
Oct. 26, 1413, in Fages, Notes, 245. 

10 For account of Balaguer and the ruin wrought to its buildings by the siege see 
Piferrer, ii. 335, 336. In Valla, 1061, it is oppidum situ et opere et arce tutissimum. 
For coins of Balaguer see Heiss, Monedas, ii. 137, Plate 88. For a letter of Ferdinand 
to Vincent Ferrer dated Lerida, Nov. 30, 1413, announcing the fall of Balaguer and 
inviting him to his coronation at Saragossa, see Fages, ii. 276, App. ii. 

11 Guzman, 52 ; Surita, ii. 43 ; Marineo, 867 ; Valla, 1062 ; M. A. S. Hume, 256, 257 ; 
E. A. Schmidt, Aragonien, 330, who quotes Carbonell, in, for his sentence; Heiss, 
Monedas, ii. 175, 176, who gives the year as 1435, ibid. 26. 

12 Janer, 97, 179. 

go Spain and Portugal [CH. vm 

and crowned in the old cathedral of San Salvador 1 in the 
same city by the Bishop of Huesca 2 on Feb. 1 1 following 3 . 

Before this great settlement had been achieved King 
Ferdinand had tried to interest the Duke of York 4 in his 
quarrel, who sent a representative 5 to meet him at Balaguer, 
but as the English duke was a grandson of King Pedro the 
Cruel 8 and hinted at the revival of dormant claims to the 
throne of Castile himself 7 , there was little prospect of suc- 
cessful negotiation in that quarter. 

On hearing the news of Henry V's accession, King 
Ferdinand had sent letters to him desiring a league with 
England since his elevation to the throne of Aragon 8 , 
and a continuation of the truce with Castile, and on 
receiving an encouraging reply he despatched envoys to 
England on this business. On May 22, 14 13 9 , the Lieu- 
tenant of Calais, William Lord Zouche of Harring worth 10 , 

1 Known as La Seo (i.e. sedes), Alpartil, pp. xxv, 202 ; Marineo, 865 (of the Cathedral 
at Barcelona). For additions and repairs made to it by Benedict XIII in 1412 see 
Quadrado, 428-437. For le seo = Ecclesia major de Valentia, see Quetif, i. 691 ; Fages, 
Notes, 174. Fages (ii. 79) places the coronation at the Palace Aljaferia des Maures, 
now a barrack. 

* i.e. Dominic Ram (Aug. 20, 1410 Sept. 13, 1414), afterwards Archbishop of 
Tarragona (Viciana, iii. 166 ; Guzman, 54) and Cardinal of Porto (March 3, 1443) till 
his death on April 25, 1445; Gams, pp. ix, 37; Eubel, ii. 6; called "Osciensis" 
in Alpartil, 202. 

8 Bofarull, ii. 307 ; Mariana, 933 ; Blancas, 243 ; E. A. Schmidt, Aragonien, 327, 
330 ; Historians' Hist. x. 107 ; Fages, Notes, 247 ; called Feb. 10 in Viciana, 166; or 
Feb. 16, Surita, ii. 55. Not Jan. 1414, as Cavanilles, iv. 86. For odes on the coronation 
see Baena, i. 67, 68 ; also play attributed to Enrique de Villena, F. Wolf, 582. 

4 Called Eduardo Duque de Ayork in Surita, ii. 37, 47, who supposes him to have 
first favoured the Count of Urgel, together with the Marquis of Dorset (el Conde de 
Orset) ; cf. Monfar, ii. 461. 

8 Called Juan de Monforte in Surita, ii. 47. 
8 Called the 

Glorie of Spaine, 
Whom fortune held so high in majestee. 

Chaucer, Monk's Tale, 14,685. 

7 Surita, ii. 37, 47. His father, Edmund of Langley, had married in 1372 (not 
1369, as J. Evans, 305) Dofia Isabel (b. circ. 1355), 3 rd daughter of Pedro the Cruel 
(d. 1369) (not Henry, as Percy MS. 78 in Armitage-Smith, 467) ; Wals. i. 313; ii. 194. 
She died Nov. 23, 1393, and was buried in the Priory Church at Langley, Ann. 344 ; 
Doyle, iii. 742 ; Comp. Peer. iv. 120; viii. 213 ; Lingard, iii. 99; York, xxiii. For a 
reference to her property in Kent see Memoranda Roll K.R. 3-4 H. V, Rot 2 
Nov. 28, 1415. Her remains, together with those of her husband and their monument' 
were removed to the parish church at King's Langley, circ. 1574, where they were 
examined on Nov 22, 1877; J. Evans, 321-328. For the tomb see Sandford, 377 ; 
W^Heiv ' 2oV " ; Knlght> Shakes P eare > Richard II, p. 115; J. Evans, 311 ; 

8 For an undated letter from Henry V to Ferdinand see Add. MS. 24,062, f io 
In this he refers to a letter written by Ferdinand dated apud Conchen civitatem (i.e.' 
Cuenca Eubel i. 208) in March last (?i 4 , 3 ) to the effect that he desired a league with 
England since his elevation to the throne of Aragon. The letter was brought by Henry's 
^T ' J ~ S ~ (P ssibl y J hn Sturminster ; see Wylie, iii. 285, note 7) 

Rym. ix. 2 ; Carte, Rolles, ii. 207. 10 P J^ 4O> 7 n ' ote ,. 


Castile 91 

was commissioned to interview these envoys at the Strait 
and verify their credentials 1 . They then sped onwards, 
broke their journey at Canterbury 2 and had an interview 
with King Henry at Westminster. 

Disputes were constantly arising in regard to the capture 
and detention of Biscayan shipping and the arrival of King 
Ferdinand's envoys afforded an opportunity for improving 
the relations between England and Castile. In the previous 
winter, arrangements had been made that all English claims 
against Castile should be presented at Bayonne before 
Easter 14 13 3 and a copy of the peace concluded between 
the two countries in the late reign 4 was now produced from 
the Privy Council Office and submitted afresh for re- 
examination, and before the end of the year Archdeacon 
Juan Roderici 5 arrived in England as an ambassador from 
the Castilian court at Toro 6 . On Jan. 3, 1414, John 
Hovingham, Archdeacon of Durham 7 , was deputed to 

1 For ;i3 paid to a lawyer, Doctor Ralph Greenhurst, sent to Picardy to com- 
municate with ambassadors of the King of Aragon at Calais, see Iss. Roll i H. V, 
Pasch., May 20, 1413. For Ralph Greenhurst's appointment as a notary in the Chancery, 
confirmed April 22, 1413, see Pat. i H. V, i. 24. For messengers to Calais with 
passports for Francis de Pawe, knight, and Lodewic de Pastelhon, Doctor of Laws, see 
Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., May 31, 1413. 

2 For their expenses at Canterbury Gio), together with those of envoys from the 
Duke of Burgundy, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., June 27, 1413; Exch. Accts. 406/21(2). 

3 Letter Book I, p. in ; Rym. viii. 771. 

4 Wylie, iii. 285. It was deposited in the Exchequer on May 19, 1413, by Robert 
Fry, clerk of the Council, and delivered to Master Thomas Felde on June 27, by 
whom it was returned on July 10, 1413, Kal. and Inv. ii. 88. 

8 In Rym. ix. 80, 160, he is called Archdeacon de Gordonio (? Logrono), or Cordova 
in Carte, Rolles, ii. 211. 

6 For his appointment as ambassador at Toro, Aug. 18; 1413, see Rym. ix. 105. 
For account of Toro see Quadrado, 611. 

7 i.e. since Nov., 1408. His appointment was confirmed on April 12, 1409, Le Neve, 
iii. 303, where he is called Honingham. On Oct. 23, 1413, he was appointed a notary 
in the Chancery, vice Ralph Greenhurst (see supra, note i), deceased, Pat. i H. V, 
iv. ii ; see also Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 185, May 24, 1414. For Master John Hovingham, 
Doctor of Laws, appearing in the Admiralty Court in appeal of John Saunders, see 
Pat. 2 H. V, i. 14, July i, 1414. He is called John Ovyngham, ibid. i. 29 (May 22, 1414) ; 
ii. 30 (July 28, 1414); Onyngham, Cone. iii. 374; Honyngham, Rym. ix. 208, 214; 
Gibbons, Line. 125; Honigscham, Dacher, 23; Mansi, xxviii. 633 ; Henyngham, Chron. 
Lond. 98 ; Henningham, Finke, Forsch. 256. He is called clericus Eboracensis in 
Rym. ix. 214, which makes it probable that the name is derived from Hovingham 
near York, rather than Honingham near Norwich. In Pat. 3 H. V, i. n, June 26, 
1415, he holds the prebend of Skypwyk in the collegiate church of Howden. For 
fragments of his seal attached to receipts (dated May 3, Oct. i, 1416, May 8, 1417), 
for his annuity of 50 marks p.a. granted to him Oct. 23, 1413, see Exch. Accts. 215/1, 3. 
For his large private mark as a public notary, i.e. a triangle and emblems of the 
Trinity with "Hovingham" written along the bottom step of the base of a cross, see 
Cotton MS. Calig. D. v. f. 140; Rym. ix. 214, May 14, 1414. For two notaries' signs 
in 1328 see Aussy, Registres, 46, 47. For his will in which he is Rector of Walde- 
grave (i.e. Walgrave near Northampton), dated June 12, 1417, and proved at the Old 
Temple, London, Dec. 15, 1417, see Gibbons, Line. 125. In this he desires to be 

9 2 Spain and Portugal [CH. vm 

confer with him, and on Jan. 17 a safe-conduct was issued 
for a messenger 1 bringing letters from Queen Catherine 2 
and the Constable of Castile 3 with the result that on Jan. 28, 
1414*, a truce between England and Castile was signed in 
London 6 to last for one year from Feb. 2, 1414, and arrange- 
ments were made for a subsequent meeting to be held at 
Bayonne or Fuenterrabia 6 on July i, following. When that 
day arrived Thomas Field (or Felde), Dean of Hereford 7 , 

buried in the conventual church of St Bartholomew (i.e. in West Smithfield, Letter Book 
I, 14) if he should die in London, or in "my parish" church of Easington near Durham 
if he should die in the diocese of Durham. From this we learn that he was born at 
Easington, that his father was named William, that he had a hostel (hospitium) in 
London, and that Roger Walden, late Bishop of London (Wylie, iii. 123-128), was his 
benefactor. He leaves legacies for prisoners in Ludgate, Newgate, and the Fleet, for 
poor women in the archdeaconry of Newton, for his parishioners at Walgrave, with 
*, for making a vestment for the high altar of St Peter at Walgrave, and ,5 to the 
Minster at York, where his father and mother are buried. He refers to payment of 
forgotten tithes, and to books lent to be copied but not returned, viz. Tabula Juris, 
a Bible, a Portiforium (York use), Gorham on Matthew, Speculum curatorum, missals, 
sermons written by the late Prior of St Bartholomew's, Bartholomew de Casibus, etc. 

1 Viz. Raphael Sinola, Proctor of the Constable of Castile, French Roll i H. V, 12 ; 
Carte, Rolles, ii. 210. 

2 See p. 82, note 2; Wylie, ii. 330; she is called grande de corps, tres grosse, 
blanchie et coloree et par la taille et le maintien semblait autant un homme qu'une 
femme. Elle cut une grande maladie de paralysie apres laquelle elle ne fut pas bien 
de"liee de la langue ni du corps, Guzman in Puymaigre, Cour, i. 213. For account of 
Fernan Perez de Guzman see ibid. i. 191-216; with doubts as to his authorship of the 
chronicle of Juan II, see ibid. 209; Kelly, 102. Catherine is called "a capricious, 
arrogant and bigoted young woman " in Graetz, iv. 209. For her death at Valladolid at 
the age of 50 in 1418, see Puymaigre, i. 213. For a horse in the stud of Henry IV called 
Bayard Despenser, the gift of the Queen of Spain, Apr. 8, 1410 or 1411, also Grisell 
Mendosa, see Add. MS. 24,513, f. 4 a. 

3 For poems addressed to Ruy Lopes Duvalos and Alvaro de Luna as constables of 
Castile at the beginning of the isth century, see Baena, i. 73, 74, 76, 159, 160, 175. 

Rym. ix. no; Kal. and Inv. ii. 91 ; J. Dumont, ii. pt. ii. it; Goodwin, 35: 
Guthne, 11. 455. 

5 For order (Feb. 12, 1414) for proclamation of it in London see Letter Book I, 123 ; 
Kym. ix. 115. It was confirmed April 18, 1414, Rym. ix. 122. 

Called "Fountrabis in frountera Ispanica," Mirot-Deprez, Ixi. 27. For pictures of 
t see Sunta, n. 156 ; P. H. Lalanne, 77, where the Basque name is Ondarrabia or 
Ondur-Ibaia i.e. river waif, epave de riviere. For pillage and burning of it in 1412 by 
Navarrese and French under Amanieu d'Albret, see ibid. 85 

He is Dean of Hereford on May 28, 1406, Cal. Pat. H. IV, iii. 198, though said 

at Ma-iT T Cn i mStalled Ul1 I4 7 in U Neve L 476, who refers to his will dated 

ChS S or n % J A ^K\ I4 %- P u, Ved Nov> * 6 ' I4 '9- In '4'7 he was one of the 

lancellors of Archbishop Chichele (Cone. iii. 348), and on March 24, 1419, he was 

Tn P ?rTnc /}"> r th , 6 Pr Ct0rS f the Cha P ter f Canterbury in regard to thti? prope^y 
St A?bans ( i H T M a Q- ^ f 3 ^- For a letter Written b y Thomas Felde to the Abbot of 
mt^f M /V 3 ' /42 ' in whic * he asks for promotion for a priest, W- B-, to 
Abbotc luttSmS ? ygraVC> "^ Bald ck ' in Hertfordshir e (which belonged to the 
Phuip Tho wJ M T 5 J UK 49 > accordin S to a P romi *e de by hi! relative, 
Wv i? r 8 rnbur ^. before he went to Gascony with the Duke of Clarence (i.e. in 1412 
' " EearS tO have been uns ^cessful, for Thomas Chalgrove 

f R bert Marshton ( 
- for Herts ' 



Truce 93 

and Jean Bordili 1 , Archdeacon of Medoc 2 , were em- 
powered in conjunction with Sir John Blount to effect 
a settlement of claims 3 put forward by Castile and Leon 
between the accession of Henry V and Candlemas 1414* 
and to arrange for a further prolongation of the truce 5 
and a final peace, if possible. By July i, 14 H 6 , their 
chests were packed and sealed and they left London on 
July 27 7 for Spain, via Dartmouth and Bayonne 8 , carrying 
with them King Henry's confirmation of the previous truce 
sealed with the great seal of England in white wax, which 
they delivered to the Castilian representatives 9 at Bayonne 
on Nov. 27, 1414, and at a formal meeting at Fuenterrabia 
it was decided to prolong the truce till Feb. 2, 141 6 10 . 
During the interval the question of a permanent alliance 

1 Rym. ix. 113. For his previous employment with Blount in 141; see Ryrci. viii. 702. 
For order dated July 12, 1415, to collectors of customs at Hull to pay him 171. i6s. &/. 
as remainder of his claim for going on embassy to communicate with the King of Castile, 
"apud ffount Rabie," see Glaus. 3 H. V, 17; called "Front Arabiez" in Bouvier, 
Descript. 125. 

2 Rym. ix. 146, 180. 

3 For a Spanish ship, of which Fernandus Alfonsus is master, sent to England to 
Henry IV by " our dearest aunt queen of Spain " (i.e. Catherine), ordered to be detained 
to see which goods are Spanish and which belong to Genoese or our other enemies, see 
Pat. i H. V, i. 27 d, March 23, 1413. For order dated May 17, 1413, for release from 
Southampton of two ships, viz. Seynt Pere de Seynt Mayo en Biskey and Saint Pere, 
with 100 quintals of iron captured by the Gabriel de la Tour, see Glaus, i H. V, 21. 
For two ships each called Ste Marie de Ispanfi, whose masters were Sancinus Lopus 
(i.e. Sanzio Lopez) and John de la Sowe, together with a barge called the Trinity of 
Spain, with cargoes of Rochelle wine belonging to Richard Garner, now in sanctuary at 
Westminster, see Pat. i H. V, i. 25 d, May 6, 1413. 

4 For order to the Abbots of Bewlee and Tychiff (i.e. Beaulieu and Titchfield) to 
repair a large ship belonging to the King of Spain, then lying at Southampton, see 
Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 20, 1414. For carpenters, artificers, and labourers to 
make and repair a ship of Spain now at Southampton, see Pat. i H. V, v. 22 d, Feb. 8, 
1414. For a letter of Henry V to John King of Castile, "our brother," see Add. MS. 
24,062, f. 151. It complains that on St Thomas' Day, anno primo (i.e. Dec. 21, 1413), 

Martin G , a merchant of Castile, seized John H , an English merchant, with 

his ship, the Catherine of Bristol, and goods valued at ^"400, in the port of Lisbon, 
which John, by way of reprisal, afterwards seized Martin and a ship laden with iron as 
he was touching at an English port. This seizure was sanctioned in an Admiralty court, 
and afterwards, i.e. a little before June 24 last (probably 1414), Martin seized goods 

belonging to Henry D de R in comitatu Suthamptonie and John Ff , of 

Bristol, in a town of Spain called B (? Bilbao), for which the latter claims restitution. 

8 For appointment of Fernando Pedro de Avala, kt., and two doctors, viz. Gonsalvo 
Morvac and John Velasci, of Cuellar, to meet English representatives and arrange pro- 
longation of truce, see Rym. ix. 135, dated Salamanca, June 2, 1414. 

6 Rym. ix. 146, 147. 

7 Exch. Accts. 321/22, which gives their expenses, with six men and three horses, 
from that date till their return to London on March 5, 1415, see Mirot-Deprez, Ixi. 27. 

8 Rym. ix. 152. 

9 Ibid. ix. 1 80. 

10 For order dated Feb. 24, 1415, to the Sheriffs of London, etc., to proclaim this 
extension, see Rym. ix. 204 (Letter Book I, p. 163). For reference to las bones treubas 
et suffrensa de guerra existing between England and Castile on Aug. 28, 29, 1415, and 
Feb. 24, 1416, see Jurade, 242, 243, 331. 

94 Spain and Portugal [CH. vm 

was kept constantly under review, and on his return to 
London Master Field 1 repeatedly borrowed documents 
bearing upon previous relations with Castile from the 
Exchequer at Westminster 2 , with the result that before 
Candlemas 1416 had arrived the king's officers at Bordeaux 
were authorised to arrange for a further extension 3 and 
while this question was being studied three envoys arrived 
in England with important proposals from King Ferdinand 
in regard to Aragon. 

These were Master Felipe Malla 4 and two knights 
named Juan Fabra of Valencia and Berenguer Claver 5 . 
They arrived at Southampton on July 21, 141 5", instructed 
to negotiate an alliance between the kingdoms of England 
and Aragon, and to open up proposals for a marriage 
between Henry and King Ferdinand's eldest daughter 
Donna Maria 7 . They brought with them two coursers 
and a jennet as presents for the English king 8 with whom 
they had many opportunities of personal intercourse 9 , 

1 For .108. Ss. &/. paid to him as balance for his mission to Spain, see Rec. Roll 
3 H. V, Pasch., July i, 1415. 

3 e.g. on May 4, 1415, he borrowed a document from the Exchequer having to do 
with an alliance made with Pedro, King of Castile, in the days of Edward III (possibly 
the convention of Sept 23, 1366, Rym. vi. 514), Kal. and Inv. ii. 21. This paper he 
returned on May 8, 1415, borrowing it again on May 10, and returning it on June 17, 
Kal. and Inv. ii. 93. On Oct. 8, 1415, he handed to the Treasurer a hanaper containing 
four documents confirming and prolonging the truce,- between England and Castile, 
ibid. ii. 94. 

8 Rym. ix. 328, Jan. 13, 1416, appoints the seneschal (John Tiptoft), the constable 
of Bordeaux (William Clifford), the Mayor of Bordeaux (John St John), and two lawyers 
(Bertrand d'Asta and Arnold de Meana) as commissioners for the negotiations. 

4 Surita, ii. 74; or Malia, Valla, 1066; or Medalia, Rym. ix. 546; St Denys, vi. 176; 
Maedalia, Finke, Forsch. 185; Madalia, St Denys, v. 720; Goodwin, 178. Not Pierre, as 
Postel, 92. He had studied law and theology at the Universities of Barcelona (where he 
afterwards obtained a canonry in the Cathedral), Lerida and Paris, Fromme, 19, 20. 
He was one of the representatives of the King of Aragon at Constance, where he arrived 
on Jan. 4, 1417 (Finke, Forsch. 185; Fromme, 43), and took a prominent part in the 
negotiations, Bofarull-y-Sans, passim. He conferred with Sigismund at Narbonne on 
Dec. 9, 1415, St Denys, v. 720. He was now a canon and penitencer of the Cathedral 
at Barcelona, St Denys, vi. 176. For penitencer or penitentiary, see Cent. Diet., s.v.; 
Murray, Diet., s.v.; Halliwell, ii. 614; Chaucer (S), iv. 630; Wylie, ii. 342, note 3. 
Por pemtencianus appointed to hear confessions, etc., in the church at Bath, see 
Holmes, Reg. 22 (1401). 

5 Surita, ii. 67. 

For their expenses in England from July 21 to Sept. 15, 1415, see For. Accts. 3 H. V; 
also ft. 15, 3< /. paid oifthe same account, Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Dec. 23, 1415; also 
' i * P aid ' n J u . lv ' T '415, by the Treasurer of the King's Household for their 
expenses during 16 days in July, 1415, Exch. Accts. 406/29. 

F,rHi Usk ,', I t 25; j a a y r de las h 'Jas del rey, Surita, ii. 67, 75; Fromme, 5. For 
Ferdinand s two daughters Maria and Leonora (Eleanor), see Mariana, ii. 225. 5 

^S, % Moldl A^on. *** Watert n>S ^^ ( ^^ 6) *" ^ 
Satis et abunde experimento comprobavi vestram serenitatem virtutis amore 

1415] Ferdinand's Envoys 95 

carrying away with them a charming impression of his 
kindness and condescension and general treatability 1 . 

The visit of these envoys is of more than usual interest 
as their bill of expenses is fortunately still preserved 2 , 
giving full details of where they stayed and what they 
ate from day to day 3 . It was made out by a clerk named 
Nicholas Harewood 4 , acting on behalf of John Waterton, 
who began his entries at Winchester on July 2 1 and ended 
them at Southampton on Sept. 16, 1415. The king was 
at this time at Southampton preparing to cross to France, 
and the envoys probably had an interview with him im- 
mediately on their landing. Leaving Winchester on 
July 22 they travelled by Basingstoke, Hertfordbridge, 
Windsor and Brentford 5 to London which they reached 
in the evening of July 24". Here they stayed six days 
and on July 31 we find them at Dartford on their way 
to Canterbury, apparently to pay a visit to the shrine. 
Stopping at Rochester on July 31 they reached Canterbury 
on the following evening, having halted to bait at Ospringe. 
The next day (August 2) they started to return, dined at 
Sittingbourne, slept at Rochester, halted again at Dart- 
ford, and were back in London for supper on August 3, 
proving conclusively that in the summer at any rate the 
pilgrimage could be managed in two days and one night 
on the road 7 . After two days they took the road again on 
August 5 and travelled by Kingston, Guildford, Farnham, 

flagrantem, regia humanitate, condescencione benivola tractabilem se precibus omnibus 
in earn confugientibus, Rym. ix. 546. 

1 Cf. bonere and tretabil, Secreta, 211. 

2 Exch. Accts. 321/32; Mirot-Deprez, Ixi. 29; printed in Kirk, Analogues. See 
App. H. 

3 An interesting record of the daily expenses at Dunster Castle for the year ending 
June 27, 1406, has been published (Lyte, 114-119), and forms a fitting companion to 
this roll as indicating west-country prices at about the same period. See App. I. 

4 He was one of the executors of John Waterton in 1421, Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 279. 

8 Called Baynford or Braineforde, Lysons, Environs, ii. 41, 45, 67; Lewis, i. 357. 
6 In For. Accts. 5 H. V, the journey from London to Southampton and back is done 

halting-places of Queen Joan in 1403, see Wylie, ii. 437, note 4, where Wickham 
possibly means East Wickham near Bexley Heath. For "Scheteres hylde" (Shooters 
Hill) in via versus Cantuariam, see Arderne, xxvii. For map of the pilgrim road in 1675 
by John Ogilby (b. 1600, d. 1675), see Beryn, where Shinglewell is not marked. It is 
called Singlewell in Littlehales, 3. For la haute chymyne entre Canterbury et London, 
see Orthographia, xiv. from Add. MS. 17,716. 

96 Spain and Portugal [CH. vm 

Alton and Alresford 1 , arriving at Southwick on August 8. 
Here they stayed (probably at the Priory 2 ) till August 12, 
when they paid another visit to Winchester, remaining 
there till August 23. Starting again on August 24 they 
journeyed a second time to London, stayed there from 
August 27 till Sept. i, were back at Winchester by Sept. 4 
and reached Southampton on Sept. 7. Here the account 
goes on till it closes on Sept. 16, 1415, on which day 
they probably set sail again for their own country. 

John Waterton, whose name is appended to their account, 
had been appointed 3 , together with Master John Kempe 4 , to 
return with them and negotiate with King Ferdinand 
who was expected to be at Perpignan before the winter. 
Waterton and Kempe left London on Sept. 8 5 , and joined 
the envoys at Southampton, where they waited till they had 
the wind at will 6 . All sailed together from Southampton 
early in October* and reached Bayonne after a fifteen days' 
passage. After this we lose sight of them till Dec. 5, 141 5 8 , 
on which day they had an interview with King Ferdinand 
at Perpignan in the stormy time that preceded his final 
breach with the Pope. According to their instructions 9 
the two Englishmen were to draw attention to the fact 
that Henry was still unmarried, and if they found any 
readiness to consider a match for Ferdinand's daughter, 
Maria, they were to say that it was a very difficult matter 10 
which would require much deliberation, though they were 

1 Called Alford and Alsforde in the document; also Aldford, Alreford, Alsford in 
Woodward, ii. 26, 27, 35. 

For the Priory of the Black (or Austin) Canons at Southwick see Lei. Itin. iii. 04. 
For their seal see Pedrick, p. 127, Plate xxxviii; and arms, Viet. Co. Hist. (Hants.), 
111. 162, with a picture of the village. For Queen Elizabeth's stay there in 1591, see 
Nichols, Progresses, iii. 122. For the Prior's chair (isth century), see Cassell, i. 448. 
3 i.e. on July 25, 1415, Rym. ix. 293; Usk, 125, 307. 

Hook, v. 193. Nicholas Harewood had received 20 of the money spent on the 
ambassadors per manus magistri Johannis Kempe clerici. 

' f or t !? eir , ex P enses (A492)from that date till their return to London on Tune 13, 

14/6 (278 days, see Exch. Accts. 321/33; For. Accts. 3 H. V; do. (P.R.O.), p. 80; 

Deprez, Ixi. 29. They took 20 horses with them, and their voyage out from 

mtharnpton in the John Baptist of Bayonne took 15 days, the return journey in the 

same ship occupying 22 days at sea. 

! ? f< !*5 l vl IOf Book > 3; when thei hadde wedur, ibid. 97, 106; par fortune de 
vent, Lannoy, QEuvres, 176; if the wind be not your friend, Spegnt, 357. 

./ ^o paid for expenses of envoys of the King of Aragon, who are about to 
tttfe/rwMW, see Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., Sept. 2?i 4 is. 
| Surita, 11 75, where Waterton is called Juan Gut Trunton. 

e refelnL?, U T P , t0 \ Jl i-r 8 ' 'I' 5 ' Rym> ix ' 2 95 5 cf. Gesta, 8; Chron. Giles, 9, 
p2? H l! ber evidentiar "m regalium et recordorum. 

ua matena, Rym. ix. 296. 

14 1 5] Matrimony 97 

authorised to explain that King Henry was not averse 
to considering it. They were to add, however, that he 
had two noble brothers (i.e. the Dukes of Bedford 1 and 
Gloucester) not yet wived (nondum conjugates), either of 
whom might be had if terms could be arranged, and for 
this purpose they were to ask for a dower of 200,000 crowns 
with the lady which might be beaten down to 160,000, 
according as circumstances should shape 2 . They were 
authorised also to negotiate an alliance with Aragon, 
provided that the French and Scots were not included, 
but it is likely that no definite arrangement was made, for 
Ferdinand was then a dying man and had but a few weeks 
to live. As to the marriage project it was found that Maria 
had already been betrothed to Juan, the young king of 
Castile 3 , though he was somewhat younger than herself. 
Knowing that King Henry was a prince of great weight, 
great valour and great wealth 4 , King Ferdinand tried to 
secure him by offering his second daughter, Leonora, to 
the king of Castile but the arrangement could not be 
worked out, and after Ferdinand's death, which happened 
on April 2, 1416", the English envoys returned and were 
back in London by June 13, 1416; but six months later 8 , 
when other envoys were despatched to Constance, they were 
authorised to continue negotiations for an alliance with the 
representatives of Alfonso V 7 , who was Ferdinand's son and 
successor. In the end Maria married the king of Castile 
at Medina del Campo on Oct. 20, I4i8 8 , and Leonora 9 
married Duarte, who afterwards became king of Portugal 10 . 

1 In Waurin, iii. 114 [76] he is grant de corps et gros de membrez sage et hardy en armes. 

2 Prout res exigit, Rym. ix. -296. For similar bargaining in regard to the marriage of 
Hans, Duke of Sulzbach, at Ribe (Higgins, i. 60, 143; ii. 280), see Wylie, ii. 435, 
note 7. 

3 There is no evidence to show that she was allowed any personal choice in the 
matter, as supposed by D. M. J. Henry, ii. 43. She died at Villacastin near Avila in 
1445, Heiss, Monedas, ii. 26. 

4 Muy poderoso principe y de gran valor y muy rico, Surita, ii. 75, who refers to the 
capture of Harfleur, but not to the battle of Agincourt. Cf. Fromme, 33. 

8 i.e. at Igualada near Barcelona, Encycl. Brit., s.v. Ferdinand, 
8 Rym. ix. 410, Dec. 2, 1416. 

7 In Rym. ix. 622 (Sept. 24, 1418), Alfonso, King of Aragon and Sicily, has granted 
(on Aug. 30, 1417) protection for 3 years to all English merchants and their ships, and 
King Henry now grants the same terms for Castilians. 

8 Heiss, Monedas, i. 88; not 1420, as Weale, Van Eyck, 15. 

9 Not Maria, as Heiss, Monedas, ii. 16, quoting Florez y Bofarull. Leonora died at 
Toledo on Feb. 19, 1445. 

10 Duarte, pp. xv, xvi, i, where she is called "Rainha Dona Leonor sua molher." 
Cf. Mas Latrie, 1738. 

W. 7 

9 8 Spain and Portugal [CH. vm 

With Portugal also King Henry was endeavouring to 
continue on terms of friendship, and early in July, 1413, 
arrangements were pending for the departure of William 
Porter "on secret business" to King Joao. He was 
accompanied by Arundel Herald and the two sailed to- 
gether in one of the king's ships, the Marie de la Tour\ 
for Bordeaux whence they would proceed in another vessel 
to Lisbon. But in the meantime two Portuguese envoys 
were on their way to England from King Joao at Santarem 3 
to secure confirmation of the treaties made with Henry's 
two predecessors, and as their credentials were made out 
at Lisbon on July 25, 1413*, it is evident that the two 
parties must have crossed each other on the voyage. The 
Portuguese envoys were a knight named Joao Valasci of 
Almada on the south shore of the Tagus, and Joao Alvari, 
Dean of Viseu 8 . They landed in England about the end 
of August, I4I3 8 , and after some delay had an interview 
with the king at Windsor 7 . It is certain that these envoys 
made a prolonged stay in England, and when at length the 
principals started for Dover they had a further long wait 8 
before they got under way, and even then some of their 
men remained behind in London 9 . The purpose of their 
visit is now for the first time explained by the publication 
of a document still preserved in the library of the Vatican, 
which shows that at this very time the king of Portugal 
was applying to Pope John XXIII for a dispensation for 
a marriage between the English king and his youngest 

1 For his arms at Constance, see Richental (Sorg), 100. 

3 Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., May 31, July 4, 1413. For jio paid for victualling her 
on this account, see ibid., Mich., Dec. i, 1413. 

8 Rym. ix. 27, Tune 21, 1413; Goodwin, n. 

4 Cott. MS. Vesp. C. xii. 129. 

6 Kal. and Inv. ii. 88. The former appears as Vacques, Vas (Wylie, ii. 335, note 5), 
Vaques (Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 22, 1414), Vasques (Rym. ix. 664; Halle, 86; 
Grafton, i. 530), Valusci (Brequigny, 43; Carte, Rolles, i. 271; Ewald, xli. 705) or 
Naasq'Dalmadna, Vesp. C. xii. 129; called "Johannes de Vasques de Allamond" in 
Redman, 55. Cf. Puiseux, Rouen, 171. 

8 For 47. 17*. ftd. paid on their account from Sept. i to Oct. 8, 1413, see Exch. 
Accts. 407/21, 13. 

7 For payment to messengers from Kennington to Windsor Park pro hospitatione 
raneorum de Portugal, see Exch. Accts. 406/21, 30. For reference to John Vaques 

Dalmadan, kt., with a doctor and his other knights from Portugal coming to the kine's 

pr T?uV ee Iss> Ro11 ' H> V ' Mich " Nov ' 8 ' H^; J an - 2 7, 1414- 

bidem per longum tempus attendentes, Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 22, 1414. 
/ x '? marks paid to men remaining in London after the departure of John Vages 
(sic), see ibid. Jan. 27, 1414. 

1413] Isabel of Portugal 99 

daughter Isabel 1 , then a girl of 16 years of age 2 . The 
Pope, who was then at Florence, granted the necessary 
dispensation on Oct. 21, 141 3 3 , but the project came to 
nothing and Isabel was reserved for quite another destiny. 
Seventeen years later she became the wife of Philip the 
Good, Duke of Burgundy 4 , and her marriage was the 
occasion of two notable events, one of which was the 
founding of the famous Order of the Golden Fleece 5 , 
and the other the painting of her portrait by Jan Van 
Eyck 6 , who was one of the envoys despatched to Lisbon 
by Duke Philip to negotiate preliminaries at her father's 
court 7 . This picture has now unfortunately disappeared 8 
but other representations of her still remain 9 , and later in 
her life she was described as a short plump brunette with 
jet black eyes that smelt of garlic 10 . She lived to a good 
old age and died on Dec. 17, 1471". Two years afterwards 
her body was buried with that of her husband in the Charter- 
house at Dijon 12 . 

1 Called Elisabeth officially, Barante, iv. 293 ; cf. Weale, Van Eyck, Iv, lix, Ixii, Ixiv, 
Ixv, Ixvi; Eubel, Bullarium, vii. 458, June 8, 1412. 

2 She was born Feb. 21, 1397, Weale, Van Eyck, la. 

3 Papal Letters, vi. 412. 

4 He married her as his third wife at Bruges on Jan. 10, 1430, Barante, iv. 290, 293. 
Not at Sluis on Jan. 7, 1430, as Weale, Van Eyck, pp. xxii, 12, which was the date of the 
" espou sallies," ibid. Ixxi. Not 1429, as Azurara, i. n, 301; Grande Encycl. xxvi. 673. 
For his motto, " Autre n'aray tant que je vivray" from Dynter, see Montille, 145, who 
regards it as expressing son attachement inebranlable & la Duchesse. 

5 Barante, iv. 293. 

6 Called one of the brothers in Lecoy de la Marche, Manuscrit, 198. For Herbert 
van Eyck (1366-1426) and Jan (b. circ. 1386, d. July 9, 1441), see Michiels ; Weale, 
pp. 2, 16. For Jan van Eyck in the service of Jean sans Pitie in 1422, see F. Denis, 87 ; 
Weale, 8 ; called wan Eych in Villeneuve-Bargemont, i. 384. Cf. firent paindre bien au 
vif la figure de madame 1'infante Elizabeth, Weale, lix, where Jan is "excellent maistre 
en art de painture." For portraits sent to lovers, see Bouchot, 63. 

7 Wylie, ii. 332, note 4. 

8 It passed afterwards into the possession of Margaret of Austria, Regent of the 
Netherlands at Malines, and was described in the inventories of her collection in 1516, 
1524; Kammerer, 46, who calls Isabel la belle Portugaloise. For a supposed copy of 
it at Tournai, see Weale, 180. It was painted at Aviz in Jan. 1429, and sent to the 
Duke on Feb. 12 ; Weale, Van Eyck, Iviii, Ix, who thinks there were 2 portraits (p. 15). 

9 e.g. Montfaucon, in. Hi. 226, Plate xli; also ibid. 260, from the Chapter-house of 
the Carthusians at Montregnault near Noyon, founded by her in 1448. For picture of 
her in the hospital at Beaune, see ibid. 118. For brass in the Cathedral at Basle (1450) 
representing her with her husband Philip and their son Charles the Bold, showing ^the 
motto "Autre n'aury," see Greeny, 29. For her arms in a modern window in the Hotel 
Dieu at Beaune, see Montille, 147. 

10 Me semblait que ses yeux trop noirs avaient une odeur d'ail, Darmesteter, 
Marguerites, 113, translated as "a scent of garlick about her," by M. Tomlinson. 

" Morillot, 35, 39, 42, 51, from her epitaph in the Charterhouse at Yosnay near 
Bethune (Pas de Calais), whence the body was removed on Dec. 28, 1473, not that she 
died on Dec. 12, 1472, as Azurara, i. n. 

12 For reception of the bodies at Dijon on Feb. 8, 1474, see Maillard de Chambure, 


ioo Spain and Portugal [CH. vm 

After the visit of the Portuguese to England the course 
of trade between the two countries flowed amicably on 
without let or interruption 1 and in Feb. 1415 it was a 
generally recognised fact that Portugal was one of England's 
close allies 3 . 

151. For their epitaphs, see Morillot, 47, 48, where she is fille de roy et du sang 
d'Engleterre. For plan of the vault made in 1766, showing the position of both the 
coffins before the demolition of the church in 1792, see Morillot, 6. 

1 On Dec. 5, 1413, John Edwakere, a Bristol merchant, exports ioo quarters of 
wheat to Portugal, Fr. Roll i H. V, 14; not uoo quarters, as Carte, Rolles, ii. 210. For 
300 quarters of wheat going to Portugal in the Margaret of London, see French Roll 
i H. V, 4, March 12, 1414; also 50 quarters from Chichester and Sandwich, Fr. Roll 
i H. V, 13, Dec. 10, 1413. For permission to export 400 lances to John, King of 
Portugal, see Rym. ix. 160, Sept. 26, 1414; also 350 lances and harness for 6 men-of- 
arms, ibid. ix. 195, Jan. 20, 1415. For 201. IQJ. id. paid to Oliver Martin, a 
Portuguese merchant, for 9 pipes of Algarve wine at ,4 per pipe for the king's store, 
see Devon, 328, Dec. ir, 1418. For 15. i6s. 6d. (+46/8 wharfage) paid for wine to 
Alfred Martin of Portugal, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 20, 22, 1414. For pay- 
ment to winedrawer for removing 60 casks of Portuguese wine from London to Westminster, 
see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 22, 1414. For English vessels with cargoes of wax, oil 
and fruit from Portugal for Bristol, Dartmouth and Lynn, see Rot. Parl. iv. 89 (1415). 

8 Jure mutui foederis et amoris, St Denys, v. 412. Us estoient allies ensemble avec 
les Anglois, Juv. 501 ; pour ce que ilz sont aliez avecques eulx, Bouvier, Descript. 22, 126. 



IN spite of frequent threatenings the relations between 
England and Brittany had for some long- time remained 
externally peaceful. It is true that there had been periodical 
outbreaks of piracy and interruptions of trade and that our 
people regarded the Bretons as "the greatest rovers and 
the greatest thieves 1 ,'' but truces had been continued on 
both sides as their dates expired and commissioners had 
crossed the water from time to time for personal conference 
so that differences had been adjusted by the exercise of 
mutual forbearance 2 . Thus on July 6, i4ii 3 , a truce had 
been concluded between the two countries to last for two 
years and trade continued in its usual course 4 and before 
the year was out a representative of each side had been 
appointed, viz. Henry, Lord of Le Juch 5 , on behalf of the 
Duke of Brittany, and Ralph Greenhurst 6 on behalf of the 

1 Pol. Songs, ii. 164; Wylie, iv. 35. 

2 For a barche or neff dont Guillo Bintie estoit garde taken from the English, which 
went on the rocks at Penmarch, see Blanchard, ii. 38, where the goods are to be restored 
in May, 1407, by the men of Guerande near St Nazaire. At that time 120 English were 
released on paying their cautions (Blanchard, ii. 45, 47, 49) at Jersey. Some of their 
names appear as Trordelay, Toudrelay, Parcar, Boirroill (PBurrell), Evan, Millefort 
(Milford), Cradol (PCradock), Lay, Young, Clerk, Peppin, &c. For goods seized on a 
ship of Guerande by men of Rye and Winchelsea, see Early Chanc. Proc. i. 39. 

3 Blanchard, ii. 155. For a truce for i year and 10 months signed in London, temp. 
H. IV, see Ramet, ii. 44. 

4 For wheat exported to Brittany by an Englishman, John Cantel, on April 16, 1407, 
see Blanchard, ii. 23; also lead for the tower of the castle of Cesson, near St Brieuc, 
ibid. For safe-conducts (June, 1407) for English merchants, see Blanchard, ii. 62, where 
their names appear as Berthelot (PBartlet), King, Hoskin, Foldo, Qualton (Walton), 
Hellesmez (PEllesmere or Elsmie), Crasquelle (Creswell), and Parquier (Parker). 

5 i.e. near Douarnenez (Finistere); not "Inch," as Rym. viii. 712; ix. 81, 82, 85, 123; 
Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 224 ; Goodwin, 33, 34. He was nominated on Oct. 27, 141 1, Blanchard, 
ii. 154. 

6 Appointed Dec. 28, 1411, Rym. viii. 712. Not Svenhurst, see Blanchard, ii. 154. 
On May 22 and July 14, 1413, he acted as protonotary in the negotiations with the Duke 
of Burgundy at Calais, Rym. ix. 12, 34, 41, and died before Oct. 23, 1413; see page 91, 
note 7. 


Brittany [CH. ix 

king of England, with a view to arranging a ten years' 
truce dating from Jan. I 4 i2\ These envoys met and 
agreed upon a release of prisoners on both sides, and by 
a subsequent order 2 it was arranged that the Lord of 
Le Juch should come to England and Sir John Blount, 
the Deputy Admiral 3 , should cross to Brittany for further 
settlement of details, and on July 3, 1412, a treaty of 
alliance between the two countries had been arranged in 
London by Richard Lord Grey of Codnor and the Lord 
of Chateaugiron 4 , acting as plenipotentiaries for their re- 
spective sovereigns. 

Soon after the accession of Henry V a commission was 
appointed 5 by the Duke of Brittany to treat for a renewal 
of the ten years' truce. The Breton commissioners were 
the Lord of Le Juch and Master Paul de I'Hopital, Sir 
John Dabridgecourt 8 and Archdeacon Hovingham 7 being 
appointed to meet them as the representatives of England 
on Dec. 14, 14 13". After several communications had 
passed, an understanding was arrived at on Jan. 3, 1414", 
whereby the Duke of Brittany undertook not to help King 
Henry's enemies, the island of Brehat 10 being expressly 
excluded from the settlement. The truce was confirmed 
on April 18, 1414", and it was further arranged that 
commissioners should meet in Guernsey on May i, 1414, 
to deal finally with all complaints of infraction during the 
late reign 12 . 

See letters of Henry IV, Dec. 21, 1411, in Blanchard, ii. 166. 
Viz. Feb. 21, 1412, Lobineau, ii. 895; Wylie, iv. 26, note 6. 
Ibid. iii. 302. 

Appointed May 10, 1412, Blanchard, ii. 158. 

i.e. on Aug. 10, 1413, Rym. ix. 81, from Ancenis on the Loire, Blanchard, ii. 169, 
where Henri du Juch and Master Paul de I'Hopital are the Breton representatives for 
recovering ships, goods, men and money detained by the English. 

1 Wylie, iii. 167. For Aubercicourt (ibid. iv. 420), formerly Abrecicort, see 
Duthillceul, 48 ; not Ambrafficourt, as J. T. Smith, 245 ; nor Ambreticour, as Topham, 22. 
For Nicholas Vaberiggecourt (or Vabrushcourt), kt., and his wife Elizabeth in 1390, see 
Boys, 154. 
7 Page 91. 

Rym. ix. 79; Kal. and Inv. ii. 92; Carte, Rolles, ii. 209, 210. 
Rym. ix. 80, 112, 123, 143, r 44 , 309; J. Dumont, ii. ii. 2. For order to arrest 
e bailiffs of Weymouth and to restore a balinger to the ambassadors of the Duke of 
many see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 19, 1414. For enquiry as to breaches of 
truce with Flanders and Brittany, see Pat. i H. V, 5, 21 d, Feb. 12, 1414. 

u Ibid. ix. 80-88, 114, n6; J. Dumont, ii. ii. 2 ; Goodwin, 33, 34. 


Restitution 103 

On June 26, I4I4 1 , a Norfolk knight (John Colvil 2 ) 
and a Devonshire lawyer (Master Richard Hals 3 ) were 
instructed to proceed to Brittany and take over ships and 
cargoes that had been captured since the truce began. 
They had an interview with the Duke of Brittany at 
Savenay, near Nantes, on Oct. 12, 1414*, and on Oct. i; 5 
an indenture was drawn up whereby it was agreed that 
prisoners 6 captured since Jan. 3, 1414, should be restored 
together with many barges, crayers and balingers from 
Bridgwater, Exeter, Saltash, Bristol and Lowestoft, the 
value of the plundered cargoes being minutely inventoried 
in items such as 2 pipes of cider (3 francs), 18 large panes 
of cloth (i franc), 4 sailors' hutches 7 , 6 flock beds 8 and 
palliasses, 3 rundles 9 of wheat, a small silver monstrance 10 
(2^ francs), several portages or loads of salt both by 
Morlaix and Lannion measure (at 355. the portage) and 
casks of Angevin, Gascon and Rochelle wine (at from 8 
to 10 crowns the cask), 2 iron hauberks, 12 doz. settes 
(i.e. arrows), quantities of bows, lances, basnets, capellines 11 , 
Olonne and Josselin 12 cloth, and 40 gold nobles, all captured 

1 Rym. ix. 143, 144; Blanchard, ii. 183. The appointment was ordered during the 
Leicester Parliament, i.e. before May 29, 1414, Rot. Parl. iv. 88. 

2 For order dated July 14, 1414, to secure ships and sailors at the ports of London, 
Southampton, Poole, and Weymouth for the passage of John Colvyll, knight, to 
Brittany, see Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 30 d; For. Accts. P.R.O. p. 80; For. Accts. 5 H. V. 
For .28. 3.?. id. paid to him for embassy to Duke of Brittany from July 19, 1414, to 
Dec. i, 1414, see Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Pasch., May 23, 1420. In Glaus. 6 H. V, 8 d, he is 
called John Colvill of Norfolk ; not Cambridgeshire, as Wylie, iii. 369. He came from 
Walsoken near Lynn, Blomefield, ix. 124, where his death is dated 1425. For his lands 
at Walpole, see ibid. 102. For Gild or Fraternity to be founded in the chapel of the 
Trinity juxta fossatam called the Stathedyk in Walsoken near Wisbech by Geoffrey 
Colvyll esquire and others, see Pat. 2 H. V, iii. 10, Feb. 2, 1415. 

3 He was Treasurer of Exeter Cathedral from Sept. 27, 1400, and died May 18, 
1417, Le Neve, i. 415; Staff. Reg. 121. For his will dated at Exeter, May i, 1417, 
proved May 25, 1417, see Staff. Reg. 416. 

4 Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 224. 

8 Rym. ix. 163, 194. For acte d'estimation, see Ramet, ii. 44, from the archives at 

6 Including Thomas Molington of London, John William of Fowey, John Smith and 
William Lawrence of Calais, and William Russell of Benestowe. 

7 For i huche (6s.), in 1412, see St Germain, 446; i petite hucheste (&.), ibid. 456. 
For i huche (1478), see C. Beaurepaire, Notes, ii. 18; una hucheta de fust, Jurade, ii. 60; 
une huche en bois de quesne, C. Beaurepaire, Melanges, 153; "whutche," Caxton, 
Dial. 1 8. 

8 Litz de bourre, cf. Cotgr., s.v. Bureau; Littre, s.v. Bure; C. A. Costa de Beaure- 
garde, 162; i cousee (mattress) plaine de boure, St Germain, 448. For carting flocks 
(cariage de beuer) at Bordeaux, see Rot. Parl. iv. 77. 

9 Rondelles. Cf. rundlet, Wylie, iv. 360. 10 Monstre d'argent. 

11 Cotgrave, s.v. ; Halliwell, i. 231. 

12 Jouselin, Fr. Roll 2 H. V, m. 4; not "Jonoclin," as Rym. ix. 165. For view of 
the Castle at Josselin see Grande Encycl. xxi. 209. 

I04 Brittany [CH. ix 

about Mid-Lent 1414, one of the Breton pirates 1 being 
Herv6 Duchastel who had already had some experience 
of the inside of English prisons'. The whole claim 
amounted to 2114 crowns which had to be paid before 
Candlemas next 8 . But the English on their side had 
also much to answer for 4 and so, when all claims had been 
discussed, an indenture was drawn up balancing the account 
as between the two parties on Oct. 17, 1414- A few days 
later 5 Colvil was presented by the Duke of Brittany with 
a gold cup which had belonged to his brother Giles, who 
had lately died during the siege of Bourges". At the 
opening of the New Year (1415) a clerk of the Admiralty 
named John Chamberlain 7 was preparing to cross over to 
pay and receive money according to the terms of the 
decision, though he appears not to have actually started 
till Midsummer 141 5 8 , and on Aug. 23 following John 
Hovingham and Simon Flete left London on a further 
embassy to the Duke. They sailed from Topsham near 
Exeter with a suite of 8 men and 12 horses and were back 
in London by Dec. 7, 14 15 9 . Thus there was a chance of 
quieter times for traders in the channel, and the bay-salt 10 

1 Prenneurs, Rym. ix. 164. 

Wylie, i. 436. 

8 Rym. ix. 166. For order for restitution to Wm. Olinthon, a merchant of Herteford, 
for 25 tuns of wine captured by Bretons from Guerande, see Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 224 
(Feb. i, 1415). For picture of Guerande (Loire Inf.) with the Church of St Aubin, see 
Touchard-Lafosse, IV. iii. 368. 

4 e.g. for a ship of Le Conquet called St Mark, captured from the Bretons and taken 
to the port of Hamele (i.e. Hamble near Netley in Southampton Water), see Pat. i H. V, 
iii. 27 d. For commission (April 14, 1413) appointed to sit at Fowey as to Breton ships 
seized by Fowey and Dartmouth men and taken to Winchelsea and Rye, see Glaus, i 
H. V, 32 ; Pat. i H. V, i. 26. For commission to release a Breton vessel detained by 
the bailiffs of Fowey, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Jan. 27, 1414. 

8 i.e. Oct. 23, 1414, Lobineau, ii. 925 ; Blanchard, ii. 183. 

^ i.e. at Cosne, July 19, 1412 ; Cagny, 71, 74 ; Wylie, iv. 78 ; called July 25 in Bibl. 
de 1'Ecole des Charles, xlvii. 531 ; or July 12, Trv6dy, 9. For statement that he was 
buried in the Cathedral at Nantes see Travers, i. 508; C. Barthelemy, Bretaigne, 172. 
For picture of the church of St Aignan at Cosne, see Touchard-Lafosse, iii. 157. 

Rot. Parl. iv. 88; Rym. ix. 194, Dec. 31, 1414. 

Blanchard, ii. 191, June 25, 1415, where he is called Chambrel'. 

9 For payments to John Hovingham as ambassador to the Duke of Brittany, in certis 
secretis negociis, from August 23 to Dec. 7, 1415, see Rec. Roll (Auditors) 3 H. V, Mich., 
Feb. 8, 1416; Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., July 8, 1416 ; Exch. Accts. 321/31 ; Mirot-Deprez, 
Ixi. 29. 

10 For 3000 quarters of salt bought from Breton traders at Dartmouth for London 
merchants, see Claus. i H. V, 30, June 2, 1413. For 800 quarters of salt from Brittany 
captured by Dartmouth men, temp. H. IV, see Claus. i H. V, 19, Aug. 12, 1413. For a 
ship called the St Catherine from Portugal to Bruges with salt from the Bay captured en 
une contree de la mer appe!6 Belin (i.e. Belon) and brought to Blavnez (i.e. Blavet, now 
Fort-Louis near Lorient), see Blanchard, ii. 203, June 13, 1406. For bay-salt, see 


Genoese 105 

and lampreys 1 passed across more freely, though Breton 
rovers 2 still lay in wait in St Matthew's Roads 3 for the 
wine ships passing up from La Rochelle and Bordeaux. 
During the latter part of the preceding reign exasperating 
relations had been accumulating with the Genoese, who had 
captured vessels sailing from London with cargoes of wool, 
and when Henry came to the throne claims had been lodged 
against them amounting to ,24,000. On March 21, 1413, 
letters of marque 4 had been issued authorising certain 
London traders to retaliate upon Genoese vessels at sea 
until cargoes to the amount of ; 10,000 had been captured, 
and it was not long before plenty of plunder was brought 
in and sold in English ports for what it would fetch 5 . On 
July 10, 14 1 3 6 , Bishop Chichele and others were com- 
missioned to report to the Council on these difficulties, 
and in the spring of 1414 the Doge of Genoa sent envoys 7 

Kingsford, 226. It was named not from the Bay of Biscay, as ibid. 343, but from the 
Bay of Bourgneuf; see Black Book of the Admiralty, i. 132; Wylie, iii. 47; called 
Bourgneuf en Rais in Blanchard, ii. 205, i.e. the Pays de Retz, with Reze as its chief 
town opposite to Nantes, the district to the south of the estuary of the Loire. Cf. le 
pays de la baye lequel croist tres plus grand de sel que il ne fait en autre d' (?ledit) 
terrouer de Guerrande et que en iceli a tres bons havres et est franc de charges et devoir, 
Blanchard, iii. 38, where Guerande is grandement peuple de gens. For sel noir de 
Guerande, see Spont, 430. For plusseurs terres frostes (i.e. abandonnees, desertes, 
Godefroy, s.v. ; cf. frostes et inhabitees, Blanchard, ii. 257) appellees baulles ( = piece de 
toile grossiere, Godefroy, s.v. Baule) convenables a faire salines ou terrouer nantoys, en 
celui de Guerrande et en la ripviere de Loyre, see Blanchard, ii. 253. Cf. terres frostes, 
baules, et croyssements (i.e. silt), ibid. For picture of the marais salants at Noirmoutier, 
see Robuchon, Poitou, xi, also in the Charente Inferieure near Rochefort, see Joanne, ii. 
870. For mercatores patrie Britannic et de la Baye, see Cal. Rot. Hib. 213. For un 
voyage a la Baye from Rouen in 1400, see C. Beaurepaire, Notes, iii. 266, who supposes 
it to be Quimperle. For sel de la Baye, sel de Brouge (near Rochefort), see Freville, i. 293. 

1 In 1466 the Bohemians with Rozmital saw 400 lampreys pulled out of the Loire at 
Nantes at one time, Rozmital, 49. For lampreys at Orleans, see Cuissard, 126. 

2 Cf. Roveres sur la meere, Rot. Parl. iv. 376. 

8 i.e. off Brest ; not trade de St Matheu, as Rot. Parl. iv. 90. 

4 Pat. i H. V, iii. 21. Cf. une marque, reprensaille et autre nouvelletes, Gilliodts van 
Severen, 341 ; Rot. Parl. iv. 51. 

6 Claus. i H. V, 2 (Feb. 15, 1414), where Drew Barentin, William Waldern and 
others to whom the letters of marque had been issued find bail in ^40 for having bought 
goods captured from the Genoese. See also Early Chanc. Proc. i. 28, where the goods 
had been bought by Lawrence de Platea and Bartholomew de Boniface, merchants of 
Pemound (Piedmont) and Plesance (Placentia). For safe-conducts Feb. 24, 1419, for 
Lawrence de Platea and Jacobus de Cambyan de Pemount, mercatores coming to 
England to trade, see Fr. Roll 6 H. V, 3. 

Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 132. 

7 Viz. Benedict Buccanegra, Bishop of Ventimiglia (Stella, 1248; Gams, 827; Eubel, 
i. 560, where he is supposed to have died in 1411), and Adam Otraemarinis. For their 
safe-conducts issued April 3, 1414, see Rym. ix. 120. For safe-conducts dated Aug. 20, 
Nov. 28, 1414, for the Bishop and Janot Lamelin, ambassadors from the Doge and 
Communitas of Genoa, see Rym. ix. 157, 181; Carte, Rolles, ii. 217; Dep. Keep. 44th 
Rept. 557. 

I0 6 Brittany [CH. ix 

to London to effect a settlement. At the first interview 
the Genoese maintained that the goods they had captured 
belonged to Florentine merchants with whom they were at 
war 1 , asserting that they really had a claim against us for 
17,000, against which we counterclaimed for ^13,000, 
but this was afterwards reduced to ^8000 and under 
reasonable treatment there seemed to be a prospect of a 
peaceable settlement. 

About the same time Thomas de la Croix 2 came 
across 8 from the Lord of Milan, whereupon the creditors 
of the late Earl of Kent 4 took advantage of the oppor- 
tunity to press for payment of the dowry that had been 
promised with his sister-in-law, Lucy Visconti, on her 
marriage six years before 6 . 

Other outlying interests had been safeguarded by 
the arrival in London of envoys from the High Master 
of the Teutonic Knights 6 , and John Kington, who had 
often been employed in negotiations with the Order in 
the preceding reign 7 but had now become a monk at 
Canterbury 8 , was summoned from his retirement to give 
the benefit of his advice in consultation 9 . At the same 
time the settlers in the English factories in Holland secured 
a confirmation 10 of the privilege of electing their own 
governors which had been granted to them during the 
late reign 11 . 

1 Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 257, where the document is undated. 

Wylie, iii. 172; Wenck, 113 ; called "Thomas de la Crosse" in Rec. Roll 3 H. V, 
Pasch., June 10, 1415. For j 4 o paid to him for bringing horses to England from abroad, 
see do. 4 H. V, Mich., Nov. 4, 1416. 

8 For his safe-conduct dated March 9, 1414, see Priv. Seal 659/194; Rym. ix. 118; 
Carte, Rolles, ii. in. 

4 Rym. ix. 121; Wylie, iii. 104. 

5 For grant of 4 casks of wine to her, May 18, 1409, see Rym. x. 315, confirmed 
Oct. 28, 1413, by Henry V, as carissimae sorori suse Lucie des Viscontes, see Glaus, i 
H. V, ii. For her betrothal, May 25, 1406 (not March, as Wylie, ii. 40, note 2), see 
Wenck, Lucia, 45 ; Engl. Hist. Rev. ( 1897), xii. p. 252. For her marriage, see Wenck, 6, 
do Lucia, 8; Holt, Langley, 235, 268, 323, 336; Knight, London, i. 118. 

"Mestre de Pruce," Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 132. ' Wylie, iv. 475. 

8 Ore moigne, Priv. Seal 658/80, July 29, 1413; qui habitum religionis assumpsit, 
Stone, 7, 185, showing that he was admitted to the monastery of Christ Church, 
Canterbury, in 1408, and died there on Oct. 18, 1416, being buried in the infirmary 
:napel. Stone, who calls him Kynton, describes him as: inceptor legum, vir magnus et 
potens in seculo magnaeque famae et officii in curia Henrici quarti et ipsius protonotarius ; 
also as Chancellor to Queen Joan and often ambassador for Henry IV, extra regnum 
Anghae. See Wylie, n. 71; iv. i, 5, 7, 10, 13. 

For 36 paid to him coming from Canterbury to the King at Westminster, see 
Devon, 334, July 16, 1414. 

ix - 68 - u i-e. in 1407, Wylie, ii. 68, note i. 



IN the autumn of 1413 Hugh Huls 1 and the new Chief 
Justice Hankford 2 were despatched to North and South 
Wales respectively to hold quests 3 in reference to those 
persons who had been implicated in the rebellions of the 
late reign, with a view to an extension of the pardons offered 
at the king's accession 4 . Special commissioners were also 
afoot in various parts of Wales 5 , and on Sept. 6, 141 3 a , a 
proclamation was issued requiring all Welshmen to return 
to their own country and defend it before the coming 
Christmas. With the new year the Earl of Arundel appears 
as the King's Lieutenant for North and South Wales 7 , 
while he and Edward Charleton, Lord of Powys 8 , continued 

1 Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 22, 1414. For payment to Roger Horton, sergeant- 
at-law, helping Hugh Huls in commission for rebellion in North Wales, see ibid. Dec. 9, 
1413. For brass of Hugh Huls or Holes at Watford, see Cussans, Cashio, 191 ; Druitt, 
237; Macklin, 173; Wylie, ii. 183, note 2. He died at Oxey near Watford, July 2, 
1415, Clutterbuck, i. 246. 

2 Page 17, note i. For commission to William Hankford and John Russell to enquire 
into rebellions in South Wales, July 12, 1413, see Pat. i H. V, Hi. 31 d. For 10 paid 
to Thomas Conelly, King's Attorney in the King's Bench, who was in comitiva of the 
Chief Justice, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 21, 1413. 

3 Cf. that haldeth questes or assize, Kail, 36 ; Halliwell, ii. 658. 

4 Page 8, note 5. 

5 e.g. John St John, kt., John Greyndore, kt. and others appointed June 12, 1413, to 
enquire into rebellions in Kidwelly, Caerkennyn, Brecknock, Hay, Ogmore and Ebboth, 
Pat. i H. V, iii. 39 d. For reference to dower in St Clears of Margaret, widow of 
LI. ap Morgan (who had died a rebel), now wife of Raulyn Greyndour, see Priv. Seal 
658/58, J une 2 6, 1413. 

* Claus. i H. V, 21 d. For exceptions in the case of John Lewis, chaplain and 
Griffith ap Hopkin, see Priv. Seal 659/172, Dec. 22, 1413. 

7 Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Jan. 25, 1414. 

8 For .120 paid to him for wages of 10 men-of-arms and 20 archers at Monmouth 
(apud Montho in Wales) from Jan. i anno primo (i.e. 1414 but probably meant for 1413) 
till April ist following, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Dec. 4, 1413; Pat. i H. V, iv. 38, 
Nov. 7, 1413. For other references to him see Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 3, Dec. 10, 1414. For 

I0 8 Wales [CH. x 

to hold enquiries as to the treasons of the past 1 . On July 16, 
1414*, the Duke of York is Justiciar in South Wales with 
power to appoint an acting deputy, and in accordance with 
the prevailing conciliatory spirit pardons were freely granted 3 
and forfeited lands restored 4 on payment of the fines imposed. 
Thus the men of Anglesey were fined 800 marks, while 
fines of 500 marks apiece were imposed on the men of Flint 
and Carnarvon and 300 marks on those of Merioneth, all 
to be payable within terms varying from six to eight years 
according to the ability of each county 5 . In Carmarthen- 
shire an interesting correction had afterwards to be made 
when it was discovered that lands had escheated to the 
king which by Welsh law were not escheatable 6 , and the 
claim was ultimately allowed as valid after the county had 
already paid ^1000 into the Exchequer. On Sept. 22, 
14 1 3 7 , Thomas Barneby was appointed Chamberlain of North 
Wales, but he was succeeded by Thomas Walton on July 
24, I4I4 8 ; William Venables of Kinderton was Constable 

his custody of lands quse fuerunt Alianone late countess of March (Wylie, ii. 36), see 
Rec. Roll i H. V, Pasch., June 9, 1413. For expenses, July 3, 1405, of a varlet of the 
Countess of March coming to Dunster with letters to Hugh Luttrell, see Lyte, 117. She 
died Dec. 23, 1405. 

1 Pat. i H. V, iii. 4 i d, July 18, 1413; do. v. 16 d, Feb. 27, 1414. 

2 Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 34 ; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xlv. 403. 

8 e.g. to Meredith Boule, Meredith ap Eynon ap Gwyllim and William ap Tudor 
(the friend of Owen Glendower, Wylie, i. 215 ; ii. 15), Pat. i H. V, ii. 31 ; Priv. Seal 
658/55, June 23, 1413, where forfeited lands are restored in Gowerland and the diocese 
of St David's. For pardons to Henry Don of South Wales (Wylie, i. 447 ; the then 
representative of the Cheshire family of Done of Utkinton was called John, Dep. Keep. 
36th Report, 154, 155 ; Ormerod, ii. 244; not Henry, as Owen and Blakeway, i. 182), 
Morgan ap David ap Jevan ap Mauric', Griffith ap Meredith ap Henry and Jevan Gwyn 
ap Gwyllym dated May 6, 29; June 8, 12, 30, 1413, see Pat. i H. V, i. mm. 12, 15, 20, 
23, 29; also to LI. ap Madok Dew, Pat. 3 H. V, i. 16, May 15, 1415; and to Thomas 
Vaghan and William ap Thomas ap Prune in South Wales, Pat. 4 H. V, 3, March 15, 
1417. For order dated June 26, 1415, for John Matthews a canon of St John the 
Evangelist at Carmarthen, then a prisoner in the Tower, to be handed over to the Abbot 
of Waltham, see Rym. ix. 282. For payment to Stephen Drax the king's sergeant-at- 
arms for bringing Christopher Rys (arrested by him) to the king's person at Southampton, 
by letter dated Easter, 1413 (sic), see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., May i, 1415. 

* For lands of John Astewyk in the hundred of Aylesmere (i.e. Ellesmere, Salop) 
forfeited for rebellion, see Pat. 2 H. V, i. 15. For land of John Astewick in Lines. 
40 Ed. Ill, see Inq. p. Mort. ii. 303. 

' Pat. i H. V, iv. 15, Nov. 30, 1413; ibid. 2 H. V, i. 21, May 18, 1414. 

Non escheatabiles, Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 21, Nov. 12, 1415. 

Pat. i H. V, iii. 28. For his previous term of office, see Wylie, ii. 12. In 1420 
he is constable of Carnarvon, For. Accts. 8 H. V, i, where two French knights, viz. 
Ulph de Gall and Colard Blosset, were imprisoned. Gall was sent to London with 
John Helegh as Bameby's lieutenant and left Carnarvon with 4 varlets and 6 horses 
' n ^P" 1 /' f 4> arriving in London on April i6th, and Blosset started with Gilbert 
Kachedale on Oct. 21, 1420, arriving on Oct. 26. Both were sent to the king in 
y Under rit dated Oct ' 

1413] Pardons 109 

of Chester 1 ; on Oct. 17, 141 3 2 , a naturalised Welshman, 
Rys ap Thomas, was appointed Steward of Cardigan ; the 
ruined walls of Carmarthen were ordered to be repaired 3 
and 120 men-of-arms and 240 archers were to be distributed 
to strengthen garrisons in various parts of Wales, wages for 
them being sent down at intervals 4 at the rate of is. and 6d. 
each per day respectively. At Chester the dilapidated walls 
of the cathedral 5 told of the general prevailing distress, while 
subsidies that should have been paid up by the clergy more 
than 12 years ago were still outstanding as arrears and 
showed no prospect of being ever collected in such districts 
as the archdeaconries of St David's and Carnarvon 6 . 

But the dominant fact is the cessation of all effective 
resistance on the part of the arch-fugitive, Owen Glendower*, 
whose career was now nearly at an end. His last days 
have long been shrouded in impenetrable mystery. In 
England he was believed to be starving in the open, having 

1 Priv. Seal 658/84, Aug. 18, 1413, with a reference to the time when Oweyn de 
Glendurdy lay in the country near Chester with large numbers of Welsh rebels, i.e. in 
1403, see Wylie, ii. 2, 291. For his previous appointment Nov. 18, 1399, see Wylie, ii. 
1 88, note 6. 

2 Pat. i H. V, iii. u. For confirmation of letters patent declaring him to be the 
king's liegeman, see ibid. i. 9, June 13, 1413. 

3 Pat. 3 H. V, i. 27, May 8, 1415. 

4 e.g. ^"333. 6s. %d. (June 9, 1413) +^333. 13*. *d. (July 4) + ^84. 6s. 8d. (July 17) 
+ 173. 6s. M. (Oct. 2o) + jii5. 6s. M. (Nov. 15) +533. 6s. 8d. (Dec. 4) + 160 (Jan. 
25, 1414) per manus Thomas Strange and John Clifford esquires, Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., 
Mich., passim. 

6 For permission to the Dean and Canons to collect alms because their church and 
college were ruinosa et debilitata, see Pat. 2 H. V, iii. 9, Jan. 28, 1415. 

6 For pardon to the Abbot of Vale Royal as collector of ^ v ths granted by the clergy of 
the Southern Province at St Paul's on June 26, i4or, see Cone. iii. 254 (for ^-ths granted 
by the clergy anno 2, see Rec. Roll 6 H. V, Mich., Nov. n, 1418), of which he was still 
unable to get in $i. is. 6d. from the archdeaconries in Carnarvon and St David's, see 
Pat. 2 H. V, i. 1 6, 20. 

7 The Welshmen called him Sion Hendy o Went-Iscoed, Archaeol. Cambr. i. 47. 
He is called Howinus Glyndour armiger Wallicus in Strecche, 264 a ; cf. Glandoure, 
Rot. Parl. v. 104; Glendour, ibid. v. 139; Glendourde, ibid. iv. 440 (1433), where the 
same name is given to his grandfather whose wife was called Elizabeth ; Glendurdy, 
ibid. v. 107 ; Glyndourdrye, ibid. v. 470, 524 ; Ewyn Glendor, Petegrue, 594 ; not 
Glandover, as Lavisse-Rambaud, iii. 391. For other varieties of spelling, see Wylie, 
i. 142, note 2; iii. 271, note 2. For supposition that he was a squire to Richard II 
(which should be Henry IV, Wylie, i. 143), see Rowlatt, 29; Oman, Hist. 214; Low- 
Pulling, 504; Arnold- Forster, 228; Historians' Hist, xviii. 517; E. Hardy, I. pp. iv, i, 
who makes him go with Richard II to Ireland and present at his surrender at Flint. 
B. E. Warner (102) calls him a " romantic half-barbarian," " a veneered courtier," a poet, 
"a gentleman but not a soldier nor a diplomatist" (103). In Goldwin Smith (i. 248) 
he is "a formidable though somewhat bombastic personage." C. R. L. Fletcher, 310, 
thinks that he was "a statesman as well as a Welsh thief." For picture of his house 
near Glyn Dyfrdwy, see L. J. Roberts, 27. For his seal, see Archaeologia, xxv. 616, 619; 
Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 540; Cassell, i. 510; E. Hardy, ii. 31; Kingsford, 32 ; Durham, 
22 ; Wylie, i. 143, note 3. 

IIO Wales [CH. x 

no settled home but roaming the mountains by day and 
hiding away at night 1 . At one time he wanders in the 
solitary Berwyns, where the Abbot of Valle Crucis 2 near 
Llangollen met him and told him that he had risen 100 
years before his time 3 . Another version finds him on the 
top of Laughton Hope 4 , better known as Robin Hood's 
Butts, or the Sugarloaf, near Weobley in Herefordshire. At 
other times he was disguised as a reaper with a sickle 
lurking in the caves and thickets of Snowdon with Meredith, 
his only surviving son 6 . H is eldest son Griffith, who had been 
captured near Usk in the spring of 1405", died during his 
imprisonment in the Tower 7 . His daughter Catherine 8 , the 
widow of Edmund Mortimer 9 , and her three little girls who 
had fallen into the hands of the English at the capture of 
Harlech in I4O9 10 had all died in London before the year 
1413 was out, and were buried in the church of St Swithin's 
in Candlewick Street 11 , while a further symptom of the 

1 Sub divo semper larem fovit in montibus latens, Strecche, 264 b. E. Hardy 
(ii. 297) saw " no appearance of probability " in these accounts. Cf. 
And made me eat both gravel, durt, and mud, 
And last of all my dung, my flesh, my blood, 
Or starve for hunger in the barren field. 
Mirror for Magistrates, 302 ; W. F. Trench, 43 ; Wylie, iii. 269. 

3 For account of Valle Crucis, see Archaeol. Cambr. i. 17-32 with picture in Frontis- 
piece; also A. G. Bradley, 54; L. J. Roberts, Frontispiece; E. Hardy, i. 238; Wylie, 
iii. 141. 

3 Ellis Griffith in Hist. MSS. in Welsh Language, i. pp. xii, 214 ; A. G. Bradley, 280. 

4 Harl. MS. 35 quoted in First Life, pp. vii, 191 ; see Duncumb, Grimsworth, 73. 

5 Usk, 119, 298; Wylie, iii. 269. 

6 Usk, 103, 282, who gives a clear account of the capture (Wylie, ii. 171), showing 
that Griffith was planning an attack on Usk when the garrison of the castle under Lord 
Grey of Codnor and John Greindour rushed out and pursued him, capturing him at 
Monkswood about a mile and a half to the north-west of Usk on the opposite side of the 
river. Large numbers of the Welsh were slain including the Abbot of the Cistercians at 
Lantarnam (not Llanthony, as Usk, 282) near Caerleon (Lei. Coll. i. 104; Itin. v. 13 ; 
Coxe, 118; Monast. v. 728), called Abbas Glamorgan, i.e. the district of the Morgan 
family, in Scotichron. iv. 1204, where he is called John Powel an Austin Canon killed at 
Brinbiga apud aquam de Uske. About 300 of the captives were beheaded near the 
pound (prope Pinfaldum, i.e. the pinfold) in front of Usk Castle. The news reached 
Venice where it was regarded as an intervention of Providence (espreso miracholo de Dio) 
and a great blow to France, Morosini, i. 195, where Owen is called el re de Galo (not 
Portogalo) and the English are supposed to have numbered 15,000. For a plan of Usk 
with a picture of the castle keep, see Coxe, 124, 135. 

7 The statement in Usk, 103, 282, would seem to imply that he died in 1411, which 
cannot be right, see page 2, note i. He is called Griffith ap Vechan ap Owen commonly 
called Balffin Hardy, i. 148, who refers to a "respectable family" claiming descent from 
him in Ireland possibly the Balfes of Fydorfe, co. Meath, Foster, Collect. Geneal. 
(Funeral Certificates of Ireland), p. 10. 

8 She is so called in Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 19, 22, 1414; Wylie, iii. 266, 
note 5; not Jane, as A. G. Bradley, 105; nor Eva, as E. Hardy, i. 161, 214 and passim. 

9 Not Edward, as E. Hardy, i. 14. 

Usk, 119, 298; Wylie, i. 344 ; iii. 266. 

Though not named among the monuments in Stow, Bk. ii. 191 ; do. Kingsford, i. 224. 

Owen Glendower 1 1 1 

growing sense of security in Wales is furnished by the 
issue of an order to the Carmelites at Ludlow on July 5, 
14 1 7 1 , to replace the image of the Virgin with its rich 
decorations in the chapel at Pilleth in Radnorshire, which 
had been entrusted to their keeping at the time of the 
disaster in which Mortimer had been captured in I4O2 2 . 

Before the king set sail for France in August, 1415, he 
authorised Gilbert Talbot 3 to negotiate with the fallen 
Glendower in case he should be willing to sue for pardon 4 , 
and six months later negotiations were in progress with his 
son Meredith on the understanding that Owen should 
be pardoned if he came to ask it 5 . But all such offers 
were unavailing, for about that time he was past human 
aid. Four years of want and hardship 6 had worn out his 
strength, and in the spring of 14 16 7 he finished his miser- 
able life without a struggle 8 . His people buried him at 
night, but when the fact became known, some loyalists 
removed the body and to this day no one knows the spot 
where it was really laid 9 . Hence have arisen the stories 
that he lies at Bangor, or at the home of one of his married 
daughters either at Monnington 10 or Kentchurch 11 in Here- 
fordshire, or that he died in a wood in Glamorganshire, 

F r & + *4- o-f- n^ + 33-r- 4^- paid for their funerals, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., 
Dec. i, 1413, Jan. 27, Feb. 19, 22, 1414; Devon, 327. 

1 Priv. Seal 5 H. V, 834. 

2 Wylie, i. 282. 

3 Not of Grafton near Bromsgrove, as A. G. Bradley, 303, which manor was not 
granted to the Talbots till 1486, Nash, i. 158. For supposition that Davy Holbache 
was joined with Gilbert Talbot in this matter, see Pennant, Wales, 368. For 10 paid 
to John Southern of Mitton near Whalley (Lanes.) pro secretis agendis in Wales, see 
Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Oct. 15, 1415. 

4 Rym. ix. 283, July 5, 1415 ; Pennant, Wales, 368 ; Usk, 313. 

5 Si se ad gratias petendum obtulerit, Rym. ix. 330, Feb. 24, 1416 ; Tyler, i. 244 ; 
A. G. Bradley, 304. 

6 Viluit sors Oweni, Usk, 104 ; Tit. Liv. 4 ; First Life, 10. 

7 Called shortly before Feb. 1416 in Oman, Pol. Hist. 238; L. J. Roberts, viii ; or 
Sept. 20, 1415, Pennant, Wales, 368 ; Owen and Blakeway, i. 206 ; Beaumont, i. 241 ; 
Oman, Pol. Hist. 260; Hassell, 218 ; Low-Pulling, 504, repeating the haunting date for 
which there is no authority, Wylie, iii. 270, note 5. 

8 Sine conflictu devenit ad suum finem, Strecche, 264 b. For supposition that he 
was then 62 years of age, see Wylie, iii. 271 ; called 63 in Yonge, 236. In L. J. Roberts 
(p. vii) his birth is dated 1359. 

9 Usk, 129, 313, who fixes the date as the year of Agincourt, i.e. the year ending 
March 19, 1416, Wylie, iii. 270, note 3. 

10 For picture of Monnington with the flat stone at the entrance to the church, see 
A. G. Bradley, 308. 

11 Not Ewyas, as Kingsford, 58. For picture of Kentchurch Court whose owner John 
Skidmore, or Scudamore, married Owen's daughter Alice, see A. G. Bradley, 314. The 
small Flemish picture of a monk now at Kentchurch (W. Coxe, 338) has been supposed 
to represent the bard Sion Kent or John a Kent who was present at an Eisteddfod, temp. 


Wales [CH. x 

while patriots long imagined that he had only lain down in 
his armour with his warriors in a cave 1 where he was 
sleeping on till England should be self-abased all of which 
stately fancies seem to point to the belief that he never 
really bowed to the conqueror, but died with his fortunes 
broken but his spirit unsubdued. At any rate no record 
now remains of any pardon received or submission accepted. 
His forfeited estates which had passed to the Beauforts 2 
were never allowed to return, and when in more settled 
times his daughter Alice put in a claim for recovering a 
portion of them by writ of formedon 3 , the claim was stopped 
and her father was repeatedly referred to as a traitor 4 . His 
son Meredith received his pardon on April 30, 1417, and 
took service with the English in France in 141 9", and two 
years later he was received into complete favour, on the 
principle that the son shall not bear the father's iniquity*. 

For many of the particulars of the last days of Owen 
Glendower we are indebted to the querulous and chatty 
chronicle of Adam of Usk 8 , who had direct personal inter- 
course with him, having joined him after crossing from 
Brittany to Barmouth in 1406, and when Owen had thrown 
over the Roman obedience and intended to make the Welsh 
Church once more independent of the see of Canterbury, 
Adam was selected to be Bishop of LlandafP, though he 

Ed. Ill, lolo MSS. 497. For his poems, see ibid. 676, 682. For supposition that it 
represents Owen Glendower himself, see C. J. Robinson, 153, who gives a picture of the 
house in 1774. 

1 Called Og of Dinas in the vale of Gwent in A. G. Bradley, 302. 

3 e.g. to John Earl of Somerset, Nov. 8, 1414, Rot. Parl. iv. 440 ; see also ibid. v. 470 
(1461), 524 (1464), 607 (1467). 

* i.e. per formam doni "which was the remedy for a tenant in tail on a discontinuance," 
Stephens, Blackstone, i. 162, cf. Murray, s.v. A. G. Bradley (306) states that " a few years 
after his death Parliament passed a law for the benefit of his heirs," which seems to be 
a reference to Rot. Parl. iv. 377 (1431), which contains a proviso : "so that this be not 
prejudiciel to any of the heirs of the blode of the said Owen (meaning probably Meredith 
who had submitted), as touching any tailled land." 

* e.g. in 1433, 1444, 1449, Rot. Parl. iv. 440; v. 104, 139. 

1 Pat. 5 H. V, 35, where he is called Meredith ap Owain de Wall', the negotiation 
being transacted through Gilbert Talbot. Cf. Rym. ix. 330; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 404; 

* Cal. Rot. Pat. 7 H. V, p. 267; cf. regi famulatus est, Tit. Liv. 4 ; was taken into 
service with the Prince, First Life, 10. 

s k 6 * Ap m 8 ' I4 lj Pat 9 H ' V ' L 7 75 Cal. Pat. H. V, ii. 335; A. G. Bradley, 306. 
Oman (R. n.-R. m. 500) calls him "a strange flighty being." 
For authority for his installation granted by Benedict XIII on April 26, 1407, see 
be , Provisiones, 426 where he is called Adam of Wesk. The permission for Adam's 
installation was issued by Griffin Yonge, Bishop of Bangor, whom Benedict had on that 

vv the Wdsh Church from " the PP res ' 

English," Eubel, i. 430; do. Gesch. pp. 265, 266. 

1417] Adam of Usk 113 

never actually held the post. For, as he says, he only pre- 
tended to become Owen's man while secretly arranging to 
desert him 1 , as after two years he actually did, escaping by 
night to the castle of Welshpool where he spent three 
dreary years under the protection of Lord Powys from 1408 
to 1411". But at length Archbishop Arundel took him back 
into favour and gave him the living of Merstham 3 near 
Reigate, where he gathered servants, books, clothes and 
household goods and blessed God like Job for ever 4 . He 
died at Usk, his native place, where he made his will on 
Jan. 20, I430 5 , and a brass in the parish church still 
preserves his memory 6 . 

Thus had resistance quite died down, and with it died 
all hope of the revival of independence for the Welsh 
Church and nation and the establishment of separate Welsh 
universities' which once had seemed a possibility of the 
insurrection, and "the rebellion time 8 " could soon be 
spoken of as a thing of the past. 

The general pacification of the country is strongly 
evidenced by the employment of many Welshmen in 
positions of trust under the English government 9 and it 
is significant to find many Welsh squires 10 as well as 500 

1 Usk, 117, 295. 2 Ibid. 118, 296. 

3 Though his name does not appear in the list of rectors in Manning and Bray, ii. 263. 

4 Usk, 119, 297. 

5 It was proved Mar. 26, 1430, see Challoner Smith, ii. 541, from Register Luffenham, 
f. 13, now in Somerset House, with text in Eng. Hist. Rev. (1903), xviii. 316; 
Usk, xxix. 

6 For this brass, see Usk, xxxi, with facsimiles in Archaeologia, ii. 20 (1773) ; 
Camden, Britannia (Gough's edition), ii. 487 ; W. Coxe, 418. 

7 See Wylie, ii. 313. It is now known that as a sequel to these efforts Benedict XIII, 
on April 15, 1407, granted power to Griffin Yonge, who had before been Archdeacon of 
Merioneth (Le Neve, i. 116), but now appears as Bishop of Bangor, to found a studium 
generale in any place that Owen should select, and that on April 26, 1407, Griffin 
renounced the Roman obedience and received from Benedict power to enquire "as to the 
position of the see of St David's which had been for long subject to the archbishops of 
Canterbury per oppressioneni Anglicorum, Eubel, i. 130; do. Zur. Gesch. pp. 265, 266. 
Griffin Yonge is called priest of the diocese of Lichfield in Papal Lett. vi. 502, where 
he obtains the see of Bangor from Benedict XIII, i.e. before Feb. 14, 1407, Eubel, 
Provisiones, 426; Papal Lett. vi. 137. On July 28, 1414, John XXIII declared at 
Bologna that Lewis Bifort had been lawfully Bishop of Bangor all the time, though at 
that date he had no hope of again securing the see as Griffin Yonge was then in actual 
possession. Griffin appears to have been appointed Bishop of Ross in Scotland in 1418 
(Gams, 241 ; Eubel, i. 446), and on Feb. i, 1423, Bishop of Hippo (Eubel, i. 288; do. 
Provisiones, 426). 

8 Sloane MS. 4600, ff. 298, 311. 

9 In Monmouthshire in 1417 the coroner is Morgan ap Rosser and the deputy-sheriff 
is Morgan ap Jevan ap Jankyn, Orel. Priv. Co. ii. 215. 

10 For specimens see Exch. Accts. 45/1, where the following names of Welsh squires 
occur, i.e. Yewan ap Griffith ap Madduck (sic) ap Meredith, Howel Dewgh (i.e. Dhu) 

W. 8 

II4 Wales [CH. x 

archers from South Wales with genuine Welsh names 1 
fighting side by side with Englishmen at Agincourt 2 , though 
there is also evidence that some Welsh gentlemen fought 
with the French on the opposite side. 

It may be argued that this is only a proof of Welsh 
adaptability and indeed it is expressly recorded by a 
compatriot that when they saw their cause was lost they 
took to living like Englishmen 3 . They tilled the ground, 
moved into the towns, made money and kept it, rode in 
hauberks, wore shoes 4 , slept under blankets, and tried to 
pass as English rather than Welsh 5 . Thus money broke 
them down and the fear of losing what they had, for it 
is only the haveless that can afford to be dreadless, and 
only the empty wayfarer that can whistle in the face of 
the robber 6 . To many an ardent spirit this tame submission 
after 1 5 years of struggle seemed a return to slavery 7 and 
some said that it was God's judgment on them because 
they gave up going to church and took to haunting dice and 
taverns 8 . Others attributed the failure to their internal 
dissensions. So long as they heard their weekly mass all 
went well, but when they lapsed into pride and all vanities 
and vices, God abandoned them to their fate 9 . There were 
of course whole districts filled with irreconcileables, and 

de Kery, Thomas ap Griffith Goch, Deyvw (i.e. Dhu) ap Philip, Griffith ap Lift. 
(? Llewellyn), John ap Meredith, all amongst the archers in the retinue of the Earl 
of Arundel probably from his tenantry in Yale and Bromfield and the neighbourhood 
of Oswestry. 

1 Wylie, Notes, 135. For fame of the Welsh archers, see Rym. v. 9 ; Lingard, iii. 123 ; 
and their skill with the long bow (1150), see Giraldus, vi. 54 ; Oman, 559 ; do. Art of 
War, 98 ; Morris, 15, 16, of the men of Gwent, whose tactics were adopted by Edward I. 
For Roger le Walsshman and John le Walsshman in the retinue of John Savage at Calais 
in 1419, see Exch. Accts. 49/22. 

2 Wylie, Notes, 135. John Merbury received ^435 for their wages from William 
i ,? n J une 6 > '415. but a warrant dated 10 H. V (i.e. 1422) calls on 

the sheriff of Hereford to distrain Merbury's goods for not accounting for the money, 
ibid, where John Merbury is late our Chamberlain in South Wales. 

3 More Anglicorum, Usk. 

:f. nudati semper tibiis (alle with bare legges), Higden, i. 403; nudis pedibus 
ambulant Girald. vi. 181 v calceati peditant (=gooth i-hosed and i-schod) in Higden, 
4 Hi den* * Ckml * lld ' u< 95 Historians' Hist, xviii. 51 8; Wylie, iv. 334. 

timor damni nos retrahit, nil habens nil rnetuit, Wright, Feudal 
temp. H. VI, in possession of T. L. Duncomb Jones ~ 

61 t se tutem redact > * unt Scotichron. iv. 1193; sub servitute 
8 Scotichron ' 5 J S f gC u te SaX nica S< l ualida et PP r essa (p 1206). 
'' 20 

cotcron ' u 

Plu d ,'-7' V 204 ' T here ^ Cy are hdd U P as a warnin S to the Scots. 

ird, 3,2, who refers to the resistance preached by Abbot Powell in Glamorgan 

I4 1 ?] Submission 115 

bands of plunderers still straggled across the border, masked 1 
in the forests of Shropshire, Hereford and even Gloucester- 
shire to trap any English they could waylay and carry them 
off to the mountains where the king's writ did not run. 

But though these desperadoes could well be left to a 
process of gradual extinction, yet was race hatred still un- 
quenched and keen as ever, and 30 years after the last embers 
of the struggle had sparked out the Welshmen held the 
English " nothing in favour 2 ," while the English in the Welsh 
and border-towns petitioned "to avale 3 the Welshmen's pomp 
and pride " by the enforcement of those statutes that had 
been passed in the first heat of the strife, and that Welshmen 
might be "bounden and arted 4 to do such labours and 
services by right as they have used to do of old time 5 " ; and 
so no office in Wales might be held by any Englishman 
who had married a wife "of the friendship or alliance of 
Owen 6 ,'' while no Welshman might become a denizen lest 
he should thereby acquire the privilege of serving on a 
jury "to the utter destruction of all Englishmen" in the 
Principality 7 . 

1 Mussiez, Musciez, Rot. Parl. iv. 52 ; Stat. ii. 188 ; cf. les faces bien muchiez, 
Pastoralet, 748; mucees, Monstr. 402 ; Le Fevre, i. 294; Wylie, iii. oo, note 2. 

2 Rot. Parl. v. 104 (1444). 

3 Cf. "avaled and descended," Lydg. Nightingale, n. 

4 Halliwell, s.v. Arte. 

5 Rot. Parl. v. 139 (1447). 
Ibid. iv. 233, 377, 440. 

7 Ibid. v. 104. 




IT will be remembered that after the accommodation 
with the French before Bourges in July, 141 2 \ a large force 
of English 2 under the Duke of Clarence 3 had moved south- 
ward to winter at Bordeaux 4 . They laid siege to Talmont 5 
and reduced every fortress 6 within 20 leagues of Bordeaux 
with the single exception of Marmande 7 , plundering and 
pillaging at the expense of loyalists and enemies alike 8 
and doing an infinite amount of damage even in the very 
suburbs of Bordeaux 9 . Supplies were sent out to them from 
England 10 to meet immediate needs and some instalments of 

1 Wylie, iv. 79. 

2 Ibid. iv. 75, 85; called 10,000 to 12,000 in Cagny, 76; or 8000 in Mont St Michel, 
i. 1 9 ; Henty, 82 ; k grand effort et puissance de gens d'armes et de traict, Vaissete (Molinier), 
x. 1060. 

** For 2000 marks p. a. granted to him on June 14, 1413, see Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., 
May 14, 27, 1416. He had already custody of the lands of Henry, son of John Beaufort, 
late Earl of Somerset, whose widow Margaret he had married in 1412, Cal. Pat. H. IV, 
iv. 423 ; Wylie, iii. 305 ; iv. 76. In Rym. ix. 463, July 10, 1417, he has also custody of 
the lands of Thomas, son of Mons. Maurice Russel, kt. 

4 For plan of Bordeaux, see Drouyn, Guienne, Plate 150; do. Bordeaux, ad fin. For 
1 5th century picture of Bordeaux, see Froissart (Johnes), ii. 195. For view and plan in 
1666, see Lopes, ii. 49 ; Desrues, 236 (i7th century). For view showing castle, cathedral, 
etc., see De Witt, 317. For fancy picture of Bordeaux, ibid. 231. It is called urbs 
amplissima in 1466, Rozmital, 61. For views of the cathedral at Bordeaux, see Lopes, 
i. 104, 130; ii. Frontispiece; Grande Encycl. vi. 386; Bourasse, Cath. 580; Loth, 86. 
For the detached bell-tower (campanile sive pinnaculum novum), see Belleforest, Cos- 
mogr. ii. 382. It was projected in 1429 and built in 1440 by Archbishop Pey Berland, 
Lopes, i. 176, 177, 179; ii. 305; Drouyn, Bordeaux, 387. For Bordeaux in the i4th 
century, see Ribadieu, Chateaux, 557. 

6 For wood to make les emparas (i.e. fencing, Godefroy, Cotgrave, s.v. Emparence) 
of 2 guns for the siege, see Jurade, 35. 

1 For obsidium de D by the Duke of Clarence in Gascony, see Nasmyth, 373. 

Ordonnances, x. 226, where exemptions hompfage are granted to it similar to those 
of Condom, Agen and Villeneuve. It is situated above La Reole on the Garonne (Lot et 
Garonne) and was captured by the French from Bernard de Lesparre in 1403, Samazeuilh, 
i. 449. 

Douet d'Arcq, i. 364; pillant gastant et conquerant forteresses et pais, EC. des 
Chartes, vii. 60, Jan., Feb., 1413. 

9 Las ballegas, Jurade, 9, 12, 24, 26, 214 and passim', cf. comonzaron de hacer la 
guerra cruelmente en Gascufia, Surita, ii. 37, 39. 

' For TOO quarters of oats sent to Thomas, Duke of Clarence, as Lieutenant of Aquitaine 
in the Catherine of Bayonne, see Claus. i H. V, 32, April 18, ] 4 i 3 . 

1413] The D^lke of Clarence 117 

the indemnity were paid up by the French dukes who had 
originally called them in 1 , but the yield from such sources 
was altogether inadequate and so as Lieutenant of Aqui- 
taine 2 the duke summoned the Estates of the Bordelais 3 
to ask for means to feed his men, whom he conveniently 
assumed to have been sent over for the protection of 
Guienne. These meetings were usually summoned by the 
crier with a trumpet 4 and were held in the chapter-house 
of St Seurin 5 . They were attended by the royal officers 
such as the Seneschal 6 , the Judge of Gascony 7 , and the 
members of the King's Council, the Archbishop, the Dean 
and some of the clergy of Bordeaux, the Town Clerk and 
representatives of the Jurade, the Council of 30, the Council 
of 300 and a sprinkling of lawyers and bachelors. On this 
occasion the Estates pleaded poverty but agreed in the end 
to submit to a tax on wine 8 and other commodities, to be 
levied for a year dating from May 15, 141 3 9 . The inci- 
dence of the tax was extended also to Bayonne, Dax 10 , 

1 Wylie, iv. 81, 83. 

2 For his appointment July n, 1412, see ibid. iv. 76; Rym. viii. 758; Carte, 
Rolles, i. 195 ; Bellecombe, 40, 42 ; Doyle, i. 397 ; not July 12, as Ducarel, Misc. 30 ; 
do. Postscript, 7. For confirmation of the appointment in April, 1413, see Venuti, 187, 
quoting De Brousse, De Primatu Aquitanice ; not that the Duke of York remained 
Lieutenant till July 22, 1413, as Doyle, iii. 744. For a letter dated Bordeaux, May 5, 
1414, from the Jurade to the Duke of Clarence's Chamberlain, William Marny, see Jurade, 6. 

3 i.e. Bordeaux and the district round, including Bourg, Libourne and St Emilion, 
Jurade, 234 

4 Cf. Duples-Agier, I. xvii. 

5 Jurade, 152. For extract from old book of Chronicles of St Severin, see Harl. MS. 
4763, ff. 169-172 ; Cotton MS. Tiberius, B. 12, ff. 138-141. For the collegiate church of 
St Seurin, or St Severin, see Lopes, i. 243, 249, 251, 312, 320 ; ii. 7, 8, 9, 112 ; Drouyn, 
Bordeaux, 28 ; Baurein, ii. 191, 192 ; Male, 415. For pictures, see A. Laborde, II. 
PI. cxxi; with the bishop's throne, Kraus, II. i. 485. It contained the tombs of SS. 
Veronica, Severin and Fort (Baurein, i. 380), and was a place of pilgrimage (Tanon, 502; 
Grande Encycl. vii. 387 ; Robert, 134), the water there being considered effectual in curing 
diseases of the eyes, Lopes, ii. n. For legendary history of St Seurin, see Brutails, xxv. 
For a i6th century plan of Bordeaux showing the Bourg of St Seurin, outside the walls to 
the south-west, and the seigneurie de St Seurin with its claims to independent jurisdiction, 
see Brutails, Iviii ; Lavisse, Etudes, 277-283; Braun-Hohenberg, Theatre, i. 10 (loth 
century) ; Zeiler, x. 20. For sanctuary at St Seurin, St e Croix and the cathedral, see 
Drouyn, Bordeaux, 151. 

6 For view that the Seneschal was really the head official who kept the country, 
raised taxes, called out troops and administered justice, the King's Lieutenant being 
a military chief with fonctions extraordinaires et passageres, see Bellecombe, 16, 37. 

7 For the Juge de Gascoyne, see Baurein, iv. 260. 

8 For officium gauged (i.e. gauging, gaugeage, Rym. xiii. 127), turragii (?tronagii) et 
portagii at Bordeaux, see Rym. ix. 408. For the English king's right to 30^. on every 
tun of wine at Bordeaux, see Baurein, iv. 238. 

9 Rym. ix. 32. 

10 For Dax with its wooden bridge over the Adour (Dura) in 1466, see Rozmital, 6r, 
where it lies sub montibus altissimis (i.e. the Pyrenees) qui nivibus nunquam liquescentibus 
semper albent. 

ug Aqtiitaine [CH. xi 

St Sever 1 and the Landes 2 , but the Duke of Clarence 
did not remain in the country long enough to see it 

gathered in. 

Immediately on receiving the news of his fathers death 
he took prompt steps for returning to England. He 
chartered eight ships that were lying at Bordeaux belonging 
to some English traders, viz. Richard Merlawe 4 and Walter 
Gawtron 5 of London and Edmund Arnold of Dartmouth 6 , 
to convey some of his troops with their harness and other 
belongings, Sir John Colvil being made governor and 
captain for the voyage 7 . Sailing from Bordeaux on April 6, 

1 For assizes held at Bordeaux, Bazas, St Sever and Dax, all subordinate to the 
Seneschal of Aquitaine, see Bellecombe, 16. For the diocese of Bazas, see ibid. 1 18, 119 ; 
for the senechaussee of Bazas, ibid. 193. 

8 For Mathieu de Gournayas Senescallus Landarum, Nov. 24, 1405, see Carte, Rolles 
i. 190; Bellecombe, 36. 

* Wals. ii. 290 ; Hypodig. 438 ; Capgr. 303 ; Wylie, iv. 86, note 3. Add. Ch. 64 
shows that he was still at Bordeaux on April 14, 1413. In Exch. Accts. 186/2 is a 
document dated Jan. 6, 1413 (which ought to mean 1414), signed " J. du Pont par Mons. 
le Due " as Lieutenant of Guienne. J. du Pont was keeper of the royal seal at Bordeaux 
on Dec. i, 1413, receiving officium executorie regalis, Rot. Vase, i H. V, 3 ; Carte, Rolles, 
i. 197 ; Wylie, iii. 108, note 5. Rot. Vase. 6 H. V, 2, May 20, 1418 ; Carte, Rolles, i. 202, 
grants to John de Pount, Esquire, officium scribarie and of clerk of the court and the 
provosty of the Ombriere (Wylie, iii. 75) in the city of Bordeaux vacant by the death of 
Bernard de St Paul. For the manor of Aber near Bangor (Carnarvon) granted to John 
du Pont, July 30, 1417, see Pat. 5 H. V, 18 ; Priv. Seal 5 H. V (849). 

4 Or Marlow, Wylie, ii. no; iii. 66. He was mayor of London in 1409-10, Letter 
Book I, 78; also in 1417-18, ibid. 190. In Rec. Roll 6 H. V, Pasch., Mich., April 5, 
May 25, Oct. 22, 1418, he is mayor and escheator of London, see also Fab. 583. He 
was succeeded by William Sevenoke in Nov. 1418 (Letter Book I, 206), who is mayor in 
Pat. 6 H. V, 16 d, Dec. i, 1418, also in Claus. 6 H. V, 13, Nov. i, 1418, where 
Merlawe is late mayor. For his gifts to the church of St Michael, Queenhithe, near 
Thames St., see Stow, Book iii. 212 ; do. Kingsford, ii. 5. For his will dated Sept. 18, 
1420, enrolled May 12, 1422, see Sharpe, ii. 428 ; Stow, Kingsford, ii. 357. 

6 He was a draper and a member of the Common Council in 1410 (Letter Book I, 88, 
104, 117), one of the representatives of the City of London in the Parliaments of 1410, 

1413, 1427 and 1429 (ibid. I, 81, 109, 113; Return Parl. i. 279, 313, 316), and a 
representative of Middlesex in 1417 and 1423 (ibid. i. 290, 306; Loftie, ii. 397). 

8 In Pat. i H. V, i. 27 d, April 25, 1413 ; Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., May 4, 1413, he 
and John Hawley are customers for Exeter. In Rec. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 14, 1413, 
he is referred to as late collector of customs for Exeter and Dartmouth, also Rec. Roll 
i H. V, Mich., Nov. 8, 1413, where he is called Edward; do. 2 H. V, Pasch., May 6, 8, 

1414. In Rec. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., June 27, 1416 ; Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., July 24, 

1416, both are again collectors of customs and subsidy at Exeter and Dartmouth. Arnold 
represented Dartmouth in the Westminster Parliament in 1414, Return Parl. i. 283. 
For messenger sent to Dartmouth for him to answer in the Exchequer, see Iss. Roll 
4 H. V, Mich., Nov. 9, 1416 ; cf. Wylie, iv. 74, note 3. In Claus. 4 H. V, 6, Feb. 6, 

1417. he is water-bailiff of Dartmouth and is called Edmund Arnaud Gascoign (i.e. a 
Gascon), do 5 II. V, 16 d. For 20 paid to him for repair of a ship called Cordewer 
of Lisbon (Lusshebone) with a portage of 250 dol., see Iss. Roll 7 H. V, May 24, 27, 
1419- In Priv. Seal 5 H. V (585), Aug. 73, 1417, Robert Staunford genre de la femme 

Esmon Arnold of Dartmouth is an outlaw. For Robert Stamford's suit against 
mund Arnold for a murderous assault on him when searching Arnold's ship on behalf 

of the kings searcher at Dartmouth, see Early Chanc. Proc. i. 32. 

:he Christopher of Hull acting as Admiral (Admiralx de tout la Flete d'Engle- 

teire adoncq la esteantz) to a fleet of wine ships sailing from Bordeaux in April, I 4 i in 

1413] IVine-ships 1 1 9 

1413, they overtook two Prussian hulks at Belle Isle off 
the coast of Brittany. These were laden with wine from 
La Rochelle 1 , and Colvil straightway sent an esquire and 
two masters to board them and require them to produce 
their charters 2 . But the next day the strangers showed 
fight and delivered a regular attack 3 in which many of the 
English were killed. However, by God's help, both the 
Prussian ships were ultimately overmastered and brought 
safely into Poole and Southampton 4 to await the decision 
of the Admiral's court. 

The Duke of Clarence was received in London 5 with 
"joy and great pleasaunce 6 " and on July 14, HI3 7 , the King 
granted him a pension of 2000 marks per annum which 
was to be continued to his male heirs. He brought over 
with him John Count of Angouleme 8 , the youngest brother 
of the Duke of Orleans, and others of the hostages 9 that had 

which the masters of all the vessels were sworn before the constable at Bordeaux to stand 
by each other in case of attack, see Rot. Parl. iv. 86, 103 ; Nicolas, Navy, ii. 414; Simon, 
ii. 14. The ships scattered and the Christopher was captured by Genoese a grant 
anientisement et velany a tout le Naveye d'Engleterre. 

1 For Rochelle wine, see Simon, i. 273, who thinks that the wine ships reached 
England from Gascony twice a year, i.e. before Christmas and before Easter (p. 264). 

2 Chartres de lour affrettementz, called bills of lading in Clowes, i. 370; Simon, ii. 12. 

3 Orgoilousement come gentz de guerre. 

4 They were still there on June 9, 1413, Rot. Parl. iv. 12; Claus. i H. V, 24 d, 26, 
29, June 14, July 4, 13, 1413 ; Nicolas, Navy, ii. 404. 

5 S'en retourna par Bordeaulx en Angleterre, Mont St Michel, i. 19. For permission 
for 22 casks of wine bought in Gascony for Thomas of Lancaster to enter London free of 
customs, see Claus. i H. V, 21, June 7, 141*3. 

tt Hardyng, 373 ; festoie honourablement, Waurin, ii. 163. 

7 Pat. i H. V, iii. 18 ; Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Jan. 27, Feb. 22, 1414; do. 3 H. V, 
Pasch., April n, 1415. For ,500 p. a. granted to him and his wife, Margaret, half of 
which was advanced on July 10, 1414, see Devon, 334 ; Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., Apr. 26, 
1415 ; also payment to her of ,400 p. a. granted to her by Henry IV, see Iss. Roll i H. V, 
Pasch., July 24, 1413, together with custody of the lands of Bertram Monboucher (Inq. 
p. Mort. iv. 7, 100 ; Wylie, i. 214) deceased, which was granted to him on Nov. 2, 1414, 
Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 1 6, but subsequently vacated because of other grants made to the Duke 
of Clarence, May 18, 1417. He is in receipt of ^"1846. 13^. 40?. p. a. in Iss. Roll 5 H. V, 
Mich., Nov. 30, Dec. 27, 1417; do. 6 H. V, Pasch., April 5, 1418 and passim-, 
do. 7 H. V, Pasch., May 12, 1419; do. 8 H. V, Pasch., Mich., May n, Oct. 29, 
Nov. 8, Dec. 14, 1420. For 2000 marks p. a. paid to him and his wife Margaret from 
possessions of her late husband, John Earl of Somerset (cf. Wylie, iii. 305 ; iv. 76, custody 
of which was granted to him on June 14, 1413, Iss. Roll 5 H. V, Mich., Feb. 10, 1418; 
do. 8 H. V, Pasch., May n, 1420), see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Oct. 28, Dec. 23, 1415; 
Devon, 343; also Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Oct. 28, 1415 ; Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Mich., 
Nov. 9, 23, 1416. 

8 In R. L. Stevenson, 184, he is "laid by the heels for an unpatriotic treaty." 

9 Biondi, 104 ; Duchesne, 819. Add. Charter, 59, shows that some hostages were still 
detained at Fronsac on Jan. 25, 1414. For the names of 6 hostages who came to England 
with the Count of Angouleme, see Maulde la Claviere, i. 34, from Pat. Roll, May 31, 
1423 (?not in Cal. Pat. H. VI), i.e. the letter of the Duke of Orleans written at Boling- 
broke on that date in Champollion-Figeac, 318; Dupont Ferrier, 34; Wylie, iv. 81, 
note 4, omitting Essor de Pontbriant and reading " Coutellier" for Bouteiller. 

I2 o Aquitaine [CH. xi 

been delivered up at Buzansais 1 as caution 2 for payment of 
the large sums due to him from the French dukes who had 
called him across in the previous year. On his departure 
the defence of Aquitaine was entrusted to the King's uncle, 
Thomas Beaufort 3 , Earl of Dorset 4 , and to the Duke of 
York 5 , both of whom remained in the country 6 after the 
Duke of Clarence had left. On July 22, I4I3 7 , the Earl of 
Dorset, who had been 8 marshal to the Duke of Clarence, 
was appointed Lieutenant of Aquitaine for six months with 

1 Wylie, iv. 82 ; called " Bousanssoys" in Add. Ch. 58. For the Duke of Clarence at 
Buzan9ais and Villedieu on the Indre, see Toulgoet-Treanna, 120, where he has interviews 
with envoys sent by the Bishop of Poitiers to secure protection for Poitou from invasion 
by the English; also ibid. 122, where the Duke gives 120 crowns on Nov. 16, 1412, to a 
secretary of the Duke of Orleans for his expenses in drawing up the treaty, his own 
chamberlain, William Marny (cf. Wylie, iv. 74, note 2), receiving 650 crowns from the 
Duke of Berry. For the negotiations, see Molandon, 613 ; Maulde la Claviere, i. 32 ; 
Dupont Ferrier, 34. Not that the Count of Angouleme was captured at Agincourt, as 
Windecke, 89 (die zzuy jungen herrn von Urlianze) ; Guzman, 61 ; Heuterus, 203 ; 
Joubert, 5 ; Touchard-Lafosse, 82. 

2 Cf. comme caution d'une somtne d'argent, from letter of the Duke of Orleans dated 
Paris, March 7, 1415, in Report on Fcedera, App. 2, 243. 

3 Called John Branford, Duke of Exeter, in Eulog. iii. 420, but he was not created 
Duke of Exeter till Nov. 18, 1416, Doyle, i. 710 ; Complete Peerage, iii. 297 ; Black 
Book of Admiralty, i. 347, though he is so called in the king's will dated July 24, 1415, 
Rym. ix. 293. Halle's statement (p. 55) that he was "well learned and sent into Italy 
by his father intending to have been a priest " is probably a mere literary fiction intro- 
duced to embellish an imaginary speech, though it is accepted by Holinsh. iii. 546 ; 
Biondi, no. 

4 He was created Earl of Dorset on July 5, 1412, Dugd. ii. 125 ; Doyle, i. 615, 710 ; 
Wylie, iv. 73, note 9; not 1411, as Comp. Peerage, iii. 147 ; not Earl of Worcester, as 
Grey Friars Chron. 13. In Wills of Kings, 264, he is said to have been created Earl of 
Le Perche in 1409. 

6 For his previous appointment as Lieutenant of Aquitaine, dated Aug. 28, 1401, see 
Carte, Rolles, i. 187; Bellecombe, 40; York, p. xxx ; Doyle, iii. 189; Wylie, i. 124; 
iv. 231, 232 ; not 1400, as Doyle, iii. 744, who supposes that he held the office till July 22, 

1413. Privy Seal Bills 1 114/52 ; Rym. ix. 27, dated June 18, 1413, shows that he was then 
staying in Aquitaine for a year for the defence of that country ; called Mossenhor de Horc 
in Petite Chronique, 65, where 1415 should be 1413. For 5 casks of Gascon wine bought 
for the use of the Duke of York at Bordeaux, see Glaus, i H. V, 16, Oct. 16, 1413; 
cf. Waurin, ii. 162, where he is called brother to Henry IV. In Rym. ix. 180, Nov. 24, 

1414, he is still Warden of the Channel Islands ; cf. Wylie, iii. 48. On Feb. i, 1414, he 
was at Fotheringhay, where he appointed James Quoquerell bailiff of Guernsey, which 
appointment was confirmed by the king on Feb. 28, 1415, Pat. 2 H. V, iii. 3. For 
letter of John Lisle, dated July 26 [1406], to the Privy Council, see Roy. Lett. ii. 115, 

itmg that the Lord of Langon (near Fougeray, Ille et Vilaine) in Brittany has landed 
iooo armed men in Aldemey and is plundering and speaks of going to the Isle of Wight. 
1- or the castle of Gurry (i.e. Gorey) in Jersey, see French Roll 6 H. V, 3. 

I age 90, note 4. Rot. Vase, i H. V, 15, May 13, 1413, refers to the Earl of Dorset 

CUSt dy f the same> also Ma y T 3> J ul >" 8 ' '? r 4 r 3' in 

v u - 

7 Juracle i ; Carte, Rolles, i. 197 ; Rym. ix. 42, which contains an enumeration of his 
powers similar to those of the Duke of Clarence (see page 1.7, note 2); cf. Doyle, i. 
6 5, 710; Bellecombe, 42 ; Venuti, 188, quoting P. Louvet, Hist, de Guienne. The Earl 
8 i S Lieutenan t of Aquitaine in Priv. Seal Bills 1115/2, 25, Oct. 25, 1413; 

1413] Thomas Beatifort 121 

a retinue of 240 men-of-arms and 1 200 archers 1 and among 
his secretaries was a clerk who bore the interesting name 
of Philip Caxton 2 . 

The Earl of Dorset was instructed to receive the 
homage of all the king's lieges on the spot 3 and take from 
them an oath that they would be "good English 4 ," com- 
missioners being appointed to enquire into the tenure of all 
property held there under grants issued in previous reigns 5 . 
A troublesome dispute had recently arisen in Bayonne. 
The late king had granted to Charles Beaumont 6 , the 
castellan of Mauleon, the right to levy a toll at Guissen 7 
upon all traffic passing the gorts 8 or wears 9 in the Adour 10 . 

1 Rot. Vase, i H. V, 8; Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 129. For their pay for 6 months from 
April 6, 1413, see Pat. 2 H. V, iii. 14, Feb. 16, 1415 ; Iss. Roll 5 H. V, Mich., Feb. i, 
1418. For their muster at Bordeaux on Aug. r, 1413, see Calig. D. 5, f. i. In Iss. Roll 
3 H. V, Mich., Jan. 23, 1416, the Earl of Dorset receives ^32. 13^. d. (as part payment 
of arrears of ^5397. 4-r. 4^.) for these troops per manus Philippi Caxston, clerk; also 
.1000, ibid. 6 H. V, Mich., Feb. 23, 1419. 

2 For wages paid to the garrison of Harfleur through Philip Caxton as attorney for 
the Duke of Exeter, see Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Mich., Nov. 30, 1416 ; Exch. Accts. 328/6, 
Nov. 17, 1416. In Iss. Roll 5 H. V, Pasch., June 21, 1417, he is a servant of the Duke 
of Exeter, also general attorney for the Duke, ibid. Mich., Feb. i, 1418. For account 
of William Caston (sic), controller of Calais, see Exch. Accts. 187/6, 5 H. V. The name 
appears as Caxtona in Jurade, 39. For similar terminations, cf. Boxtona, ibid. 43 
(i.e. Peter Buckton, Wylie, iii. 99. For his wife Cecily and his sons Peter, Ralph and 
William, see Test. Ebor. i. 360. For his muster of 117 archers in 1400-1, see Yeatman, 
ii. 138 from P. R. O. B. 55, no. 15, which contains also musters of Thomas Stanley, 
Ralph Green (3 + 6 Staffordshire), John Cokayne (0+12) etc.); also Swyntborna, Jurade, 
8 i37> 336 (i- e< William Swinburn, page 44, note i) ; Holma (i.e. Holme), Jurade, 
8; Diepa (i.e. Dieppe), ibid. 25 r ; Andria (i.e. Andrew), ibid. 3, March 27, 1414, where 
one of the Jurats is mestre Johan Andria, mestre de 1'escole. 

3 For homage done to the Black Prince in Aquitaine in 1363, see Rouquette, 64. 

4 Rym. ix. 28 ; Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 128, June 26, 1413; cf. "bons Anglos," Jurade, 180. 

5 Rym. ix. 71. 

6 Carte, Rolles, i. 193, Aug. 28, 1409; Rym. viii. 576, 580; Devon, 401. For 
confirmation to him of the bailliage of Labourd, the district round Bayonne, and the 
castellanery of Mauleon on June 29, 1413, see Rot. Vase, i H. V, 9 ; Carte, Rolles, i. 
196, 197, June 29, July 12, 1413? also Feb. 5, 1416, Rym. ix. 330 ; Wylie, iii. 72, note 10. 
In Devon, 330, he is called the son of King Charles III of Navarre to whom a grant of 
250 marks p. a. was confirmed by Henry V on June 29, 1413, 40 of which was paid 
through Charles Beaumont before Jan. 27, 1414. 

7 Probably Guiche near Bayonne. For its position, see Wylie, iii. 72, reading 
Peyrehorade for Peire Hurade and Sorde for Sordes. 

8 i.e. eel-traps. For "repailler et nouvellement faire la gorce" in the Eden at Carlisle 
in 1416, see Rot. Parl. iv. 92; cf. une gorz, ibid. iv. 243 ; gors, kydeux, etc., ibid. iv. 8. 
For fishgarths, see R. Davies, York Records, 81 ; cf. Murray, Diet., s.v. Gorce, where it 
means an eddy or whirlpool. For Londoners' complaints against gors (or gours, Rot. 
Parl. iv. 30), fishgarths, wears, stakes and millstanks in the Thames, Medway and Lee, 
Nov. 1414, see Rot. Parl. iv. 35 ; Cotton, Abridg. 539. 

9 For stagnorum cum piscar' in mare vocat les weres at Watchet, see For. 
Accts. 4 H. V, 12; cf. wers, millponds and kydelx, Benham, 115 ; Letter Book I, p. 58 ; 
Wylie, ii. 479 ; Black Book of Admiralty, i. 77, where it is urged that the fishery should 
be cried " common to all people." For assize of nets in the Thames, see Letter Book I, 
44> 53- F r fel 56 kidells in the Thames burnt temp. Ed. I, see Letter Book A, viii. 
For nace (i.e. nasse), see Ducange, v. 570. 

10 Not "le Don," as Wylie, iii. 72, note /, 

I2 2 Aquitaine [CH. xi 

Naturally the citizens of Bayonne resented this new impost 
on their corn ', wine, cloth, leather, iron and other necessaries 
of life, and they were joined by the people of Dax and 
St Sever who were also sufferers by the oppressive pdage\ 
The new king undertook at once to enquire into the 
grievance and commissioned his judges in Guienne to 
report on the matter before May i of the following year 3 , 
and at the same time an order was issued to prevent the 
building of a stone castle in the neighbourhood of Bayonne 
which the burgesses asserted would be a menace to their 
rights 4 . 

The new Lieutenant still retained his office of Admiral 
of England, Ireland, Aquitaine and Picardy 5 , but his 
duties in this respect were discharged by deputy 6 and 
various other changes occur in the administration of 
Guienne coinciding with the opening of the new reign. 
Thus on March 23, 141 3 7 , William Clifford 8 was ap- 
pointed to succeed William Faringdon 9 as Constable of 

1 For 200 quarters of wheat exported from Southampton to Bayonne, see Rot. Vase, 
i H. V, i, March u, 1414. 

2 For pedagium, droit seigneurial, see Ordonnances, x. 226 ; cf. Gabellas, pedagia, 
theolonia, Prato, 351, 357. 

8 For names of the commissioners appointed to conduct the enquiry, see Rym. ix. 30, 
152, July 12, 1413, July 10, 1414, viz. John Bordili, judge of the High Council (see 
Pfg 6 93) Thomas Field, Dean of Hereford, Guilhem de Cerpat, judge of the High 
Council of Bordeaux and Bertrand de Asta, judge of the Court of Appeals of Gascony 
(Wylie, iii. 71, note 3). For Bertrand de Asta, Doctor in decretis and Master Johannes 
de Bordili at Bordeaux, Feb. 8, 1414, see Rym. ix. 113. 

4 Rym. ix. 47, Aug. 23, 1413. 

5 1\7..K A I ~_/T *._ 1 

Wylie, i. 376, note 6, where July 7 should be July 27 (Doyle, i. 613). For con- 
firmation, see Pat. i H. V, i. 12 ; Cal. Rot. Pat. 260 ; Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 19, 
1414 ; Nicolas, Navy, ii. 404 ; Black Book of Admiralty, i. pp. xxi, 360. For Admiralty 
Ordinances (Vesp. B. xxii. f. 17, now in show case at the British Museum as a specimen 
of English illumination work) probably written for him, see Black Book Adm. i. p. xix ; 
G. F. Warner, Reproductions, u. Plate xvii; do. Illuminated MSS. Plate 43. On 
April 21, 1419, he signs himself Admiral of England, Guienne and Ireland, Ord. Priv. 
Co. u. 248, where his deputy is John Hunt, not Hart, as Black Book, i. p. xx. He was 
succeeded by the Duke of Bedford on July 26, 1426, Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 349; Ord. Priv. 
Co. 111. 207; Doyle, i. 151; not "two years before his death," as Black Book Adm. i. 
p. xxi, which happened circ. Jan. i, 1427, Diet. Nat. Biogr. iv. 56. In Pat. 2 H. V, 
ii. 3* d, July, 1414, he is custos pads for Lynn. In Pat 2 H. V, i. 14, July i, 1414, his 
lieutenant in the Admiralty court is Master Henry Poole. 

In For. Accts. 8 H. V, m. 29, Thomas Talbot is Admiral of England on Dec. 30, 
1414, Feb. 20, 1415. 

7 Carte, Rolles, i. 196; Baurein, iv. 289. 

For confirmation June 10, 1413, of an annuity of 50 granted to him when he was 
i the retinue of Henry IV, see Pat. i H. V, i. 18; I. Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct 21 
I4 ' W i- "' ol 14 ' als f ^ 4 P- a ' g ranted Oct. 28, 1399, Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 254. 

Wyhe, w. 86, note 7. For a reference to William Faryngdon (sic) as Constable of 
Bordeaux on Aug. 13,1412, see Exch. Accts. 186/2. In Rot. Vase. 3 H. V, 2, Aug. 29, 
in Lk^al C nS ? bIe ',> For William ffarington (sic), collector of tenths and fifteenth 
m Lancashire, see Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., July 16, 1415. For account of William 

1413] William Clifford 123 

Bordeaux 1 with John Bowet as controller' and Stephen 
French 3 as provost of the castle 4 . Clifford, however, did 
not leave England till July 3, 14 13 5 , his duties being 
performed in the meantime by the deputy-constable John 
Fastolf 6 . When he did sail he took with him a sum of 
,5600 to be paid over to the Earl of Dorset 7 on his 
arrival. On July 19, I4I3 8 , Clifford received the additional 

ffaringdon (sic) as Constable of Bordeaux from Oct. 1401 to Nov. 16, 1413, when William 
Clifford's account begins, see For. Accts. 5 H. V; Wylie, iii. 274, 275. His deputy 
was John Burnaby. The account is all quite legible and shows a total receipt of 
,111,289. 14.5-. ^\d. nigr. which is equivalent to 14,838. \is. ^d. sterling English (i.e. 
allowing id. sterling English as equal to i\d. black). The expenses = ,116,057. 14^.6^. 
black, or 15, 474. * t s. $\d. sterling English, and the difference is given as .4768. os. $$d. 
black or .635. 14^. %\d. English sterling. For his receipt for wages Nov. 20, 1412, see 
Demay, Invent, i. 376, showing "William ffarngdoyn" on his seal, though spelt Faryngton 
in Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 33, 223. For monetam auri et argenti ac etiam monetam nigram 
(monoye noire), see Rym. viii. 141 ; Ducarel, Misc. 30 ; do. Postscript, 6, 8. For 
i sterling =5 denarii bonorum Burdegalise, see Rym. ix. 431. 

1 For instructions to William Clifford as Constable of Bordeaux dated Windsor, 
Sept. 20, 1413, see Cotton MS. Calig. D. v. 6, i. For his account as Constable of 
Bordeaux 1-6 H. V, see Exch. Accts. 186/1-6, 187/1, of which 186/1 contains 69 
documents (1416-1417) chiefly receipts for wages from sergeants-at-arms, captains, lawyers, 
etc. (of which the latest appears to be dated Sept. 30, 1417), with seals attached much 
mutilated, and signatures of the recipients written on the documents. 186/2 has 112 
documents mostly of 1413/14 ; 186/3 nas 2 $ chiefly of 1415 ; 186/4 nas 66 dated 1415/16 ; 
186/5 has 42 dated 1418 in bad condition. Clifford is Constable of Bordeaux, Sept. 15, 
1414, Jurade, ii. 270; May 28, 1416, ibid. 348; Aug. 15, 1416, Rym. ix. 382 ; Feb. 18, 
1417, Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 206 ; March 24, 1418, Rot. Vase. 6 H. V, 2 ; Carte, Rolles, i. 202, 
where he is granted the pnepositura and scribaria of Libourne. . 

2 For confirmation of appointment of John Bowet (Wylie, ii. 350 n.) as controller 
of the castle of Bordeaux in place of John Skelton, see Pat. i H. V, i. 13, June 5, 1413. 
Bowet is still controller on Aug. 13, 1418, and March 7, 1420, Exch. Accts. 186/1, 187/9. 

3 In Priv. Seal 658/40, June 3, 1413, he is Provost de humbrer (i.e. the Ombriere, 
Wylie, iii. 75), or prsepositus Umbrarie, Rot. Vase, i H. V, ii. 10, Nov. 14, 1413, where 
he is appointed July 3, 1413 ; not of Bayonne, as Carte, Rolles, i. 196. For the Prevot de 
I'Ombriere (a royal judge, Baurein, iv. 258), les officiers royaulx et autres habitants en le 
chasteau de Bourdeaux in 1414, see Jurade, 7. 

4 For 1 8th century view of the Ombriere which has now entirely disappeared, showing 
the Rue Poitevine, see Gironde, xii. 124; called rua peytabine, see Wylie, iii. 108, note 3; 
Jurade, ii. 37, 39 ; Lopes, i. 329 (with picture) ; Baurein, iv. 28. For rue de Londres, 
ibid. iv. 59. For the Free Chapel of St Thomas in the Castle at Bordeaux, see Priv. 
Seal 665/706. For squaquerium castri regis Umbrerie in the hall of which the King's 
Council sat, see Baurein, iv. 262; Jurade, ii. 8. For "shadwe or owmbre," Lydgate, 
Burgh, 13. 

5 Rym. ix. 29; Priv. Seal Bills 1114/54. 

6 Wylie, iv. 86 ; Add. Ch. 256, Oct. 19, 1413, where he gives a receipt to the Duke 
of Orleans for 765 gold crowns (of 18 sols each) being part of 1365 gold crowns 
( = ,277. IQS. English). The document is witnessed byjAimery de Robinsart, an English 
knight who is called the " canonier." 

7 Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., Aug. 14, 1413. 

8 Carte, Rolles, i. 196; Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 134; Baurein, iv. 289. For his account 
beginning from that date, see Exch. Accts. 187/1. For .558 paid to him as custos of 
Fronsac, see Iss. Roll 5 H. V, Pasch., May 25, 1417. He is still captain of Fronsac, 
ibid. Mich., Oct. 21, 1417, where Peter Clifford is also named as keeping the castle ; also 
Priv. Seal 866, Oct. 29, 1417, and Rot. Vase. 5 H. V, 3, Oct. 29, 1417, where he receives 
lands of La Libarde (i.e. La Barde), Puyon (i.e. Poyanne in the Landes, not Pujols, as 
Carte, i. 201), Quan^on and Balizac near St Symporien; also Pat. 5 H. V, 19, Nov. ro, 
1417; Rot. Vase. 5 H. V, 3, Nov. 16, 1417; Iss. Roll 5 H. V, Mich., Dec. 27, 1417. 

Aquitaine [CH. xi 

appointment of captain of Fronsac for eight years with an 
allowance of 1000 marks per annum 1 . 

On April i, 1413", John St John 3 of Fonmon Castle 4 
near Barry in Glamorganshire was appointed mayor of 
Bordeaux 5 and soon after his appointment he left Bordeaux 
for England with the expectation of being back at the latest 
by Midsummer 14 14, but on his arrival in London he 
suddenly found himself overwhelmed with business 7 and 
his duties had to be undertaken by a wealthy citizen, 
Bernard de St Abit 8 , who acted as sub-mayor during his 
prolonged absence. The mayor himself did not actually 
return till Sunday May 26, 14I5 9 , and made his appear- 
ance in the Jurade on June 3, bringing with him a letter 
from King Henry written at Westminster as far back as 
the previous Oct. 15, regretting that so far he had done 
little for Bordeaux but promising them relief shortly 
(refreschament deintz brieff} in the shape of some guns 
and a master gunner to handle them 10 . 

1 For payment of ^333. 6s. Set. to him as captain of Frounsak, see Iss. Roll i H. V, 
Pasch., July 17, 1413; see also ibid. Mich., Nov. 15, 1413; Pat. i H. V, iii. 19 d, 
Sept. 28, 1413; Priv. Seal Bills 1114/36, Sept. 14, 1413; Sloane MS. 4600, 268, 281. 
He was still captain of Fronsac on Jan. 22, 1415, Guinodie, iii. 182 ; also Jan. 26, 1417, 
Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Mich. For payments to him for wages of Lincoln and Notts, men, see 
Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Pasch., May 9, 1418. For letters of general attorney for him staying 
abroad dated July 20, 1416, see Rot. Vase. 4 H. V, 18; or letters of protection, July 16, 
1416, Carte, Rolles, i. 200. 

I S^ 6 ', Rolles ' * '9 6 ; Pat - l H - v "i- J 9 d ; Rot. Vase, i H. V, 4 , Oct. 19, 1413. 

3 Called John Sent John in Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., Aug. 14, 1413 ; Pat. 2 H. V, 
u. 29, July 15 17, 1414; not "John Seint," as Guthrie, ii. 468; Cotton MSS. Catalogue, 
450. For John Sent John, kt. of Co. Northants. owing ^10 to Nicholas Wymbyssch, 
clerk, see Claus. 8 H. V, i d, Feb. 28, 1421. 

Lot. Vase. 4 H. V, 18 ; Carte, Rolles, i. 309 ; G. T. Clark, Genealogies, 429. See 

5 Jurade, 187. In Rym. ix. 152, July 10, 1414, he is mayor of Bordeaux. For 
instructions to him as mayor of Bordeaux, dated at Windsor, Sept. 20, 1413, see Calig. 
iJ. v. t. Mthis page is now destroyed), i.e. touching the governance of the Earl of Dorset, 
Kings Lieutenant in Guienne, also Dec. 15, 1416, see Rym. ix. 419. He is still 
SYo. V rdeau , x T ? n J an ' I8 > Se Pt- '. Hi8, Rym. ix. 597, 625 ; Jan. 18, Dec. 20, 
ArrN ;/ i ' h J Sept 26> I4 '9> Ord ' Priv - Co - '63, 264, 266; Exch. 

Rolles Ji?' F 6 ' T" ^ ard Y7> '4i8, and Aug. 14, 14x9; June 3, 1420, Carte, 
Kolles, i. 203. For confirmation of grant of 40 marks to him, see Pat. i H. V, ii. 29, 

s 5 ' 17 f H 14 '. 4 ' a ^ ttCr f Henry V dated at Gisors ' Se P l - 26 J 4 J 9' in which he 

is mayor of Bordeaux, see Baurein, iv. 240. 

?ri Seal , Bills IIJ 5/'6, 37, Oct. 5, 26, 1413, he is referred to as going to 
'*' l415 ' ^ StU1 6XpeCted at Bordeaux ' 


>n M^rrlf ^' Tn radC ' 3 i 2 , 6 ' 4 ' A 9 ' 5I ' 89> 94 and />, where he is still deputy mayor 
ch 2,, June 15, July 24, Oct. 31, Nov. 17, r 4l4 . He resigned his office as sub- 
e Ash ii ade 3 '/,t 15 ' ?T s ^ceeded on June 5 by Johan den Freychen (de Fraxina, 

" lVn U 

Maistre trehour d'icelle, urade, ,87, cf. Godefroyv! Waieur (i.e. Tireur). 

1414] Deputation 125 

Ever since the accession of the new king there had 
been much talk at Bordeaux of sending a deputation from 
the Jurade to England to congratulate him and secure the 
usual confirmation of their privileges 1 . It is not possible 
to say when the project first came up for discussion as the 
Bordeaux Council Book for the first year of the new reign 
is now lost, but more than a year after the coronation, viz. 
on May 15, 1414*, it was at length decided that such a 
deputation should be sent as soon as possible. The ques- 
tion was mooted on July 21, 1414, when an election to 
replace 12 retiring members of the Jurade took place in 
a conclave at the Common House 3 whither they had been 
summoned in the usual way by the bellman 4 in their scarlet 
and sanguine gowns 5 , after hearing a Mass of the Holy 
Spirit in the adjoining church of St Eloi 6 , and the matter 
came up again at subsequent meetings held on July 24 and 
28*, but nothing decisive came of it. At length on Oct. 31, 
1414, they got as far as nominating the deputy-mayor, 
Bernard de St Abit, and a Dominican friar named William 
Faure 8 to go to England as representatives, but one thing 
or another kept coming in the way to prevent their de- 
parture. Either they were afraid they might be arrested 
and detained if they found themselves in London without 
the Earl of Dorset's hearth-money 9 or the necessary expense 
(\\ nobles per day) was objected to because the town was 
so very poor 10 , and so they appear either as "going to start" 
(Jan. 26, 1415) or "not yet started" (March 26) or still 
talking "sobre lo boiatge d'Anglaterra" (March u) 11 , and 
the question was postponed in meeting after meeting till the 
July elections were over. Then the Jurade inclined to save 

For privileges of Bordeaux, see Simon, ii. 177, 178; Wylie, iii. 73. 

Jurade, 12. 

For the Maison Commune at Rodez and Millau in Rouergue, see Rouquette, 154, 


223, 406; also at Clermont-Ferrand, Noces, 220. 

Au son de la campana se cum es acostumat, Jurade, 17. 

For 2| ells of scarlet and sanguin allowed to each member for livery, see Jurade, 39. 

En lur conclavi, Jurade, 40, 333, 335 ; en la meyson cominan de Sant Ylegi or Ilegi, 
ibid. 12, 26, 234, 334, i.e. near the Porte du Cahernan or Cayffernan on the east side of 
the city, Drouyn, Bordeaux, 56. 

7 Jurade, 47, 68. 

8 Ibid. 89, 115, 125. 

9 Ibid. 115, Feb. 9, 1415. For feu = maison or menage, see Dognon, Instil. 619. 

10 Jurade, 125, March 13, 1415. 

11 Also March 23 ; April 3, 17 ; May 4, 22, 29, 31 ; July 4, i r, 26, 27 ; Aug. 23, 1415, 
Jurade, in, 122, 131, 135, 140, 153, 156, 160, 170, 191, 196, 211, 216, 234. 

I2 6 Aquitaine [CH. xi 

expense by foregoing the luxury of a formal deputation 
altogether and authorised Arnold William Lam fort to go 
instead 1 , and on July 26, 1415, the question was to be 
definitely settled one way or another within a se'nnight 2 . 
Whereupon they borrowed enough money 8 to make the 
thing a certainty and on Nov. 12 it was settled that the 
mayor was to have 2 nobles a day during the voyage, 
which sum was raised to 6 francs on Nov. 23, 1415, to- 
gether with 8 ells of scarlet for his livery and 60 crowns 
for his fur 4 . It was intended that he should sail in the 
Nicholas de Sent Johan of Bayonne 5 but at the last moment 
the master of that ship was arrested at the instance of the 
Queen of Castile on a charge of carrying pirated goods and 
receiving ^rd of their value as his share of the plunder . 
At last, after the sub-mayor, John Estene, had been autho- 
rised to act as his deputy in his absence 7 , the people of 
Bordeaux were assembled by sound of trumpet to say 
good-bye to their mayor 8 and John St John started again 
for England. Accompanied by the town clerk he sailed 
in a balinger 9 for Bristol on Dec. 7, 141 5", for a formal 
interview with the king, after taking an oath that neither 
of them would transact any other business in England with 
the town's money. They were to have allowances of 500 
and 400 francs respectively to last them for 100 days 11 and 
they took with them 200 casks of good wine, 100 for the 
king and 100 to be distributed as presents among the lords 
of the court 12 in the hope that they might thereby specially 
mollify the Earl of Dorset and secure his good word for the 
town as occasion should arise 18 , for according to the latest 
accounts he and his men were grumbling heavily at not 
being paid as they had expected 14 . 

1 Jurade, 200, 201, July 17, 19, 20, 1415. 

2 Ibid. 209, 215. 

3 e.g. 360 francs from Benet Spina, Jurade, 301, 302. 
1 Per sas furraduras, Jurade, 287, 288. 

5 Jurade, 289. 6 IbicU 2O 

7 Ib'd- 3*3- * Ibid. 288. 

For los baleneys de la ciutat (i.e. Bordeaux), see Ribadieu, 107. 
Jurade, 292, 293. 
Ibid. 289 

" Ibid. 254, 263, 264, 266, 286, 289; Baurein, iv. 242; not that they took this wine 
to the king m Normandy, as Simon, ii. 179. 

r A Cd o? S content de la bila et ed fos bon senor et amie a la ciutat si cum besont 
es, Jurade, 280. 

'* Murmuren fort quar no es estat paquet, ibid. 257, Sept. 3, 1415. 

14*5] H earth-Money 127 

For soon after the Earl had arrived in Guienne to take 
up his command he had assembled the Estates of the 
Bordelais and the Landes who met in Parliament at Bor- 
deaux on Feb. 26, 14 14*, and voted a hearth-tax 2 of 2 francs 
per household 3 to pay his salary and the wages of his men 
for 3 months. The tax was expected to realise 25,000 gold 
crowns from the whole Duchy 4 , the share of the district 
around Bordeaux being fixed at 10,000 crowns 8 , whereof 
the city itself was to raise 1500 while an additional 2000 
francs was promised by the Estates of Bayonne, Dax, the 
Landes, and St Sever. But needy as he was, the Earl had 
to go home penniless, and the minute-book of the Town 
Council at Bordeaux is dotted all over for the next 12 
months with appeals from him to get the money collected 
and promises from them to collect it " as shortly as 
possible 6 ." 

It was therefore a matter of ordinary municipal prudence 
that the mayor and town clerk of Bordeaux should not 
arrive in London with empty hands, and they were accord- 
ingly authorised to compound with the Earl, if they could 
induce him to accept 1000 gold francs in full settlement of 
his claim 7 . The voyage was performed in safety, and on 
Feb. 24, I4i6 8 , mayor St John wrote from London to the 

1 Jurade, 294. 

2 Fouatge, fogatge, ibid. 329. For a fogatge or folgnatge real at St Flour, see Boudet, 
49, 76. For a fouage called for from the estates of Guienne in a letter from Henry V, 
dated at Mantes, Oct. n, 1419, see Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 265. 

3 Los dos ffranxs per fuc, Jurade, 2, 12, 46, 232. For fouage of ro sous par feu 
voted by Rouergue in 1367 to the infant son of the Black Prince, see Rouquette, 91 ; also 
2 sterlings per feu imposed by the Black Prince in 1365, ibid. 95; of a franc per feu, 
ibid. 370; 10 sous in Angouleme in 1368, ibid. 128, 137, 138; 2 francs per feu at 
Montpellier in 1379, ibid. 309. It was claimed as a substitute for military service, ibid. 
124. For assiette de feux at Caen in 1371, see Mem. Soc. Ant. Norm. xi. 205. For 
fouage at Cordes (Languedoc), i.e. 6 francs par feu in 1382, see Portal, Cordes, 59, where 
feu = menage possedant au moins 10 livres de revenu (p. 61), cf. Viollet, iii. 512 ; or maison 
habitable et habitee (lo tet cubert), Barriere-Flavy, 7, where there is a distinction between 
feu gentil payable to the local lord and feu comtal payable to the Count of Foix (p. 6). 
In 1385 the number of feux at Foix was 600 (ibid. 10, 16 with names) and at Tarascon 
179 (p. 50). In the i4th century the number at Cintegabelle on the Ariege was 
over 1 100, do. Cintegabelle, 7. For a fouage at Angers in 1355, see Godard-Faultrier, ii. 
317*318; in the Bourbonnais 1367-7610 repair the walls of Souvigny, see Gelis-Didot, 16; 
also in Forez granted to Anne Dauphine, dowager duchess of Bourbon in 1411, La Mure, 
ii. 210; do. at Arques ( = ioj. par feu) in 1399, 1403, Coville, Recherches, 407; Deville, 
Arques, 178, 369, 406; do. (4 groats par feu) at Bourg-en-Bresse in 1424, Brossard, 157. 

4 Jurade, 88. 

5 Ibid. 230. 

6 e.g. Jurade, 4, 5, 49, 78, 104, 193, 214, 232, 234. 

7 Ibid. 303, i.e. at 20 sous the franc, Wylie, iv. 307. 

8 The letter had been read in Bordeaux by March 5, Jurade, 329. 

I2 8 Aquitaine [CH. xi 

Jurade reporting that he had found the Earl much incensed 1 ; 
that he demanded at least half of the 29,000 crowns that he 
claimed, insisting on the payment of 6000 at once 2 . 600 
crowns would be advanced by Benet Spin (or Spina) 3 , a 
Bordeaux merchant then in London, on the security 4 of the 
vessels, and others had promised to find 1200 more by 
Whitsuntide, but nevertheless it was expected that all the 
ships would be detained, so the mayor advised that it would 
be best to keep in with the Earl who was just then in great 
favour at the court 5 . The King he reported was pleased 
with the wine 6 and excused himself for not sending the 
promised guns, but his answer as to the privileges of 
Bordeaux was still delayed. All the lords likewise had 
had their presents except two, and to meet possible require- 
ments 40 more casks 7 were asked for, to be forwarded by 
the first ship that sailed. The mayor himself prolonged 
his visit far beyond the stipulated 100 days and we know 
that he was still here on Oct. 19, I4i6 8 , on which day he 
was stated to be about to leave England to undertake the 
safe-keeping of Bordeaux. 

This little episode stands out with some clearness 
against the general confusion of darkness that surrounds 
the details of the English administration of Aquitaine, but 
some few facts may also be regarded as established in 
connection with events that were occurring in that country 
in the meantime. While the Duke of Clarence was raiding 
and plundering to keep his soldiery in food 9 , complaints 

1 Fort turbat contra la ciutat. 

2 The payment of this amount together with 3000 or 4000 crowns more was authorised 
by the Jurade on March 7, 1416, Jurade, 333, 334. 

8 Called Benedeyt Espina in Jurade, 193, 232; or Benedictus Espyne in Rot. Vase. 
3 H. V, i, July 8, 1415, where he receives officium executorie sigilli nostri et contrasigilli. 
For a letter written to him from Bordeaux by Piquard Oliver on July 27, 1415, see 
Jurade, 217. 

4 Chavissensa; see Godefroy, s.v. Chevissance. 

* The king ama lodeit senhor (Dorset) et aujourn d'uy que se gouverna par son con- 
celh. He was in England at the arrival of Sigismund in May, 1416, Noblesse, 15. For 
a letter from the Earl of Dorset written at Harfleur thanking Bordeaux for the bel donne 
et present of 4 o pipes of wine, see Jurade, 344, where he says that mon estet et exploite 
sont bon, Dieu merci. 

8 For order to the customers of London to remit the duty on 200 barrels of wine for 
the king and 10 each for the Dukes of Clarence, Bedford and Gloucester and Bishop 
Beaufort, see Claus. 3 II. V, 2, Feb. i, 1416, where it is given by the citizens of Bordeaux 
through their mayor John Seint John. 

* Said to be specially to propitiate the Earl of Dorset, in Simon, ii. 170. 
Rot. Vase. 4 H. V, 18, or Aug. 15 in Carte, Rolles, i. 200. 

9 Page u 6. 

14*3] Confusion 129 

went up in heaps to Paris, but the Dauphin only laughed 
believing that the English meant no real harm to him 1 . 

All France was in turmoil. The Cabochians were 
wreaking vengeance on the Armagnacs in Paris and in the 
south the Armagnacs declined in disgust to fight for a lily- 
garden 2 in which they were only to be rooted out as nettles 3 
or plucked up as noxious weeds 4 , so that they often donned 
the red cross of England 5 and openly joined hands with 
their country's enemies 6 . On Feb. 13, 14 13 7 , Bernard 
Count of Armagnac 8 and Charles d'Albret 9 , the Constable 
of France, made a 5 treaty with the Duke of Clarence who 
promised to lend them 500 men-of-arms and 200 archers 
to help them in their attack upon the Count of Foix 30 , 
and in accordance with this many French and English 
forces combined for the capture of the castle of Biron 11 . 

In this confusion of allegiance it is no wonder that the 
Gascon lords turned French or English just as occasion 
suited, and town and country alike became a prey to 
plundering bands known as roadmen or tinkers 12 , who 

1 Et ne s'en fait que moquer, EC. des Charles, vii. 61. 

2 Cf. creu ou jardin seme de fleur de lys, Chalvet, 9 ; Champollion-Figeac, Poesies, 6. 

3 Juv. 479. For the nettle as a device of the Duke of Orleans, see Add. Charters, 
2429 (Sept. 30, 1413) and 2433. 

4 St Denys, v. 42 ; Barante, iii. 53 ; Michelet, v. 304. 

5 Coville, 332, 338 ; H. Martin, v. 526 ; Barante, iii. 58. 

6 St Denys, v. 64 ; qui (i.e. Armagnacs) era rebele al rey de Fransa, Esquerrier, 67. 
For 1500 gold crowns paid to Hodgkin chamber-squire to the Duke of Clarence who had 
come from Bordeaux with 16 men-of-arms and 212 archers and taken service with the 
Duke of Orleans from Aug. i to Nov. i, 1413, besides similar services rendered before, 
see Add. Ch. 63, April 6, 1414 ; do. 66 ; cf. Ribadieu, 105. 

7 Gaujal, ii. 276 ; iv. 545, from archives of Nerac near Agen, now at Pau. 

8 Vaissete, ix. 1015. For account of him, see Samazeuilh, Nerac, 110-115. 

9 For treaty with the English concluded by Charles d'Albret in the name of the King 
of France, see Raymond, iv. 15, E. 60 (1412-19). 

10 i.e. John I, who succeeded his father Archambaud de Grailli in 1412, Flourac, 45 ; 
Vaissete (Molinier), ix. 1015 ; Wylie, iii. 79, note 7; not 1414 as Samazeuilh, Nerac, 193 ; 
Cadier, 159. His brother Gaston, Captal de Buch, remained faithful to the English, see 
Dognon, 451 ; Baurein, iii. 289-300, 344356, 405; Ribadieu, Chateaux, 167, where the 
Captalat de Buch includes the parishes of La Teste, Gujan and Cazau to the south of 
the Bassin d'Arcachon. For feud between counts of Foix and Armagnac, see Bonal, 
519; Gaujal, ii. 275; Rouquette, 55, 261; Flourac, 49, 51; cf. la guerre deus comtes, 
Jurade, 100, May 29, 1415; called ennemi hereditaire in Barriere-Flavy, Cintegabelle, 6; 
Dognon, 451. 

11 i.e. near Monpazier (Dordogne), Raymond, iv. 15 (E. 59) ; called Lobiron in Petite 
Chron. 65 ; more probable than Biron near Pons (Charente Inf.) as suggested, ibid. p. 71. 

12 Routiers, roteralhas payroliers (or chaudronniers, Godefroy, s.v. Pairoliers) et gens 
meschantas, ribaudas gens et pauco valents, Verms, 593 ; los rotiers de Fransa, Esquerrier, 
67 ; vils ramas de soldats de toutes les nations surtout de Gascons et d' Anglais, Montlezun, 
"i- 375- F r routiers in Rouergue, 1366-70, see Rouquette, 100, 234, 252-258, 260; 
called retiers in Affre, Rodez, B.B. 3. For derivation from rota (i.e. chamber), see 
Rouquette, 255, quoting Villandrando ; also Ducange, s.v. Rota ; or from rottte (i.e. 

W. Q 

Aquitaine [CH. xi 

took the cattle and sheep as they grazed and even the 
very boots and jackets of those who consented to pay 
black-mail 1 in order to secure a temporary sufferance till 
some stronger robber should come to drive their oppressor 
out As an illustration we may take the two towns of 
Langon 3 and St Macaire 4 which were on opposite banks 
of the Garonne. Both lay within the English portion of 
Gascony, but the former was of the English obedience 5 
and the latter of the French 6 , and each town seized every 
available opportunity to harass the other. In 1411 the 
Langon men captured the town and castle of St Macaire 
after bringing up engines that shot stones and viretons*. 
Three years later St Macaire and its neighbour La Reole 8 
were reported to be almost deserted, and the report adds 
that, though they had both lately been strong and populous 
towns 9 , such few inhabitants as still remained were unable 
to find food enough to eat. 

Guillaume Amanieu de Madaillan 10 , Lord of Lesparre 

compagnie), see Lavalle, 13. For rois des compagnons, or compagnies, see Labroue, Livre, 
382, 385; service de la chevauchee, ibid. 15; gens des compagnies, Vaissete, iv. 438; 
gens de compaigne, Cagny, 84, note ; grandes compagnies, chef de bandes, etc., Duples- 
Agier, I. xxiv; called "irregular regulars" in M. Bernard, 95. For condottieri (leaders 
of companies) in Italy, see Yriarte, 92; called "late comers," Morant, ii. 288. For 
hommes d'armes chascun ove son pillard at the siege of Mortagne on the north shore 
of the Gironde, see Frois. ix. 509 quoted in Labroue, Livre, 13. 

1 Patigeneran, Jurade, 226. 227. 

2 For sufferantia a bellicis'actibus (i.e. trieuve ou souffrance de guerre), see Rym. ii. 
685, 715; Hi. 192 ; Ducange, s.v.; cf. soufferte ou abstinence de guerre, Rym. ix. 692. 
For la suffreanc, see De la Ville le Roulx, 168; = respite in Cotgr., s.v. Souffrance. For 
sufreda per pati o suffrensa o autramens, see Magen, 331 ; paticium seu suffrancium, 
Aussy, 28 ; Tholin, Inventaire, 10. For sueftra, soufferta, see Rouquette, 258, 267, 350, 
352, 364; sufferte, Labroue, Livre, 30; suffrensa, Jurade, 252. 

3 For view and plan of Langon, see Drouyn, Guienne, ii. 68, Plates 78, 80. It was 
granted by Henry V to Menaud de Fabas in lieu of a payment of 5000 francs, Raymond, 
iv. 45 (E. 187). On Jan. ii, 1406, the Count of Armagnac had occupied Langon in the 
name of the King of France after the Jurade of the place had refused to surrender to 
Bernard d'Albret, Lord of Auros, seneschal of the Bordelais, Bazadais and Les Landes, 
who had required them to take an oath to the King of France, Gironde, x. 71. 

4 For view of St Macaire, see Virac, 3, 392; Drouyn, Guienne, ii. 106, Plates 84-91. 

5 De 1'lautra hobediensa, Magen, 320. 
8 Virac, 95, 96. 

7 Gironde, x. 73 ; Virac, 97. 

8 For La Reole, see Drouyn, Guienne, i. 128; Plates 43-61. For grans mortalites 
et pestilences at St Macaire and La Reole, see Gironde, x. 560. For the salin at La 
Reole for the sale of salt brought up the Garonne in boats, see Perouse, 90. For territory 
of La Reole attacked by the men of Libourne and St Emilion in 14 r 5, see Ribadieu, m. 

9 Grandement peuplees et garnis de riches gens, see report of the Duke of Berry, 
Dec. 20, 1414, Gironde, x. 560, where each town is allowed 50 livres to repair its forti- 
fications. In Ribadieu, 106, St Macaire, Rions, La Reole, Bazas, Budos and Noaillan 
fall to the French in 1377. 

' See Wylie, ii. 424; called Amenoil in Sloane MS. 4600, f. 579, where he is charged 
with the defence of Guienne. For account of the castle of Madaillan near Agen, see 

1415] Joan of Armagnac 131 

and Rauzan 1 , had died and a dispute had arisen about the 
lordship of Lesparre 2 which was claimed by Bernard de 
Lesparre 3 , Lord of La Barde 4 . Hitherto the family of 
Lesparre had been staunch for the English connection 5 , 
but now Amanieu's widow, Joan of Armagnac 6 , a clever 
and powerful woman 7 , declared her intention of marrying 
the Count of Foix and of betrothing her daughter to his 
son, thus bringing Me*doc under French influence and 
menacing the very city of Bordeaux. To check this move 
orders were issued on May 31, 1415, to seize the lordship 
into King Henry's hands until the dispute should be 
settled 8 . The matter was still under the consideration of the 
Council at Westminster on Feb. 25, I4i6 9 , and on Aug. 15 
following 10 it was decided that Joan should be proceeded 
against if she still refused to give up her late husband's 
will, but on July 24, 1417, she ceded the castles of Lesparre 
and Breuil 11 together with other property 12 to the Constable 
of Bordeaux for ever in return for a payment of ^*22OO 13 . 

Tholin, 181-184. It was just outside the jurisdiction of the seneschal of Agen, ibid. 
154, 173-178. In Rot. Vase. 5 H. V, 4 the hospitium de Madalhan had come to 
Bernard de Lesparre defectu heredum. 

1 i.e. since 1392, Baurein, i. 152. For account of Rauzan near Libourne, see Drouyn, 
i. 83, Plates 28, 30; Ribadieu, Chateaux, 91, 397. 

2 For account of the Honor of Lesparre (called Sparre in J. T. Smith, 170), see 
Baurein, i. 229; Ribadieu, Chateaux, 33. For picture of the ruined donjon, 'see Joanne, 
iv. 2156. On Oct. 8, 1417, the Captain of Lesparre is William Ays de Barry, Rot. Vase. 
5 H. V, 6, m. 3. 

3 Baurein, i. 154. For grant to him, temp. Richard II, of the castle of Marmande 
(Lot et Garonne) cum peagio ibidem if he could take it from the enemy (it was captured 
from him by the French in 1403, Andrieu, i. 148), and the seneschalcy of the Agenais 
with .100 p. a. from the customs between Aiguillon (at the confluence of the Lot and 
the Garonne) and Bordeaux, confirmed by Henry IV and V, see Rym. ix. 245, May 13, 
1415 ; Carte, Rolles, i. 185, 199 ; Baurein, i. 379. For his defence of Blaye in the English 
obedience in 1406, see Wylie, iii. 79, 82. For his visit to England in 1410, see Baurein, 
i. 380. 

4 i.e. on the south shore of the Gironde below Bordeaux. 

5 Wylie, ii. 424. 

6 She was the daughter of Jean III, Count of Armagnac, and Margaret, Countess of 
Comminges, and had married Amanieu on Feb. 19, 1409, Jurade, i. 416. 

7 Famme subtile et de grande puissance, Jurade, 186. She is called Domina de 
Lesparre et Roazan in Rot. Vase. 3 H. V, 2, July 10, 1415 ; also Jurade, 195, where in 
a letter dated at Lesparre, July 7, 1415, she protests her loyalty to the king of England 
and denies the rumours as to her daughter's marriage. 

8 Jurade, 239. 

9 Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 245. 

10 Rym. ix. 382. 

11 Bruelhe, Ribadieu, Chateaux, 32. 

12 i.e. Carcans, Roison (? Rauzan), Pinons, Quan9on, and Balizac, Rot. Vase. 5 H. V, 6; 
Carte, Rolles, i. 201; Rym. x. 472, 474; Cal. Dipl. Doc. 318. 

18 Iss. Roll 5 H. V, Mich., Oct. 4, 1417, where Clifford is called Richard. He was to 
draw his 1000 marks p. a. (see p. 124) from the revenues of Lesparre, but on Dec. 20, 


Aquitaine [CH. xi 

In 141 4 1 Bernard de Lesparre was captured by the Count 
of Foix at Mauvezin 2 in Bigorre and imprisoned at 
Foix, only regaining his liberty on undertaking to pay a 
ransom of 8300 gold crowns, for which he had to give 
substantial hostages 3 . He was certainly at Bordeaux on 
Aug. 29, 1415*, and in England in 1417 where he received 
12,000 gold crowns in consideration of the surrender of his 
claims to the castles of Lesparre and Breuil 5 , which after- 
wards became a valuable English asset 6 . Bernard was 
again at Bordeaux on June 18, 1418', but the terms of his 
ransom-money proved ultimately too onerous to be carried 
out and he returned to his captivity in i42i 8 . The story 
is infinitely complicated and known to us only by accidental 
glimpses, but the singular part of it comes out in the fact 
that whereas in the north of France the Armagnacs are the 
pronounced opponents of the English, in the south they lend 
their aid to a partisan of England 9 because of his feud with 
their southern enemy, the Count of Foix, and in the same 
spirit when hard pressed by the Burgundians in Paris they 
give active help to the English in Guienne. And the 
English on their side were not slow to take full advantage 
of their opportunity. 

1418, that sum was still unpaid by Jean de Fronsak, the tenant (occupator) of the castle, 
though the late Lady of Lesparre, Jeanne d'Armagnac, had left valuable pieces of arras 
(pannos de Aracio) and other hustlements (hustillamenta) as pledges that it should be 
paid, Rot Vase. 6 H. V, 2. On Oct. 29, 1417, Clifford received a grant of the lands of 
La Barde and Poyanne near Montfort-en-Chalosse, Carte, Rolles, i. 202. 

1 Baurein, i. 153; Flourac, 52 ; Gaufreteau, 8, 68. 

2 Near La Barthe (Hautes Pyrenees). 

8 For a letter from his hostages written on Nov. 27, 1414, at Orthez in Beam, see 
Jurade, pp. vii, 14, 97. For deliberation at Bordeaux as to his ransom on May 18, 1414, 
see Baurein, i. 154. 

4 Baurein, i. 380. 

6 For his receipts for 5000 crowns dated London, May 24, 1417, and 7000 crowns 
dated Southampton, June 12, 1417, see Cal. Dipl. Doc. 308 where he receives also the 
parish of Carcans for life on July 24, 1417. For charter whereby he resigned his claims 
deposited in the Exchequer on Oct. 12, 1419, see Kal. and Inv. ii. 100. For a trapper 
(or horsecloth, cf. "trappures," Chaucer, Knight's Tale, 2501 ; Godefroy, s.v. Trapier) of 
cloth of gold pledged by him with Henry V, see Delpit, 221 ; Kal. and Inv. ii. 97, Feb. 8, 

6 For Lespant qui modo dicitur Lesparra, see Bouillons, 482. For castrum et villa 
de Sparre granted to John Tiptoft, see Rym. ix. 914, June 21, 1420. For the jurisdiction 
committed to John Ratcliff, July 13, 1423, see Carte, Rolles, i. 205. For rights in la 
terre de Lesparre claimed by Charles de Beaumont on behalf of his wife in 1410, see 
Rym. ix. 741. 

7 Rym. ix. 597. 

| He died circa 1433, Baurein, i. 379, 381, but certainly before Dec. 14, 1439, ibid - 
Verms, 592. 

1407] Ptrigord 133 

To the north of the Dordogne the district of Perigord 
had lately had a chequered history. Just before Henry IV 
began his reign in England the Count of Perigord, Archam- 
baud VI, had been declared a rebel and banished by the 
King of France 1 . His estates were then confiscated 2 and 
bestowed upon the Duke of Orleans 8 , whereupon he repaired 
to England and did homage to Henry IV, joining in his 
expedition into Scotland in the summer of I4OO 4 . In 
the following year he returned to Guienne with the Earl 
of Rutland 5 , and his presence produced years of confusion 
according to the varying fortunes of the two contending 
sides. Thus in 1404 the French captured Courbefy 6 in 
the mountains of the Limousin and afterwards spread 
southward along the valley of the Dordogne, when the 
Duke of Orleans made his great effort in Perigord. In 
1406* they seized Limeuil, Moruscle 8 , Paunat 9 , Campagne, 
Montreal, Mussidan and Thenon. In 1407 the English 
seized and burned Nontron 10 to the north of P^rigueux, 
but in 1408 the whole county is treated as a domain 
of France 11 and little remained to the English save some 

1 i.e. July 19, 1399, Anselme, iii. 74; Mas Latrie, 1660; Jarry, 219; Cosneau, 
Connetable, 485. He was besieged by Boucicaut at Montignac from Aug. 5, 1398, 
Dessalles, ii. 375; not Dec. 24, 1393, as Anselme, vi. 319. 

2 For Perigord Blanc, i.e. the valleys of the Isle and the Dordogne (comprising the 
arrondissements of Perigueux, Riberac and Bergerac), see Labroue, Livre, vii. 425. 

3 i.e. on Jan. 23, 1400, Dessalles, iii. 35, 36; Lodge, 321 ; Wylie, iv. 69, note 6; not 
1399 as Anselme, iii. 237. Perigord was sold by Charles, Duke of Orleans, on March 4, 
1437, to Jean de Bretagne, Count of Penthievre, Anselme, iii. 74. For earlier negotiations 
between Jean, Count of Armagnac, and the Duke of Orleans for the purchase of Perigord, 
see Affre, Rodez, B.B. 3. 

4 Dessalles, ii. 394 ; Wylie, i. 135. 

5 Who was appointed Lieutenant of Aquitaine, Aug. 28, 1401, Carte, Rolles, i. 187 ; 
Ord. Priv. Co. i. 181 ; Rym. viii. 222; Doyle, iii. 189 (not 1400 as ibid. 744); Wylie, 
i. 124; iv. 231; Dessalles, ii. 397, where his baggage was lost in a Spanish ship at 

6 In the commune of St Nicholas near Chalus (Haute Vienne), A. Thomas, Etats, ii. 
307; Wylie, i. 388; ii. 316; called "Corbeffin" in Jurade, ii. 113; Samazeuilh, 450; 
"Corbefin" in Chronographia, iii. 241; "Courbafy" in Dessalles, ii. 397, where the 
attacking force under Charles d'Albret consists of 1200 men-of-arms and 300 cross- 
bowmen, Perigueux supplying rams and catapults; or "Corbesin" in Martial, 5, where 
it rhymes with Limousin. 

7 Not 1405 as Labroue, Livre, 302. 

8 Called Maruscles in Jurade, i. 507 ; Marusclas, St Denys, iii. 420, 422 ; Moruscle, 
Dessalles, ii. 415; supposed to be identical with Mareuil (? Mareuil-sur-Belle near Nontron) 
in Labroue, Livre, 302. 

9 Not Paunac as Wylie, iii. 76 ; called Penac in Dessalles, ii. 406. For Campagne, 
St Exupery, Carlux (near Sarlat, seized by the English in 1405 but yielded again to the 
French, Dessalles, ii. 400, 408), Leyrat (in the commune of Ales on the south bank of the 
Dordogne, Labroue, Livre, 218) and Bigaroque (in the commune of Caux on the north bank 
above Limeuil) which fell into the hands of the English again in 1408, see Dessalles, ii. 409. 

10 Dessalles, ii. 408. u Ibid. ii. 409. 

,24 Aquitaine [CH. xi 

disputed towns, such as Condat 1 and Bergerac 2 on the 
north bank of the Dordogne 3 . But now, encouraged by 
the arrival of the Duke of Clarence, Count Archambaud 
again pushed forward and the English became masters 
of Villamblard, Grignols 4 (near Mussidan), Ribe>ac, and 
even approached P^rigueux 8 by Chancelade and Chateau 
L'Eveque 6 , and after the English victory at Agincourt 
the fortunes of the deposed Count 7 continued to rise. 
He captured Auberoche 8 and held it undisputed till his 
death, which happened in 1430 at Le Change on the 
Auve"zere 9 . 

After the departure of the Duke of Clarence the 
Earl of Dorset 10 continued offensive operations north- 
ward. Advancing into Angoumois he captured Riberac 11 , 
Aubeterre 12 , Montandre 13 , and Barbezieux 14 , crossed the 
Charente under the guidance of the Armagnac governor 

I Near Vayrac (Dordogne) ; not Condat at the confluence of the Isle and the Dor- 
dogne, see Guinodie, I. vii ; Guadet, Atlas. In 1411 it had been granted to Sir Thomas 
Swinburn as Captain of Fronsac, and in 1414 was granted to Hugues de Bernard de 
Guienne, Dessalles, ii. 412, 414. On July 11, 1417, Condat (called Condak or Cundak, 
Rym. iv. 43, edn. 1830) and Barbanne de Lussac (Gironde) are named among the lands 
belonging to the hospitium de Madalhan which are not to be returned to Bernard de 
Lesparre (see p. 131, note 2) because they had been granted to Nicholas Bowet, most 
of which lands were then in the hands of the French. 

8 For Bergerac granted to John of Gaunt, Oct. 8, 1370, see Armitage Smith, 199, 
who refers (p. 201) to the arms of Bergerac in the Coucher Book of the Duchy of 
Lancaster. See also Gaunt Reg. i. 4, 83, 289, where he is seignour de Bragerac. 

3 In 1411 the English occupy Carlux, Bigaroque, Comarque (on the Garonne near 
Agen), Marzac and Pestillac (near Puy 1'Eveque) in the valleys of the Lot and 
Dordogne, Dessalles, ii. 412 ; also Alias de Berbiguieres near St Cyprien, which was still 
in their possession in Nov. 1414, when 12,000 liv. were to be raised to buy it back, 
C. Portal, Cordes, 60, 62. 

\ For plan of the castle, see Labroue, Livre, 271. 

5 For a i6th century plan of Perigueux, see Belleforest, Cosmogr. ii. 202. 
Dessalles, ii. 414. 

7 Mazas, Vies, v. 617, supposes that he was actually present at Agincourt on the 
English side. 

8 Dessalles, ii. 415. 

9 Labroue, Livre, 376. For his will dated at Auberoche on Sept. 22, 1424, with the 
names of his executors, see Raymond, iv. 177 (E. 640). 

10 Called the Duke of Clarence in Ribadieu, 105, who adds the Captal de Buch, the 
bire de Duras and many burgesses of Bordeaux. 

II Ribadieu, 105. 

12 For the Lord of Duras and a force of Anglo-Gascons besieged by the Duke of 
Bourbon m Aubeterre and Marusclas, see Ribadieu, 105. 
Tul "iS ^"^ >72 ' Ribadieu ' I05> For banner mad e for siege of Montandre, see Jurade, 60, 

jUi r 2 i b , ite ! de J fi ] to make cordes d ' arbal estes and some viretons sent from Paris to 

arbezil and for the defence of the bridge of Taillebourg, see Aussy, Reg. iii. 74, though 

Chit?' 3 f f 1413 ' P a y men i s are ^corded to Jean des Aies (or Deshaies) Captain of 

Sown SS t tf ard1 "^ th r bridges Ver the Char ite, ibid. iii. 75, 167, also 700 

-rowns spent on the garrison for preventing the English from crossing, ib d. ii 62. 

1413] St Jean d'Angdly 135 

of Chateauneuf 1 and laid siege to Taillebourg 5 , meeting 
with little serious opposition and paying everywhere for 
what his troops took. Favoured by sympathisers in the 
town 3 the Earl captured Soubise 4 on the southern side 
of the estuary as a preliminary to a great attack upon 
Rochefort. But it was soon evident that the English 
were not to be allowed to have it all their own way. 
The town of St Jean d'Angely prepared resolutely to face 
them. The townsmen set to work to strengthen their 
defences 5 , demolished all buildings that lay outside the 
town 6 , arranged to watch the walls night and day 7 , and 
quartered from 60 to 80 men-of-arms within the walls 
upon whose fidelity they could well rely 8 . Seven guns 
with 2 rundlets (rondelles) of powder, together with arrows, 
pavises and other artillery 9 , were sent to them from Paris 
to be distributed amongst the townsmen for their defence, 
and in July 141 3" a large force under Jacques, Lord of 
Heilli 11 , started from the capital "to smash the English 

1 Coville, 334. 

2 Ribadieu, 105. For Taillebourg incorporated into the domain of the King of France 
in 1410, see Massiou, Hi. 255. 

3 St Denys, v. 226. 

4 For documents of the Earl of Dorset dated Sales en Marempne, June 23, 24, 1413, 
see Exch. Accts. 186/2, i.e. Marennes, in quibus existunt salinae, Ducange, s.v. Maritime. 
For the salterns at Marennes (Charente Inferieure) with the church of St Pierre de Sales, 
see Bourricaud, 99; Grande Encycl. xxiii. 57. In 1310 the neighbouring town of 
Breuil is called Brolium in Marennia, Bourricaud, 100, 113. In Aussy, Reg. iii. 6, an 
aid of 1000 fr. is to be levied in the Chastellenie of St Jean d'Angely to repay the mayor 
and skevins for advances made to defend the country against the English faisant guerre 
en pays de Xaintonge et Guienne oultre la riviere de Charente where they detiennent et 
gastent plusieurs pais, villes, et forteresses comme 1'isle de Marennes, Soubise, Barbezil, 
Pont L'Abbe et plusieurs autres (dated Paris, Oct. 5, 1415). For a meeting of the Estates 
at Pons pour la delivrance de Sablonceaux, see ibid. iii. 120. For payment to the Earl 
of Dorset's herald for bringing news of the capture of Sotzbisa, see Jurade, ii. 27, June 15, 
1414; not that it was captured in 1412 or 1415, as Petite Chron. 65, 76. 

5 For repair of their bridges and walls including 2000 tiles, see Aussy, Reg. iii. 1 13. 

6 Ibid. iii. 59, June 14, 1413. 

7 For an order of the mayor to this effect dated June 1413, see ibid. iii. 55. 

8 Qui soient seurs a la couronne, ibid. iii. 58, June 16, 1413. For payment for them 
since the capture of Soubise, see ibid. iii. 62. 

9 i.e. 99 pavez, 39 doz. bowstrings in wooden chests, 155 butts (botes) of thread to 
make cordes d'arbalestes, 1800 arrows ferrees et barbees, i pipe de broches a faloz 
(lanterns), 8 faloz singles and 2 doubles a deux chandelles, 50 boxes of trait de viretons 
and chaussetrappes barbues, 16 lances, 14 of which were ferres and 2 sans fers, ibid, 
iii. 71, where the mayor gives a receipt for certaine artilherie on Aug. 24, 1413. A 
subsequent inventory of them was taken on Jan. 8, 1416, ibid. p. 73. For the conseil 
du roy dining at the mayor's hostel, see ibid. 121, July 17, 1413. 

10 Coville, 334, from Bibl. Nat. fr. 20437, f. 57. 

11 For his seal Jan. 23, 1408, see Demay, Invent, i. 485, where he is " sign' de Heilly " 
and Captain of Beauquesne near Doullens in Picardy ; also Sept. 18, 1410, ibid. i. 486, 
where he is Marshal to the Duke of Guienne and "Sire de Helly et de Pas," i.e. Heilly 
on the Ancre near Corbie and Pas-en- Artois near Doullens ; also Feb. 4, 1413, ibid., where 

136 Aquitaine [CH. xi 

and chase them out of the country 1 ." But they were inter- 
cepted by an English force which slaughtered 8000 of 
them 2 and carried off their leader, the Lord of Soubise 
and Taillebourg 3 , as a prisoner to Bordeaux 4 , together 
with the mayor of La Rochelle 6 and the captains of Roche- 
fort, Royan, Talmont, St Jean d'Angely 6 , the Lord of 
Viville 7 , and many more 8 . 

But this run of success was checked when the Armag- 
nacs gained the upper hand in Paris and availed themselves 
of a temporary calm in the capital to make a vigorous effort 
to recover lost ground in Aquitaine. The English garrison 
at Soubise had made use of the position as a base from 
which to harass La Rochelle and plunder the shipping that 
passed in and out of the roads. But while a portion of 
them were away at Bordeaux the Duke of Bourbon 
collected a force of 1300 men-of-arms and 800 archers 9 
at Niort, moved down by St Jean d'Angely 10 and Taille- 
bourg 11 to Saintes and promptly seized his opportunity. 
Borrowing scaling-ladders from La Rochelle he divided 
his forces into three bands and delivered an attack on 

he is Captain of Talmont in Saintonge. On June 6, 1413, he is Marshal of Guienne, 
Aussy, Reg. Hi. 58, 62, 71. 

1 Ruer jus les diz Angloys et les cassier hors du pais, Coville, 334, from a letter written 
by the Lord of Heilh at Parthenay, July 22, 1413, not July 27, 1412, as Cagny, 72, note. 
Chron. Lond. 95. 

8 i.e. Jean de Parthenay-Larcheveque, Aussy, Reg. iii. 27, 241; Barbot, 274. He 
was the son of Louis, Lord of Taillebourg, who died in 1395, Aussy, Reg. ii. 261. In 
Aussy, Reg. iii. 90, 92, Jan. 9, 1414, the Lord of Soubise a este prins et detenu est en 
Pai? 28 Pm n at Bordeaux ' where he was sti11 a P ri soner on Oct. 16, 1414, Finot, 

4 'stDenys, v. 67. 


of La 

i.e. Regnaud Gerard, Aussy, 27 ; Barbot, 270, 273. For seal of the mayor of 
Rochelle, see De Witte, 391. The captain of La Rochelle in 1414 was an Orleanist, 
Francois Gnngnaux, who had been captain of Talmont in 1409. For a letter of his 
'la R f ,f Ug ' I3 n '?' see Delaville L e Roulx, 190. For a i 5 th century picture 
La Rochelle, see De Witte, 389 ; also a plan (i 7 th century), Zeiler, vii. 56. ' 
Aussy 27. For plan of the town, see do., Reg., Frontispiece. 

Fnr tn rai<4 f^> W;11,',, /- r. _ . fm 

., . 

paid to William Cofusec, squire to Thomas Earl of Dorset, for bringing 
news of the capture of the Lords of Viville and other Frenchmen ordinal' p' rescL? 
castn de Montendre and other castles, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., Aug. 14, ? 4 r 3 . 


. ' taken 

".I" ir, Ribadieu > ">S. who places the expedition in 1414-15. The 
" Ce f '' COW " was ^ced at Bergera 4 c 4 onOct. ! 


1413] Soubise 137 

Soubise on Nov. 22, 1413'. The garrison at the time 
consisted of 500 or 600 English and Gascon troops 2 under 
a captain named Blount 3 . At first they refused to believe 
that the Duke of Bourbon was in earnest and reminded 
him of the help they had actually rendered to him in the 
previous year. But circumstances had changed since then 
and the Duke now saw his chance. A sudden sortie from 
the town made him at first recoil, but renewing his attack 
on the following day he forced an entrance, slaughtered 
300 of the garrison and took the rest of them prisoners 4 . 
He then rased the walls of Soubise, filled in the ditch and 
gave up the town and its inhabitants to pillage. Taille- 
bourg also fell into his hands and its castle was demolished 5 , 
and then after making an ineffectual attack on the English 
garrisons at Aubeterre (on the Dronne), Barbezieux, and 
Marusclas 6 , he returned to Paris on Jan. 22, 1414', where 
he was feted amidst general rejoicing and his gallant deeds 
and elegant dress 8 were the talk of the great Parisian 
ladies 9 . Further preparations were soon made for follow- 
ing up his victories and a force was ordered to assemble to 
meet him at Perigueux on Feb. 22, I4i4 10 . On Dec. i, 
1414", he was made Captain-general of Languedoc in the 
Armagnac interest, to which was added a few weeks later 12 
the provocative title of Captain-general of Guienne beyond 
the Dordogne. Fired with the thirst for future glory he 
founded a brotherhood or order of chivalry on New Year's 

I St Denys, v. 224; not 1412 as Le Fevre, i. 73. 
3 Juv. 487 ; Massiou, iii. 257. 

3 Chron. Lond. 95 ; Le Fevre, i. 74. For a dispute between John Blount and a jurat 
at Bordeaux before May 5, 1414, see Jurade, ii. 8. 

4 Bourricaud, 39, with account of Soubise, p. 125. 

5 Aussy, Reg. iii. 106, Feb. 3, 1414; also ibid. 155 (1416). 

6 Ribadieu, 105. 

7 St Denys, v. 236 ; Le Fevre, i. 74. For a valet de chariot of the Duke of Bourbon 
at St Jean d'Angely and a valet of a Lombard there with the bastard of Bourbon, see 
Aussy, Reg. iii. 94, Nov. 30, Dec. 5, 1413. 

8 For picture of him in a jacket with long trailing sleeves, pointed shoes and a large 
circlet of jewels in his hat, see Montfaucon, iii. 261 ; La Mure, ii. 120, from L' Armorial 
de Guillaume Revel, f. 1 7, or Armorial d'Auvergne by Gilles le Bouvier, herald to his 
father-in-law the Duke of Berry; also in S. Harding. 

9 Dieu scet comment le due Jehan estoit en bruit entre les dames et damoiselles, 
Le Fevre, i. 117. He is called jeune, vaillant et bon, La Mure, ii. 152; vaillant 
chevalereux et bon, Godefroy, Charles VI, 751. 

1 For summons to join it received at Bergerac on Feb. 20, 1414, see Charrier, i. 172, 
where he is called "monsgr. de Borbo." 

II Vaissete, iv. 437; Huillard-Breholles, ii. 197. For his previous appointment to 
the same office on June 12, 1404, see Anselme, i. 303; Allier, Ancien Bourbonnais, ii. 4. 

12 i.e. June 18, 1415, La Mure, ii. 130. 

138 Aquitaine [CH. xi 

Day, 141 5 1 , the company of which was to consist of 13 
knights and 3 squires 2 , and every Sunday 3 each member 
was to wear on his left leg a badge with a prisoner's chain 
worked in gold or silver until he had fought and conquered 
an Englishman in a fight to the utterance 4 on English soil 6 . 
By this no doubt they understood the soil of Guienne, and 
with this view he was again on the warpath in the spring 
of 1415. At the head of a force of 6000 men-of-arms he 
advanced through Saintonge. By April 16, 14 15", he had 
reached Pons and was threatening an attack on Blaye, little 
thinking that before the year was out he would be himself 
a prisoner in England in grim reality. 

On the very day on which the Duke of Bourbon entered 
Paris the Earl of Dorset's six months term of office expired 
as Lieutenant of Aquitaine. Loans had been called for from 
bishops, abbots, and lay lords to help his expenses 7 ; goods 
had been shipped to him in bales and chests from London 8 ; 
but the pay of his troops was still largely in arrear 9 and he 
appears to have been in no hurry to depart, for we know 
that he was at the Pipolin 10 at Bordeaux in November and 
December 1413 and Feb. i, 1414", and he is still called 
Lieutenant of Aquitaine on Feb. 8 and April 30, 14H 12 . 

1 Douet d'Arcq, i. 370; not 1414, as Beraud, ii. 57, who gives the text of his cartel of 
defiance which he calls " cette fanfaronnade " (p. 59); cf. "un acte de folie," Touchard- 
Lafosse, i. 663. 

Huillard-Breholles, Ra^on, 40, who calls it "une manifestation bizarre." 

NoUhat they were to challenge the English every Sunday, as Depeyre, 235. 

Cf. "unto outrance," Lydg. Troy Book, 20; "brought him to outrance," ibid. 435; 
"at outrance of Fortune," ibid. 389; Halliwell, ii. 593 ; J. Coke, 75. 

Allier, Ancien Bourbonnais, ii. 17. 

Jurade, 147, where Blaye applies to Bordeaux for help in artillery and powder. 

Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 17, 1413. 

In Claus. i H. V, ii, Sept. 24, i 4I3 , his attorney Thomas Noble, clerk, ships to 
him from London for his use at Bordeaux 2 bales with 13 short-cloths sine grano and 
3 pieces of Welsh frieze, and 2 chests (cistas) with 3 ells of scarlet, 8 ells of broad-cloth 
sine grano, 3 pairs of shoes and other harness by the Thomas of London, of which Thomas 
Newport is master. 

fl Page 121, note i. Pat. 2 H. V, iii. , 4 shows that 5397. 6s. 4 J</. was still due to 
uni as wages for his men from April 6 to Oct. 6, 1413, and that an arrangement was 
on i-eb. 16 1415 that of this amount ^2000 should be paid up in March i 4 i s , 
^1333- w. y. at Michaelmas I 4 i 5) and ^730. 13^. orf. at Michaelmas 1416. For 
RoH 3 8 'H'V ) Pa h t0 M m 3S Part Payment of ^5397- 6.. 4 Jflr. still due for wages, see Iss. 
R io 8 *"; k*S* ft where > Duke of Exeter. 


Po Pan? SP H 1U P I Ca o Um , P J P Hn ' See Carte ' Rolles ' L 22 7- It was otherwise called 
f 67 - %F P ^ m J. ibid> *' 4I ' 75' '64; or Pay Paulin, Drouyn, Guienne, 
loi i&'ihn 1 ' \ 5 5 Rlbadleu > Chateaux, 13; or Puch Paulin, Drouyn, Bordeaux 

K^'rh A t WS 8^ P S1 , tl0n n the Site of the old Roman wal1 ' eastern side, 
is called Pepm.Tyn': '* '' documents dated th ^e Nov. ,5, Dec. 22, 14,5, where it 

11 See page 120, note 7 ; Exch. Accts. 186/2. 

1414] Physic 139 

He afterwards made a tour southwards to gather in such 
sums as he could from the taxation in Gascony. On 
March 25, I4I4 1 , he was at St Sever 2 on the Adour and 
on April 5 3 at Bayonne, from both of which places he wrote 
letters to Bordeaux urging the Jurade to collect the hearth- 
tax, of the proceeds of which he had so far received but 
little. He passed 10 days at Bordeaux during the early 
part of May pressing for the collection, but the burgesses 
pleaded that such a thing was impossible on account 
of the poverty and misery produced by the prevalence of 
the fever 4 , all but 4 or 5 of the jurats being unable to leave 
their beds 8 , and the town records afford some curious first- 
hand glimpses into the prevailing views on the subject of 
mediaeval physic. 

At Bordeaux, as in most other places, the doctors were 
appointed by the town 8 , who paid their fees 7 and required 
them to appear together with the apothecaries 8 in the 
church of St Eloi to take an oath at the altar that they 
would not poison their patients 9 , but on this occasion all 

1 Jurade, ii. 2. 2 Formerly Cap de Gascogne. 

3 Jurade, ii. 4. 

4 Febrion, Jurade, ii. 4. For epidemics at Bordeaux, Aug. 8, 1415, and generally, see 
Jurade, ii. pp. v, 226. For deaths at La Reole, see p. 130, note 8. 

5 Lez auties ne se poudient bougier de leurs liz. 

6 For a medecin municipal at St Flour (Auvergne), hired at 2 fr. 10 sols per month 
for emergencies to tend the poor, see Boudet-Grand, 42. For the medecin publique in 
Collioure in Roussillon, in 1372, see Chauliac, Ixvi. For phisicus appointed for Modon 
and Koroni in the Morea, see Sathas, iii. 25. At Troyes there was only one physician in 
1406, an Italian from Alessandria, and he was paid by the town, where the civil population 
was reckoned at 13,000, without counting the priests and religious, Boutiot, ii. 315. For 
a physicien pensionnaire and chirurgien assermente who takes an oath de bien et loyalment 
visiter les malades at Tournai in 1416, see Vandenbroeck, pp. v, 127. For a free apothi- 
cairerie at Orleans garnie de drogues pour les pauvres, with a medicus and a surgeon to 
visit them, founded under the will of Henri de Vistre in 1407, see Lottin, i. 175. For oath 
of the barber-surgeons, see Chauliac, Ix. 

7 For two physicians receiving 80 francs p. a. between them paid by the town of 
Bordeaux, see Jurade, ii. 33, 42, 58, 59. On July 26, 1415, Pey Harben, Bachelor in 
Medicine, is to have 25 fr. p. a. Cf. annua pro tali capientes pnemia facto, Astesan, 
540, quoted in Coyecque, i. 97. 

8 For oath of los metges (veterinary surgeons) et los botiqueys, see Jurade, ii. 212. 

9 Jurade, ii. 43. For popular belief that every surgeon was a thief, a murderer or a 
swindler, see Arderne, pp. xxii, xxv; cf. Wylie, ii. 181, note. For a satire on medecins, 
see Gebhart, Conteurs, 264. Cf. 

S'est cele science del mains (i.e. chirurgie) 
Mes ele a si hardies mains 

u' ele n'espargne null gent 
ont ele puist avoir argent 
Mais il cunchient (moquent) mainte gent 
Que deniers et de 1'argent 
Qu'ils recoivent de lor poisons 
Font il a Paris granz mesons. Andeli, xxv. 47. 


Aquitaine [CH. xi 

the doctors died 1 , and on the recommendation of an apothe- 
cary 2 named James Ram it became necessary to send to 
Montpellier 3 for others, one of whom appears to have 
seriously advocated rooting up all vegetation and driving 
the whole population away on pain of death. At the usual 
preliminary examination by the town authorities 4 prior to 
his appointment he undertook to defend 13 theses, some 
of which are obvious enough, such as that food is necessary 
to preserve life 5 and that a human body cannot stand up 
under the pressure of a hard compact mass like a form of 
stone or metal. On Dec. 10, 1414, a doctor 6 was appointed 
in Bordeaux who was prepared to prove among other pro- 
positions that a practitioner ought to have all his senses 
perfect, as "medical speculation*" has only to do with things 
discoverable by the senses, boldly asserting in defiance both 
of the prevailing theory and practice that it has nothing 
whatever to do with astrology, though there are certain 
diseases whose causes cannot be foreseen but which come 
by the judgment of God and can very seldom be cured, in 
which case if there is any suspicion of infection in a place 
the only plan is to clear out altogether 8 . 

The death of Cardinal Uguccione on July 14, I4I2 9 , 
had caused a vacancy in the see of Bordeaux. He 
had been Archbishop since I385 10 . As he had died in 

1 Jurade, 25, June 2, 1414. For 18 medesis, fizisias, surgias and megas at Montauban, 
circ. 1350, see Bonis, i. cxvii. 

2 For ypothecarius, see Magen, 350. 

3 For Montpellier as the fons originalis medicinse, see Fournier, Statuts, ii. 162. 
For documents relating to the University of Montpellier from 1137 to 1494 A -D., see 
ibid. ii. 1-300. For Montpellier and Salerno as medical schools, see Sandys, 606. For 
inventory of goods belonging to the Faculty of Medicine in the University of Paris 
Nov. 22, 1395, see Vallet de Viriville, Instruction 362. At Dijon in 1407 it was ordered 
that no one should practise medicine unless he had a licence from a studium generale. 

tor towns appointing medecins after examination, see Chauliac, Ii. 
' By which he means the blood made up of 4 liquids, furade, ii 26 where the 
passage appears to be tantalizingly corrupt. 

6 i.e. John de la Puyada, Jurade, ii. 98. 

7 Medicalis speculatio. Cf. experientia qiue potissime in facto medicinali res est 

seepage! T' "' ^' ^ *' ^ **** f medicine ' * Poetical and theoretical, 

In locum alium a tali clade alienum commigrare, Clamenges, ii. 90. For la fuite 

as a remedy aga inet *>! "* <-^^ D..J_. /"> j . nr -^. b .'. ." 


at Bordeaux (Devienne, Eglise, 
" in 1405. He was Bishop of 

1414] Archbishop Dama 141 

Rome 1 the Pope claimed the right to appoint his successor 
and the see remained vacant for nearly a year. At length 
on June 26, 1413", the uncertainty was ended by the appoint- 
ment of David de Montferrand, a young man only 26 years 
of age, but described as of baronial race both on his father's 
and his mother's side. He was a native of the Bordelais 3 , 
and in spite of his youth he had been Dean of St Seurin 
for the last 9 years 4 and Bishop of Dax since I4o8 5 . On 
June 20, 1414, the Estates of the Bordelais met in the 
chapel of the new Archbishop's Palace at Bordeaux, but 
they were summoned by the seneschal, Galhar Durfort 6 , 

Faenza in 1378 (Gams, 672; Eubel, i. 255), and was translated to Benevento in 1383 
(Gams, 672 ; Eubel, i. 37 ; do. Provisiones, 430). 

1 He was buried in the church of Santa Maria Nuova in Rome, Wylie, iii. 367 ; 
not beside John XXIII as Devienne, Eglise, 72 probably misunderstanding " soubs 
Jean XXIII " in Lopes, ii. 286 who was buried in the Baptistery at Florence. For his 
epitaph written by Pey Berland, see Wylie, iii. 367, note 6. For Pey Berland's birth- 
place in the parish of Avensan near Castelnau in Medoc, see Lopes, ii. 302 (with the 
chapel of St Raphael), which is the actual building in which he was born, Baurein, ii. 81. 
For his seal, his arms and his medal, see Lopes, ii. 291, 306, 312. For bas-relief of his 
consecration in the church at Avensan where his father is buried, see Baurein, ii. 79. 
For his mother's tomb in the neighbouring church at Moulis, see ibid.; Lopes, 
ii. 291. He is called fils d'un simple villageois (Gaufreteau, 10), though the poverty of 
his parents has been doubted. He founded a mass in St Michael's Church at Bordeaux 
in memory of Master Raymond de Bruges (a little to the north of Bordeaux, Gironde, 
xi. 50; Baurein, ii. 79, 80, 178), qui me instruxit ad scribendum, Lopes, ii. 294, 295. 
On June i, 1413, he received a canonry and prebend in Bordeaux Cathedral, being then 
a chaplain at the White Friars in Bordeaux and cure of Bouliac, Baurein, ii. 80; 
Devienne, Eglise, 76; Gironde, viii. 327 (where the bull is countersigned by Poggio 
in Rome) ; called Bouillac in Ribadieu, La Guyenne, 167. For picture of the church 
of Bouliac near Bordeaux see Lopes, ii. 296; Grande Encycl. vii. 687. For Pey Berland's 
handwriting, March 4, 1420, when he is still cure of Bouliac and canon of Bordeaux, 
see Gironde, vii. 412. For his death (Jan. 17, 1458), and his tomb in the cathedral, see 
Lopes, i. 217, 218; ii. 310, 314. 

2 Papal Lett. vi. 453. Called Nov. 16, 1413, in Gall. Christ, ii. 840, or June 23rd in 
Eubel, i. 155, who supposes him to have been identical with Jean de Montferrand, one 
of the cathedral canons (Devienne, Eglise, 72) who had been appointed Archbishop by 
Gregory XII on July i, 1409, but had died on Aug. 12, 1410 (Wylie, iii. 364, note 6). 
For order of the King's Council refusing to recognise him, dated Sept. 22, 1409, see 
Lopes, ii. 285, with a similar resolution of the Chapter on the same date in Devienne, 
Eglise, 72. Archbishop David held the see till his death on Oct. 16, 1430, Gams, 520. 

3 Pagi Burdigalensis, Gall. Christ, ii. 840 ; called of Toledo in Gaufreteau, 8. 

4 i.e. since Feb. 25, 1404, Brutails, xxvii. 

5 Gams, 544; Gall. Christ, ii. 840, though not in Eubel, i. 97. 

6 See Wylie, ii. 55. He is called senescallus Vascon' in Rot. Vase. 3 H. V, 3, 
June 2, 1415. He was Lord of Duras (Lot et Garonne ; for view of Duras, see Drouyn, 
Guienne, Plate 78; Labroue, 135, 136) in the valley of the Dropt, and of Blanquefort in 
Medoc, between Marmande and Villeneuve (see Drouyn, Guienne, ii. 38, Plates 72-77). 
Andrieu (i. 149) thinks that he served under the Duke of Orleans in the French attack 
on Guienne in 1406. For a small fragment of his seal, see Exch. Accts. 186/2, where he 
is " Gualhard Durffort"; also ibid. 186/3, Dec. to, 14, 1414; Feb. 5, 1415, with seal 
well preserved showing a helmet and plume. In Jurade, 270, 275 (Sept. 15, Oct. 14, 1414) 
he is nostre car senhor (i.e. Lord of Bordeaux). For letters dated June 14, 1415, addressed 
to him by the Count of Armagnac as " car oncle," see ibid. 51, 181, 227. In Rym. ix. 
259, June 2, 1415; Baurein, i. 154; ii. 169, he receives a grant of the hospitium de 

Aquitaine [CH. xi 

and the Earl of Dorset seems not to have been present 1 . 
He was certainly back in London by July 14, i4M- 2 > on 
which day he was about to take up his quarters with the 
king in the Palace at Westminster, the parishes of Strat- 
ford 3 and Ham having been allotted to him for his main- 
tenance. On July 25, 1414', he wrote another urgent 
letter to the Jurade asking for the proceeds of the hearth- 
tax which had been promised by the previous Easter. 
Three weeks later (i.e. on August 17) the king himself 
wrote in the same strain urging that his uncle had actually 
advanced 4000 crowns of his own money but had received 
no provision at all from them for carrying on the govern- 
ment of the Duchy, though he had placed complete reliance 
on their promises. This letter was received in Bordeaux 
on Oct. n, 1414*, but produced no more effect than 
the other, and on Oct. i5 6 , the king pressed them with 
another reminder for the payment of the Earl's claim 
which amounted to 29,000 crowns 7 . The Earl of Dorset 
did not return to his command at Bordeaux and no one 
was appointed to succeed him till May 8, 141 5 8 , when 
Sir John Tiptot was formally appointed Seneschal of 
Aquitaine 9 . 

But in the meantime the successes gained by the Duke 
of Bourbon in the previous year had put heart into the 
harassing attack to which the English were exposed on 

Livran in potestate de Lesparre in Lower Medoc, forfeited by the rebellion of the 
daughters of Fauquet, Lord of La Trau (near Bazas, Ribadieu, Chateaux, 223), where 
William Bruere is still captain on Jan. 8, 1414, Exch. Accts. 186/2; Anstis, i. 198; 
Wylie, iii. 72, note 5. 

1 Jurade, 28. 

2 Rym. ix. 154. On July 17, 1414, one of his retinue, John of Douazit, was made 
Baron of Douazit near Mugron, ibid. ix. 155; Carte, Rolles, 'i. 198, 216, 220, 235, 237. 

3 Then called Stratford in West Ham or Stratford Langthorne, Monast. vi. 587. 

4 Jurade, 87, Sept. 29, 1414, on which day the letter was presented to the Jurade by 
the Earl's butler, whose name is given as Hoton Expenser (i.e. probably Spenser or 
Despenser, Jurade, 94). 

Jurade, 88. 

6 Ibid. 187. 

7 Page 128. 

8 Rot. Vase. 3 H. V, i. 2; Rym. ix. 240; Jurade, 234; Baurein, i. 380; Bellecombe, 
33; Blore, 43, where there is a writ dated Oct. 20, 1415 (not Aug. i6th as Carte, Rolles, 
i. 199), to William Clifford, constable of Bordeaux, to pay his wages from May 8, 1415. 
For a similar writ, dated March 24, 1416, see Exch. Accts. 186/4 with a fragment of the 
seal of England. 

Rym. ix. 262, where he is senescallus Ducatus Aquitanise. In a letter written in 
on, June 8, 1415, " Mossenhor Johan Tiptot" is " ordenet de nostre senescaut," 
ide, 193. In 1408 he had been Seneschal of the Landes (not Lannes as Carte, Rolles, 
i. 191) and constable of Uax, Wylie, iii. 72, note 6 (not 1417 as Bellecombe, 36). 

1414] Bergerac 143 

their northern front. At Bergerac 1 , which was regarded 
as the key of Gascony 2 on the north bank of the Dordogne, 
a pact 3 or sufferance 4 had been assured to the semi-loyal 
townsmen by the Duke of Clarence and was continued by 
the Earl of Dorset 5 , but they were hard pressed by Bertrand 
d'Abzac who was in command of the neighbouring fortress 
of Castelnau 6 . At Candlemas 1414 their pact with the 
English was prolonged for 4 years, for which they paid 
25 casks of white wine and claret 7 , but when the Duke of 
Bourbon was laying his plans for attacking us in the spring 
of 1414 they received their summons to contribute to his 

1 For the Jurade at Bergerac, whose numbers varied from 25 to 40 chosen by the consuls 
from the most notable men of the town, see Charrier, I. pp. vii-ix. For fancy picture of 
Bergerac in 1346, see Labroue, 48. For plan of the town at the end of the Middle Ages, 
do. Livre, 145. It is called "Bergerat" in Bouvier, Description, 35. 

2 Frois. Bk. iv. ch. r, quoted in Labroue, Livre, 21. 

3 For " pats " = pactum, conventio, see Lamothe, ii. 147; Rouquette, 256, 259, 325; 
or "pati," Jurade, 252, 265; Boudet, 39, 103, 168, 261; "patis," Charrier, i. 139, 141, 
162, 163, 166, 170, 181. For appatiser = contraindre les habitans d'un pays a nourrir des 
troupes, see M. Bernard, 98 ; " appatysed unto our lord the king," Black Book of Adm. 
i. 469; Nicolas, Agincourt, App. 38; Wylie, ii. 317. He pateysed the contre ( = il 
prenoit a pasti partout), Coudrette, 91, 247 ; shal never more patyse you, Arras, 304; 
patiz or trybut, ibid. 301 ; for som patyse, ibid. 324 ; appatice, Archaeologia, xvii. 215. 
In Magen, 251, la finanssa facha = ont pactise; cf. far e tractor pati, ibid. 328 (1353). 
For patis, paatiz, apatis (i.e. money paid as a protection against molestation), see Cosneau, 
84; Lavisse, roo; Delisle, Agric. 643; C. Portal, Insurrections, 463; Ribadieu, 104; 
do. Gutenne, 164; Quicherat, 15; Rouquette, 275, 326; appatissement, Labroue, 
Livre, 28; pactionner, ibid.; pastum pecunialem, triennium pastum, St Denys, vi. 162. 
For pasticium dated Beaulieu, Oct. 20, 1412 (Wylie, iv. 81), see Soc. Archeol. de 
Touraine, xii. 245, where the Abbot of Cormery on the Indre (nr. Montbazon, Indre et 
Loire) undertakes to pay a patis (nos pastissare fuimus compulsi} of 300 crowns and 
3^ pipes of salt on condition that the English would spare the Abbey, but as the salt 
could not be procured, another 50 crowns was accepted instead by John Blount repre- 
senting the Earl of Dorset. The dormitory, cloister and chapter-house at Cormery had 
been destroyed before May 22, 1411, per hostes regni, ibid. xii. 243; Bourasse, 386. 
For pictures of the Abbey of Cormery, first rebuilt after its destruction by the English in 
the middle of the fourteenth century, see A. Noel, 43 ; Bourasse, 309. For money raised 
in Languedoc in 1407 de quoi rompre le patis concluded with the English, see C. Portal, 


1 Page 130, note 2. 

6 Referred to in Charrier, i. 181 (Aug. 5, 1414). 

6 i.e. Nov. 30, 1413, Charrier, i. 171, 180, 181. On July 29, 1405, the Count of 
Clermont had spent 15,000 francs on the siege of Castelnau (Wylie, iii. 76), but when 
he applied to Bergerac for help to " deliver" it from the English, together with Badefols 
on the left bank of the Dordogne (for plan of the castle at Badefols, which dominated the 
shipping, see Labroue, Livre, 15, 71), which he had just seized (Dessalles, ii. 399), the 
Jurade at Bergerac replied that they were too poor and could not let him have a penny, 
assigning as a reason that Castelnau was not in the seneschalcy of Perigord, being really 
in that of Sarlat (Charrier, i. 141, 145, 158). At that time Bergerac was anti-English, 
and had been so since 1339 (Labroue, 29). On April 9, 1405, it was threatened by 
Ramonet de Sort, a captain of companies in the English service (ibid. 119), and on 
Aug. 23, 1405, its fortifications were to be strengthened in anticipation of an attack by 
the English (Charrier, i. 142), who on Sept. 15, 1405, tried to cross the Dordogne in 
cuirbouly boats (guatarras de quer bulhit), but failed owing to the strong flood, in which 
one of their lighters was swept away, Charrier, i. 144; Labroue, 118. 

7 Charrier, i. 182, Aug. 24, 1414 ; where the wine is valued at 7 francs the cask. 

Aquitaine [CH. xi 

force, and by Nov. 1 1, 1414, they had openly gone French 1 
and refused admission to any one in the obedience of the 
King of England unless he left his sword and knife behind 
him before entering within the gates 2 . A few weeks how- 
ever produced a further change of front, and on Jan. 15, 
1415', they had arranged another pact with the English to 
last for a year, according to which they paid 1 1 pipes of 
wine and 7 abnals of French oil to secure the friendship 4 
of the wife of the Seneschal 5 and the Constable of Fronsac. 
This pact however availed them little in view of the fact 
that Marshal Boucicaut, who had been appointed Governor 
of Languedoc and Pe*rigord 6 with special directions to attack 
the English, was pressing them hard for a tax of i franc per 
hearth 7 to pay for the deliverance of Castelnau and would 
take no excuse, so that they had to borrow 100 francs from 
any one who would lend on the security of a tax levied on 
wine sold in their taverns 8 , and even this did not save them 
from having their cattle raided by the French when Bouci- 
caut was withdrawn to repel the invaders in Normandy 9 , 
and so, when their pact with the English expired, they 
obtained a further renewal of it till May i, 141 6 10 , taking 
care however to send a message to Paris denying a rumour 

1 Los quals eran frances coma nos, Charrier, i. 186. 

2 Los glavis e las espazas, Labroue, 119; Charrier, i. 186. For a similar order at 
Liege (i.e. culteaus aultres que petis cuteaus qu'on dist coutel taille-pain), see Henaux, 
i. 559. For Ardres in 1396, see P. Meyer, Entrevue, 212. For Dijon in 1400, see 
Gouvenain, i. 25. Cf. inermes exceptis de gladio et cultello, Rym. ix. 262. For order 
at Rouen (Nov. 6, 1410) that no stranger is to carry armeure, couteaux, espees ou dagues, 
see C. Beaurepaire, Invent. Rouen, 42; also at Tournai (Nov. 5, 1413), Vandenbroeck, 
103. For permission to carry them at Ferpignan during feuds or bandositats, see Vidal 
368 ( = puguen portar dagua o coltell sens alguna pena). At Coventry in 1421 every 
hosteler is to warn his geastys to leave hur wepons within hur Innes, except a knight or a 
squire that may have a sword born aftur hym, Cov. Leet, i. 29; also in London, i 4 oo, 1416, 
Letter Book I, xxvm. 72, 160. Cf. Wylie, ii. 4, note r. For son cousteau a taillier pain, 
see Longnon, 3. 

3 Labroue, 119. 

5 ? Cr tar . amie c'Charrier, i. 187, where abnal is explained as "ancienne mesure." 
i.e. Monsieur de Duras. See p. 141, note 6. 

i.e. on Feb. 4 , 1413, Vaissete, iv. 453 ; called 1414 in Thalamus, 459 ; Vaissete (edn 
Mohmer), x. 1960. He was at Montpellier on Jan. 28, 1413 ; at Bezl^s Jan. 31, 1413 
(Charner, i i88), and arrived at Toulouse on -March 28, 1413 (Vaissete, x. 1963), where 
midsummer ' On W '5. Hi4, he was at Balma, near 

1.ttIr^ US r lf Uor P za fg ua tg e un tal d e i franc per fut, per paguar la buga (or vugas) in a 
former T hhT ""^ On ]m " * 8 ' ' 4 ' 5 ' and another dated FebTli. 141! in the 

10 He w-! t S r ^ lreS ^K m ney t0 be Sent to Sarlat within 8 da >' s ' Charrier i. 192, 
19,. He was at Sarlat on Feb. 5, 1415, ibid. i. 188. 

Pougezes, Charrier, i. 162, 164, 188, 189, 195. 
'Charrier, i. 198, Aug. ro, 1415. 
Ibid. i. 199, 70 i, Dec. 15, 1415. 

1 4 1 4] Routiers 1 45 

that had got abroad that the place was English 1 . At the 
same time the towns of Condom 2 , Port Ste. Marie, and 
others in the Agenais petitioned to be included in the same 
"sufferta 3 ." 

And during all this time the territorial lords on the whole 
of the fringe of the English possessions were constantly in a 
state of suspended allegiance, each fighting for his own hand 
with his pack of rentiers*, or paid pillagers, who took the 
right of marque 8 under a nominal obedience indifferently to 
the French or English king 6 with true Gascon instability*, 
according as either role offered the richer prospect of 
plunder 8 . But the people in the towns, to whom the 
notions of patriotism or nationality were alike unknown 9 , 
had the feeling that their chartered rights would on the 
whole be best preserved by siding with the more distant 
power 10 . These as a rule managed to go English, but in 
any case they usually had to pay their blood-money to one 
rule or the other and sometimes to both, if their houses, 
wine, corn, cattle, rye, or even the very boots, cloaks, capes 
and petticoats they had on 11 were to remain unplundered by 
the companies of raveners who roamed the country in the 
pay of the highest bidder. Typical evidence of the living 
facts of this unstable time may be gleaned from a perusal 
of the recently published records of Bergerac 12 and a further 
illustration may be found in the story of the town of Limeuil 13 
at the junction of the Dordogne and the Ve"zere. It had 

* Que la vila era Angleza, Charrier, i. 202, Jan. 7, 1416. 

2 For the diocese of Condom with archdeaconries and parishes, see Bellecombe, 106- 
117. For the seneschaussee of Condom, ibid. 147-159. 

3 For a letter from the Count of Armagnac, written at Gages near Rodez on Nov. 28, 
1415, asking that these places in the Agenais may be included in the sufferta, see Charrier, 
i. 181. 

4 Page 129, note 12. On May 15, 1416, the men of St Jean d'Angely decided to hire 
Spanish crossbowmen to protect them against "gens d'armes qui pillent et robbent le 
pays," Aussy, 28. 

5 "Prend marque," "le droit de marque," Labroue, Livre, 24. 

6 For les Anglais d'Angleterre und les Anglais de France, see ibid. 395. 

7 Telle est la nation des gascons; ils ne sont point estables, Froiss. Bk. iii. ch. 2 in 
Rouquette, 320; indifferent sur leur nationalite, ibid. 319; legiers de teste, Bouvier, 
Descript. 13, 42. 8 Labroue, Livre, 380, 389, 391. 

9 Lodge, 516; presque vides de sens, Rouquette, 166, 241, App. V. Cf. 1'idee 
de la patrie est toute moderne, Rocher, v. 386 ; le baronnage ne connaissait que le droit 
feodal, son horizon ne s'etendait guere au dela de ses domaines de sa province, ibid. 387. 

10 Baurein, iv. 233 ; qui les genait le moins, Rouquette, 240. 

11 Labroue, Livre, 10, 16. 

12 For the lords of Bergerac, see Labroue, Livre, 47-66. For brigandage at Bergerac, 
see ibid. ro. 

Ibid. 27. 

w, 10 

146 Aquitaine [CH. xi 

long been a brigands'-nest 1 when in 1405 Jean de Beaufort 
drove his father out of it and then went to Bordeaux with 
his father-in-law, Raymond de Montaut, Lord of Mussidan 2 , 
to ally himself with the English, with whose sanction he 
seized Brantome 3 which was only recovered by the French 
after a severe siege in I4o6 4 . In the same campaign they 
attacked Limeuil, which capitulated to them on Feb. 10, 
1406, but was recaptured by the English before Martinmas 
in the same year 6 , only to be again retaken for the French 
by the Constable d'Albret in 1409', when Jean de Beaufort 
was driven into banishment. After Agincourt he was still 
in the pay of the English 8 , but was assassinated on July 3, 

I420 9 . 

1 Labroue, Livre, 15, 221. 

a Jean de Beaufort had married Raymond's daughter Margaret, Anselme, vi. 320. 
Raymond died in 1406. For account of him, see Anselme, iv. 448; vi. 222, 321; 
Carte, Rolles, i. 154. For his widow, Mariota or Maria (Rym. ix. 409, 431), see Wylie, 
iii. 78 ; Ribadieu, Chateaux, 379, where she is Chatelaine de Vayres on the south bank 
of the Dordogne below Fronsac. For Mossenhor Amanio de Muyssida, see Labroue, 
Livre, 234, 407, 408, 410. 

3 Dessalles, ii. 400. 

4 Wylie, iii. 75, though Gauluet's muster to join in the attack is dated Aug. 25, 1405. 
See Guessard, 448. 

6 Wylie, iii. 76. 

6 Labroue, Livre, 218, though not admitted in Dessalles, ii. 398. 

7 Together with Bigaroque (otherwise called Roc), near Tremolat, Labroue, Livre, 224. 

8 For 200 crowns paid to Jean, Lord of Gramont (sic), Mussidan and Blaye, see 
Exch. Accts. 1 86/1, Nov. 13, 1416. For his seal (a lion rampant on a shield surmounted 
by a helmet with branched plume), ibid. 186/3, J an - 8> I 4 I 5- 

9 Anselme, v. 330. 



DURING the first year of the new reign large sums of 
money had been paid into the Treasury by the numerous 
insurgents and traitors who had sued for pardon in accord- 
ance with the promises of the recent proclamation 1 , as well 
as by absentee owners of land in Wales and Ireland, to 
prevent the confiscation of their property, and double fees 
had been exacted 2 for the re-issue or confirmation of grants. 
The whole of these incomings however had to be appro- 
priated for the king's use and other sources had to be found 
to meet the charges required for the resumption of hostilities 
against the French. The Londoners were all for fight ; 
the Lombards 3 and the citizens were ready to accommodate 
with loans 4 ; and the bishops, abbots, and wealthy laymen 
also responded readily to appeals. On July 7, 1413, ^2000 
was lent by Richard Whitington 5 and a few clays afterwards 
,1000 by John Hende 6 , and ,2000 by the London citizens 
collectively 7 . Bishop Beaufort lent ^1333. 65. 8^., while 

1 PageS. 

2 Usk, 120. 

3 For .400 repaid to Bernerdyn Lombard, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 24, 


4 Regi succursum plebs animosa dedit, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 104. 

6 He was still Mayor of the Staple at Calais, Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 7, 1413, 
when he lent ^2000 which was repaid on Nov. 15, 1413. For ^"rooo paid to him, see 
Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 7, 1413. Oman (Pol. Hist. 205) thinks that Henry was 
so penniless " that he borrowed ^6000 from Whittington," etc. 

6 Rec. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 14, 17, 1413, which was repaid on July 24 and 
Sept. 1 8, 1413, Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch. In Glaus. 6 H. V, 13, Nov. i, 1418, John 
Hende is dead, but his widow Elizabeth survives owning tenements with shop, solar, 
seler, etc. given to her by Adam Francis, kt. (Wylie, iii. 286, note 4), though there is no 
mention of this in his will, Sharpe, ii. 171. 

7 Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 24, 1413, where the Mayor is called John Waldern, 
but his real name was William (Letter Book I, 108) and he is so called in Rec. Roll 
i H. V, Mich., Oct. 27, 1413. The money was repaid on July 24, 1413; see Iss. Roll 
i H. V, Pasch. 

10 2 

Preparations [CH. xn 

other bishops and abbots and many laymen came forward 
with various temporary loans 1 , most of which were repaid 
before 3 months were out 2 . 

But indeed the young king needed no extra spur in the 
direction of fight, and the return of his brother from Bor- 
deaux marks a turning point in the whole policy of England. 
As Prince of Wales he had accepted presents from the 
party of the Duke of Burgundy 3 and had steadily favoured 
negotiations with him 4 ; but his father had formed an 
alliance with the Orleanists a year before his death, under 
a promise on their part that the old limits of Aquitaine 
should be restored and that Normandy should return to 
the English allegiance, which it had renounced since the 
days of King John 5 . In this policy the son had seemed 
to acquiesce 6 , though at the very same moment he was 
corresponding in terms of perfect friendship with the Duke 
of Burgundy 7 . We have already seen 8 how King Henry IV 
sent an immense English force to help the Orleanists in 
1412 only to find himself thrown over by them and fooled 
with promises of impossible compensation, and so the new 
king had stepped into a field of action ready made to his 
taste. His father's policy was discredited and the Orleanist 
alliance was naturally abandoned. He had told his Parlia- 
ment that he would foster foreign friends and fight foreign 
foes 9 , and it could be no secret which were the friends he 
meant to foster and the foes he meant to fight. 

1 e.g. Bishop Bubwith, Hugh Lord Burnell, and Sir Thomas Brook (Wylie, iii. 293) 
each lent 333. 6s. &/.; the Bishops of Ely, Lincoln and Worcester, 200 each; the 
Bishops of Chichester and Exeter, 133. 6s. 6d. each ; the Bishops of Chester, Hereford 
and London, jioo each; besides various sums from the Abbots of St Albans and Bury 
St Edmunds (100 each), Glastonbuiy and Waltham (63. 135. 4^.). For 160 ad- 
vanced by the Earl of Arundel, see Rec. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 14, 1413. 

2 e.g. Aug. 14, Sept. 18, 1413, Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., Mich., Tan. 23, 1414. 
1 Exch. Accts. 45/22 (2). 

4 Vita, 10 ; Tit. Liv. 4 ; Juv. 497, who represents that in 1414 the King and the 
Duke of Bedford favoured the Burgundians, while the Dukes of Clarence, Gloucester and 
York inclined to the Armagnacs. Cf. Michelet, vi. o; Wvlie, iv. 80 

5 Wals. Hypodig. 4. 

6 For a letter from the Earl of Arundel to the Duke of Burgundy, dated May 31, 


1412, excusing himself for supporting the Armagnacs on the ground that he did so 
command of the King and the Prince of Wales, see Beaucourt, i. 252. 

'- r JrL i"/ , the Duke of Bur g und y dated from " Schafort" (? Hertford), May 22, 
1412, with the Dukes reply dated from before Bourges (June 14, 1412), in which he ex- 
Tante bonne et parfaite amictie en especial avec vous and urges a marriage 
With hi. daughter Anne (Wylie, iv. 36, 64), see BeWourt, i. 132, quoting Moreau, 1424, 

5 Wylie, iv. ch. xcm. 
9 Page 24. 

1413] Envoys 149 

On May 10, 1413', a passport had been issued for 
William Boumyer 2 , governor of the Duke of Burgundy's 
great city of Arras, to come to England and confer. A 
month later 3 Master Ralph Lemaire 4 , Provost of St Dona- 
tian's at Bruges and Chancellor of Flanders 5 , crossed over 
for a similar purpose. Both these envoys landed at Dover 
about June 19, and arrived at Canterbury just after the king 
had paid his ceremonial visit to his father's tomb as described 
in a previous chapter 6 . They stayed at Canterbury till 
June 26\ and when the Council met at Sutton on June 29* 
four notable Englishmen of the highest rank had been selected 
to negotiate for an alliance with the Duke of Burgundy. 
These were Henry Chichele Bishop of St Davids 9 , Richard 
Beauchamp Earl of Warwick 10 , William Lord Zouche of 
Harringworth, Lieutenant of Calais 11 , and Henry Lord 
Scrope of Masham 12 . Their commission was dated July 14, 
I4I3 13 ; they left London on July 29 or 30, crossed direct 
to Calais, where they met the Duke's representatives on 
Sept. 28 14 , and were not back in England again till the middle 

1 Fr. Roll i H. V, 37; Rym. ix. 7; Rapin, Acta Regia, ii. 122. 

2 Or Bonmyer ; not Boninger, as Carte, Rolles, ii. 207. 

8 June 13, 14, 1413, Rym. ix. 27; Carte, Rolles, ii. 207; called June 4, 1413, in 
Coussemaker, 176. 

4 Or Major, Rym. ix. 56. He left Paris during the Cabochian Terror in May, 
1413 (Monstr. ii. 362), where he seems to be an Armagnac. He was sent as an envoy to 
Tournai in November and December, 1417, and on April 5, 1418, Vandenbroeck, 143, 
147, 149, 160. 

s Fr. Roll i H. V, 4. 

6 Page 47. 

7 Page 91, note 2. For their expenses (.15. 8s. o#.) at Dover and Canterbury, 
June 19 to 26, 1413, see Exch. Accts. 406/21, 2, where they are called ambassadors of 
France, ex parte ducis Burgundie. For i6s. 8d. paid to John Vowe, of London, for 
damage to his house and vessels while entertaining the King's familia who were waiting 
for extranet ducis Burgundie^ see Exch. Accts. 406/21, 30. 

8 Page 49. 

9 Called De Buscop van Zinte Dauyds, de grave van waerwyc ende eenen rudder 
(ritter) gheheeten de heere Scroupe, Gilliodts van Severen, iv. 255. 

10 For pardon to him of all debts etc., dated May 27, 1413, see Pat. i H. V, i. 24. 

11 Carte, Rolles, ii. 210; page 40, note i. 

12 Not Richard, as Croyl. 500; nor Thomas, as T- S. Fletcher, i. 126. He is called 
Scrob or Scroub in Strecche, 265, 266 ; not " Stroul or " Srool," as Waurin, i. 179 ; nor 
" Scroph," as Mezeray, ii. 565; nor " le Schrof," as Coussemaker, 176; nor Robert 
Scrooph, as Mazas, Vies, v. 554, 569. In Rot. Parl. iv. 64 he is called le Scrop de 
Masham de Faxflete ; not " Faxflot, 51 as Stow, 346. Cf. Wylie, iii. 284, note 5. In 
Ad Quod Damn. 373, he is dominus de Masham (not " Marsham," as Sandford, 279 ; 
nor " Mersham," as Church, 65), and his lands include the Manor of Upsall. Cf. Wylie, 
ii. 198, note T. 

13 Rym. ix. 34, 57 ; Carte, Rolles, ii. 208 ; Rapin, i. 506 ; Acta Regia, ii. 123 ; 
Goodwin, 13; Ramsay, i. 170; Coussemaker, 176. 

14 Ibid. r77, from Archives du Nord. 

I50 Preparations [CH. xn 

of October 1 . They were empowered to redress infringements 
of the truce with Flanders, as to which they entered into an 
agreement with envoys of the Duke of Burgundy at Calais 
on Oct. 7, Hi3 2 , and they were also to approach the King of 
France 3 , offering to meet any envoys whom he might appoint 
with a view to securing a more friendly understanding 4 . 

For already the old provocations were in full blast 5 . 
On July 14, 14 1 3 6 , the levies of Hampshire and the Isle 
of Wight were called upon to be in readiness to repel 
an expected invasion by the French, but instead of 
waiting for invasion three English armed barges under 
Richard Hawkwood 7 put across the Channel in the same 

1 Rym. ix. 56; Dumont, n. i. 359. For payments to Bishop Chichele (86. \y. 4^., 
July 29 to Oct. 16, 1413), to the Earl of Warwick (121. 3^. o</., July 22 to Oct. 14, 
1413), and Henry, Lord Le Scrope C6 4 , from July 30 to Oct. 20, 1413), see Iss. Roll 
i H. V, Mich., Nov. 15, 1413. Exch. Accts. 321/14 shows that Scrope left London on 
July 30, 1413, on a journey to Calais and Lollingham (i.e. Leulinghen. Cf. Wylie, i. 205, 
note 2 ; Hi. 290, note 10 ; called Loulynghm in Cotton MS. Tiberius, B. 12, f. 50 ; 
Lelingueham, St Denys, ii. 74; Leulinghem, Coussemaker, no; see Harbaville, ii. 66; 
Johanne, Nord, 76) with other ambassadors, to treat with ambassadors of France and 
Flanders for continuation of the truce made temp. H. IV. Scrope had already received 
jii2 for his expenses to Lollingham and back, Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 17, 1413, 
which also shows ^"186. 13*. ^d, each to Bishop Chichele and the Earl of Warwick, and 
^56 apiece to Richard Holme and Ralph Greenhurst (see page 91, note i) in their 
company (comitiva) respectively, going to Lollyngham to meet ambassadors of the King 
of France for continuation of the truce. Scrope afterwards received ^176 more, his 
suite (familia) returning in company with the Earl of Warwick on Oct. 20, 1413 ; 
Ramsay, i. 171; Mirot-Deprez, Ixi. 25. In Add. MS. 24062, f. 150 b is an undated 
letter from King Henry to Charles, King of France, referring to the expiration of the 
treaty on Jan. i last and suggesting a conference as to repairing injuries done on both 
sides since that date. The bearer of the letter is called " G. roy d'armes." 

8 For the original of this agreement with portions of the seals of the Bp. of St Davids, 
Wm Lord Zouche and Richard Holme, see Sotheby, Catalogue of Phillipps MSS-, 
April 26, 1911, p. 90, lot 531; Coussemaker, 177, from Archives du Nord, B. 562. 
The Flemish ambassadors are Willelmus Castellanus Furnensis (i.e. the Chatelain of 
Furnes) and Thierry Gherbode ; cf. Morosini, i. 189, note ; Wylie, ii. 100, note i. For 
account of Gherbode, see Coussemaker, 27-39, showing that he died Jan. 14, 1421, and 
is buried at Werwicq, near Ypres. For analysis of his correspondence in the Archives 
at Lille, from 1385-1420, see Coussemaker, passim ; Finot, Paix, 4. 

3 Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 130. 4 Rym. ix. 38. 

6 St Denys, v. 285. 6 Pat> l H> v> iL r dors< 

7 Or Hakewood, Pat. i H. V, iii. 19, July 26, 1413. He was probably a connection 
of the great Sir John Hawkwood, who died March 16, 1394 (Morant, ii. 288 ; Diet. 
Nat. Biogr. xxv. 241), though I have not found any actual proof of this. For Sir John 
Hawkwood's son, John, born in Italy (called Giovanni Augud junior), see Temple- 
Leader, 303, 309, 361. He was naturalised as an Englishman, Nov. 3, 1407, Cal. Pat. 
H. IV, iii. 276. For John Hawkewode who served as a man-of-arms in the muster of 
puke Humphrey at Agincourt, see Wylie, Notes, 127. For fresco of John Hawkwood 
m the Cathedral at Florence (Joannes Acutus), painted by Paolo Uccello in 1436, see 
Ynarte, Condottiere, 104, 113; Marcotti, Frontispiece; Temple-Leader, do., 292, 294, 
296; Bibl. Top. Britt. vi. 44 ; Venturi, Storia, vii (i), 336. It was originally painted 

boye the place where the tomb was to be erected, but was transferred to canvas and set 
up in its present position at the west end of the church, circ. 1845, Temple-Leader, 206. 
He was variously called Haccoude (Froissart), Augut, Augud, Haukkodue or Hauto, 

lorant, u. 288; Temple-Leader, 293, 294, 303; or Haukwode, Gaunt Reg. ii. 299; 

1413] Trdport 151 

month 1 . The force landed and burnt St Aubin 2 , which 
was strongly held by the one-eyed Burgundian leader 
Robert de la Heuse 3 , who sallied out against them. They 
however drove him back into the town but lost their 
leader 4 in the skirmish. On Aug. 14* they made a dash 
to capture Dieppe 6 but were again baffled, though they 
afterwards succeeded in effecting a landing at Treport, 
where they plundered the Abbey of St Michael 7 and slew 
many of the monks. After this they over-ran the country 
for 10 miles round 8 , burning many villages and carrying 
batches of prisoners back to England. 

These irritating incidents were still in the making when 
the four above-named English envoys set out on their 
mission of peace, but though they went through the form 
of negotiating with the French at Leulinghen there was 
apparently little heart in the business, and there is evidence 
that other negotiations on " certain secret articles and 
matters " had been proceeding with representatives of the 
Duke of Burgundy 9 at the same time and place, while in 
Paris it was believed that an actual alliance had been already 
concluded between the English and the Duke 10 , who held 

not Haakwood, as Monmer, i, 30. For his tomb at Sible Hedingham, his native place, 
to which his body was removed, see Temple-Leader, 307 ; Bibl. Top. Britt vi. Frontis- 
piece. For account of Paolo Uccello (1396-1479), see Yriarte, Florence, 313, who 
gives the Sant Egidio picture; Venturi, Storia, vii (r), 332. 

1 Monstr. ii. 376; Le Fevre, i. 88; Duchesne, 819; Goodwin, 4; Guthrie, ii. 448. 

2 Ronciere, ii. 213 (from Chartres Royales MS. fr. 25709, f. 697 in Bibl. Nat.), dates 
this after July 1415, but it seems to fit in better here. 

3 Cagny, 79 ; or le Borgne, Anselme, vii. 756, where he is Lord of Vantes and Castellan 
of Bellencombre, near Dieppe. For his seal (1387), see Demay, Invent, i. 493. He 
had been appointed Provost of Paris on March 21, 1413, being then absent in Picardy, 
Bourgeois, 616; Pannier, 393; Wylie, ii. 300, note 2. He returned to Paris on Aug. 9, 
1414, but on the fall of the Cabochians in the same month, he was deposed in favour 
of the Armagnac, Tanneguy du Chastel, Bourgeois, 617. For La Heuse on the Roll of 
Battle Abbey, see Brut, ii. 537. For arms of the Lords of La Heuse, near Longueville 
(Seine Inf.), see Sarrazin, Jeanne d'Arc, 134. 

4 Called miles famosus de genere regis, St Denys, v. 68 ; Juv. 480. 
8 F. Bouquet, ii. 15. 

6 For a sixteenth century plan of Dieppe, see Belleforest, Cosmogr. ii. 106. For 
pictures of the castle and the church of St Jacques, see D. Turner, i. 1 1 ; Cotman and 
Turner, i. 35 ; Bordeaux, I. i. 59, 60. 

7 For the Abbey, see Gall. Christ, xi. 244 ; Coquelin, passim. 

8 G. Dupont, 507; Coville, Recherches, 392, from MS. fr. 25709, f. 671. 

9 For payment to Richard Norton, messenger, sent to Calais with passports for 
Waleran, Count of St Pol, and John Bishop of Tournai (i.e. Jean de Thoisy, from 1410 
till his death, June 2, 1433, Gams, 251; Eubel, i. 517), to meet/with "our ambassadors," 
see Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 7, 1413. For commission of Count Waleran and the 
Bishop of Tournai, dated Aug. 22, 1413, i.e. the day before the Duke of Burgundy's 
flight from Paris, see Rym. ix. 58. 

10 Juv. 478. In Cochon, 273, the Duke is supposed to have met King Henry in 

152 Preparations [CH. xn 

at that time the dominating influence in the capital. But 
on Aug. 23, 1413, the Duke of Burgundy fled from Paris, 
and on Sept. 15 the English envoys met him at Bruges 1 
and remained there with an escort of 200 mounted men at 
his expense till Sept. 19*. On Thursday, Oct. 19*, some 
of them had another interview with him at Lille 4 , at which 
it was proposed that the English king 5 should marry one 
of the Duke's daughters, receiving with her the fortresses 
of Cherbourg, Le Crotoy and Caen 6 , but the arrival of 
envoys from Paris 7 on Nov. 5 put an end to this project, 
and on Nov. 16, 1413, the Duke denied that he had ever 
entertained it 8 . This however did not interrupt his friendly 
intercourse, for an esquire whose name appears as William 
Rabek 9 was certainly in London as an ambassador on his 
behalf during the ensuing winter, while on Nov. 25, I4I3 10 , 
special protection was extended to the wine-ships on their 
way to Flanders, and on Jan. 29, 1414, passports were 
issued for the Duke's representatives 11 to cross and hold 
personal interviews with the English king, as a result of 
which it was arranged that claims arising out of breaches 
of the truce between England and Flanders would be 
favourably considered if presented at Calais before May 15, 
I 4 i 4 12 . 

person at Calais (Kartts) et la firent leur apointement et aliances ensembles, which is a 
confusion with the events of 1416. 

1 Barante, Hi. 83; Gilliodts van Severen, Invent, iv. 255. 

The Duke of Burgundy's total expenses for the year amounted to 15,008. 2j. 6d.. 
including 710. icw. ;</., the cost of the English envoys' journey from Calais and back, 
Itm. 401, 402, 403. 
3 Ibid. 402, 403. 

< Monstr. 293; Le Fevre, i. 118, 120; J. Mayer, 241; Duchesne, 820; Duck, 35. 
Or one of his brothers, John or Humphrey, according to Brando, 160. 
D. Sauvage 223. St Denys (v. 353) adds Chinon in Touraine, at the junction of 
the Vienne and the Loire. Chinon and Le Crotoy were in the hands of the Duke 

e u 

of Burgundy in 1414 but were to be delivered up to the French King by the Treaty 
Arras (Sept. 4 , 1414), Monstr. 345 St Denys, v. 386, 388, 422 

. 4 , 1414, onstr. 345 t Denys, v. 386, 388, 422 

ii. 412 -uVfvre ? 2 EVrCUX ' ^ Admiral f France and others > Itin ' 43 J Mons tr- 
DS ' 5 11 NOV * * 6 in Barante ' Hi - 9i. For visit of the Duke of 

,** ' H " v> jich " Jan - *'' Feb - '* " "" 

| Carte, Rolles, ii. 209; Rym. ix. 7,. 

1413] Jean de Montreuil 153 

But at this stage it is of more lasting interest to follow 
the course of King Henry's four negotiators in regard to the 
policy of France. A truce at the moment existed between 
the two countries that would expire on Dec. 31, 1413, and 
on the very day before the Duke of Burgundy fled from 
Paris, commissioners had been appointed 1 to meet the 
English envoys and discuss the prospects of the future. 
These made their way at once to Boulogne and held 
repeated conferences with Bishop Chichele and his col- 
leagues at Leulinghen from Sept. i, 141 3 2 , onwards. 
The conversations were carried on in Latin and the 
documents were subsequently drafted in the same language, 
though the Frenchmen protested that this should not be 
taken as a precedent for ousting French from its accustomed 
place in diplomacy. The French were requested to take note 
that their king would have to make good all breaches of the 
truce made with Richard II in I396 3 , while the English 
would be willing on their part to do the like. To this the 
French replied that their instructions did not refer to the 
truce of 1396 but to those made during the reign of 
Henry IV, especially in regard to the capture of Balinghem 
in the previous year 4 . 

The English then reopened all the ancient history about 
the claims of Edward 1 1 1 to the French crown in right of 
his mother Isabel, to which the French returned a learned 
and sufficient reply, taking their ammunition from a treatise 
drawn up some 12 years before 5 when the French king had 
deliberately challenged the claim by granting the Duchy of 
Guienne to his son and heir as a preliminary to a coming 
attack on Aquitaine. This manifesto had been originally 
put forward in the name of some members of the Univer- 
sity of Paris 6 , but it was actually composed by the learned 
humanist, Jean de Montreuil 7 , who had had a large experi- 
ence of public affairs as secretary to the French king, the 

1 For their appointment, Aug. 22, 1413, see Rym. ix. 58. 

2 Report on Fcedera, App. D. 76. 

3 Wylie, i. 84. * Ibid. iv. 72. 

5 i.e. in 1402, ibid. i. 155; not in 1410, as Thomas, 25. In Anselme, ii. 522, the 
grant is dated Jan. 14, 1400. 

6 A. Thomas, 24. 

7 For letters of Salutato to him, dated July 2, 1395, July 14, 1396, see Salutati, iii. 
71, 143, who addresses him as vir insignis in cunctisque venerationis honoribus excolende; 
see also Wylie, iii. 24 n., 25 n., 88 n., 99 n., 340 n. 

154 Preparations [CH. xn 

Dauphin and the Dukes of Berry, Burgundy and Orleans 1 , 
and in the course of his many travels had visited our country 
in I394 2 . This famous treatise is still preserved in the 
National Library in Paris 3 , and it formed the basis of all 
subsequent agitations 4 down to the time when we were 
finally expelled from France. It challenged the right of 
the English kings to be Dukes of Aquitaine, and therefore 
every step in the negotiations of Bre"tigny and Calais, justi- 
fying the action of Charles V with all that followed from it, 
and from the Frenchman's point of view it showed up the 
baselessness of Edward Ill's claim, relying on much erudite 
pedantry about Pharamond and the Salic law 5 to establish 
the female bar 6 . The English on their side worked on 
such evidence as they found in certain " most beautiful and 
notable books" which they brought with them to the 
meeting 7 . Then the question turned on the treaty signed 
at Br^tigny in 1360", by which it was claimed that the 
French should deliver up some lands in Guienne and 
elsewhere if the English withdrew their garrisons from 
certain places not claimed as ever having belonged to the 
English crown, and then both sides went seriously to work 

1 A. Thomas, 7. 

2 Wylie, ii. 389. 

3 Bibl. Nat. MS. fr. 21381 ; Thomas, 23. It was rewritten in Latin by its author in 
the autumn of 1415, and dedicated to Jean de Thoisy, Bishop of Tournai (Bibl. Nat. 
MS. 10920, 10921, 18337; Thomas, 19), when the English army was marching from 
Harfleur to Agincourt, and again in French in the following year (i.e. Sept. 24, 1416, 
Thomas, 22, from MS. Vat. Reg. 894; Champion, Chron. Mart. p. x, who quotes 
G. Corrozet, Tresor des Histoires de France (1603), p. 120; Chronique Martiniane, 
Vol. ii), when there was hope of getting help from King Sigismund. See also Grude, 
i. 556 ; Paquot, ii. 263. 

* e.g. by Juvenal des Ursins in I445 , Bibl. Nat. MS. fr. 17512; Thomas, 28; by 
Robert Blondel in his Oratio Historialis in 1458 ; Blondel, I. 164, 235 ; ji. p. xiii ; do. 
^es Droits de la Couronne de France, I. 295 ; and by an unknown writer in 1463, 
Thomas, 29. 

5 Loy salique, lex salica, Thomas, 25. For treatise of Bishop Beckington in refutation 
of the Salic Law, see Collinson, iii. 384, written while he was Dean of the Court of 
Arches, which office he certainly held when he was present at the trial of Wm Taylor 
e hostry of the Black Friars on Feb. ii, 1423, Cone. iii. 407 ; Bekynton, I. p. xx; 
though in Hennessy (312) he is supposed to have been appointed in 1430. For his 
admission as one of Wickham's scholars at Winchester in 1403 or 1404, see Bekynton, 
I. xvi, cxvm. For his clerical appointments, see Hennessy, xxxiv. For his collection 
of documents bearing on the claim of the English kings to the crown of France (i.e. 

s Henry V, i, 2, 42. 

hwT! 1Z i leS ir Anglois P rten ^cmmunement avecques eulx quant ils doyvent as- 
Maistre Teh* B 9 1S P ur ' rai( r ter > Thomas, 20, referring to chronicles written by 
s Vi ' ^ gmnt hlStolrien des An g loiz (P- *6)," i.e. probably the Brut. 

Vita 8 

Salic Law 155 

quoting historical evidence to prove that the terms of the 
treaty had never been fully carried out, each party blaming 
the other for the non-fulfilment of the conditions. 

Thus nothing could be concluded but another patchwork 
truce for the district lying between Nieuport and the mouth 
of the Somme, which was agreed to on Sept. 25', to last for 
8 months, i.e. from Oct. i, 1413, till June i, 1414*, while a 
further general truce was accorded on Oct. i6 3 to last till 
the following Easter 4 . The English wished each side to be 
allowed to help its own allies, but the French objected and 
were only pacified when two separate copies were drawn 
up, one containing such a clause and the other omitting it, 
the question in dispute being reserved for final confirmation 
at Boulogne and Calais respectively by Nov. i 5 . On Oct. 8, 
1413^ passports were issued for Guillaume Boisratier 7 , 
Archbishop of Bourges 8 , and the Gascon Charles d'Albret 9 , 
Constable of France 10 , to cross to England and confer 

1 Goodwin, 14, from Bishop Beckington's Register, Cotton MS. Tiberius, B. 12, f. 48; 
Sismondi, xii. 399 ; Spencer, 29. 

2 Rym. ix. 58 ; Report on Feed. App. D. 77. For confirmation dated Oct. 16, 21, 
1413, see Carte, Rolles, ii. 209; Rym. ix. 68. For payments to messengers for pro- 
claiming it at Calais, see Devon, 325, Oct. 17, 1413. It was further confirmed by the 
Bishop of Durham and the Archbishop of Bourges on Jan. 29, 1414 (Carte, Rolles, ii. 
21 1), and proclaimed on Jan. 31, 1414 (ibid. 212). 

3 Fr. Roll i H. V, 19, 20. 

4 Monstr. ii. 391; Le Fevre, i. 105; Isambert, vii. 408. 

5 Report on Feed. App. D. 77. 

6 Rym. ix. 60 ; Carte, Rolles, ii. 209 ; Fr. Roll I H. V, 22, where the safe-conduct is 
for John, Archbishop of Sens. 

* Waurin, ii. 169. He attended as a member of the Council in Paris in Jan. and 
Feb. 1413, and on May 24, 26, Aug. 3, Sept. 5, 18, 1413, Bibl. de 1'Ec. des Charles, 
vi. 288; Baye, 115, 129, 140; Ordonnances, x. 70, 140; St Denys, v. 168; Rym. ix. 55. 
He was confessor to Queen Isabel (Monstr. ii. 353; D. Sauvage, 215 ; Paradin, 565), and 
had been marked down for vengeance by the Cabochians in May 1413, Le Fevre, i. 81. 
He was Chancellor to the Duke of Berry (Mazas, Vies, v. 562, who quotes Thaumas de 
la Thaumassiere, Bk. iv, for statement that he was a native of Bourges). 

8 Not Thomas, Archbishop of Bruges, as Church, 55. He had previously been 
Bishop of Mende in the Cevennes, but had been translated to Bourges on May 12, 1409, 
Gall. Christ, i. 101 ; ii. 86, 87; Gams, 524 (not 1410 nor Oct. 21, 1408, as Thaumas, 
ii. 87, 102), but did not actually enter into possession till May 18, 1410, on his return 
from the Council of Pisa. He held the archbishopric till his death on July 19, 1421, 
Gall. Christ, ii. 87 ; Ordonnances, x. 27, 140. For his epitaph in the Cathedral at 
Bourges, see Thaumas, ii. 87. For his chapel there with fragments of a window, see 
E. Beaurepaire, Vitraux, 24. 

9 He was Lord of Labrit or Lebret in the Landes, called La Byrt in Tit. Liv. 14 ; 
Vita, 54 ; or LaBritte, Rym. ix. 188. See Wylie, ii. 319, note 10. Cf. Et pour d'Alebret le 
bon Charles, Thomassy, 171; dum in Anglia legationis regis Franciae officio fungeretur, 
St Denys, v. 534. 

10 Appointed Feb. 7, 1403, Anselme, vi. 207 ; not 1402, as Thibault, 314 ; deprived 
by the Cabochians in 1413, St Denys, v. 64, but restored in the same year, ibid. v. 158 ; 
Monstr. ii. 403; Le Fevre, i. 78, 80, 109; Fenin, 35; Perrens, ii. 245. For disputes 
about the office between him and the Burgundian, Waleran Count of St Pol, see Fenin, 

Preparations [CH. xn 

further Their commission was made out in Paris on 
Nov. n, HI3 1 ; they reached England on Dec 6 2 , but 
they do not appear to have arrived in London till 
They were lodged in Bishop Langley's hostel 4 and had 
an audience with the king in person at Westminster. On 
Jan. 10, 1414*, Bishop Langley and the Earl of Warwick 
were appointed to treat with them, and on Jan. 23', fresh 
safe-conducts were issued for them to last till the end 
of February. On Jan, 24* an understanding was arrived 
at to recommend a truce for 12 months from Feb. 2, I4I4 8 , 
and an English herald 9 was sent over to Paris to discuss 
claims for breaches committed in the past. The English 
wished the treaty to be drawn up in Latin as the most 
convenient language for all, but the visitors held out for 
French as had been the custom with their forefathers 10 . 
Not to fall out over words it was arranged that the docu- 
ment should be engrossed 11 both in French and Latin in 
parallel columns, and as it was hoped that it would be 
binding on the allies of both parties, viz. the Emperor 

1 Rym. ix. 70. 

2 Their expenses in England date from Dec. 6, 1413, Rym. ix. 188. 

3 Chron. Lond. 97 ; not October, as Rapin, i. 506. 

4 In Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., May 18, 1415, is an entry of ,15. 17*. 4^. for sheep 
bought for expenses of Ix>rd de Brett and other ambassadors hospitat' in hostel of the 
Bishop of Durham ; also 6s. 8</. paid to John Brom sent in all haste to John Wilcotes, kt., 
assigned to order and provide for ambassadors of the King of France until they come to 
the King's presence. For John Brome, garcio of King's chamber at Harfleur, see ibid. 
Sept. i, 1415. For a horse and money left to him in the King's will at Southampton, 
see Rym. ix. 291. 

5 Rym. ix. 88; Carte, Rolles, ii. 210. There is no evidence that Marshal Boucicaut 
was with them, as supposed in Mazas, Vies, v. 510, 557. 

8 Rym. ix. 90 ; Carte, Rolles, ii. 210. 

7 Rym. ix. 91, 101, 102, no, 198, 206, 224, 226; Dumont, II. ii. 4; Rapin, Acta 
Regia, ii. 125; Goodwin, 35; Caro, Kanzlei, 117; Mirot, Fusoris, 146. For reference 
(April 29, 1414) to two letters in the Exchequer (cf. Kal. and Inv. ii. 216) recording 
truce with France for i year from Feb. 1414, see Delpit, 216. 

8 St Denys, v. 280. Copies were deposited in the Treasury at Westminster on 
April 29, 1414, Kal. and Inv. ii. 9. For order dated Jan. 29, 1414, to proclaim the 
truce in Aquitaine, see Rot. Vase, i H. V, i. In Exch. Accts. 186/2, April 30, 1414, 
the Earl of Dorset orders 7 crowns to be paid to 2 clerks for copying the truce (les 
treves), and 6 crowns to a herald for proclaiming it, with i crown to the trompettes and 
payments to sergeants-at-arms going to all the garrisons to announce it. 

9 Called G king of arms in Henry's undated letter to the King of France (Add. 

MS. 24062, f. 150), in which he admits that his subjects have violated the truce with 
France made during his father's time, but which expired on Jan. i last. 

10 Cf. non latino quod a nostris jam Galliarum curiis repudiatum est. Neque enim aut 
principes nostri aut hii qui cancellis eorum praesunt latinae quippiam eloquentia didicerunt 
etc., Clamenges, Epist. p. 58; see Wylie, i. 440; ii. 390; iii. 21. For Latin as " the most 
stedfaste langage," see Secreta, 146. 

For wages of scribes at $d. per day, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., Mich., July 14, 
1413, Feb. 22, 1414. For ^5 paid clericis scribentibus rotulos scaccarii, see Exch. Rolls 
Scot. iv. 2S8, 289, 309. 

1414] "By JVay of Marriage" 157 

Sigismund, King Wenzel, the Kings of Aragon, Castile, 
Navarre, Portugal, Denmark and Scotland, the Dukes of 
Brabant and Gueldres, Duke Louis of Bavaria, the Count 
of Holland and the Doge of Genoa, it looked as if at last 
a long spell of peace was really about to settle over Europe 
both by land and sea. 

On Jan. 28, I4H 1 , Henry Lord Scrope 2 , Hugh Mortimer 3 , 
and Master Henry Ware 4 were about to cross the Channel 
in company with the French envoys to continue negotia- 
tions in Paris, taking with them copies of previous treaties 
for reference 5 , but they do not appear to have started till a 
fortnight later. On Jan. 29, 14 14 6 , orders were given to 
charter ships at Southampton, Poole, Weymouth, and the 
Camber at Rye 7 to convey the French envoys back, and 
in the middle of February 8 further directions were given 
to provide horses 9 and shipping 10 for their voyage either 
by way of Dover, Southampton, Poole, Weymouth, or 
Melcombe. At length the whole party, both Englishmen 
and Frenchmen, reached Paris, which they entered on 
March 4, 14 14", where the truce was ratified on March 10 
following 12 . 

Acting on the long prevalent belief that a lasting peace 
between the two countries could only be secured " by way 

I Rym. ix. 102 ; Carte, Rolles, ii. 211. 

8 He was absent from Jan. 29 to May 4, 1414, Ramsay, i. 173 from Enrolled House- 
hold Accts. 

3 Wylie, iv. 498. On March 21, 1413, he was appointed a Justice of the Peace for 
Buckinghamshire and Worcestershire, Pat. i H. V, i. 34 d ; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 416, 425. 
For Thomas Mortimer, esquire, sheriff and escheator of Northants and Rutland in 1413, 
see Rec. Roll i H. V, Pasch., Mich., May 4, Oct. 2, 1413. On July 12, 1414, Thomas 
Mortimer is commissioned together with Ralph Green and others to enquire into claims 
of men of Benyfeld (i.e. Benefield, near Oundle), Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 39 d. 

4 For Henry Ware's account going to Paris in the company of Henry le Scrop, from 
Feb. 2 to May 2, 1414, in a ffarescost de Gales, see Exch. Accts. 321/15 ; Mirot-Deprez, 
Ixi. 26. For payments of ^"100 each to Scrope and Mortimer, and ^"50 to Ware for 
embassy to France, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Jan. 25, 1414. 

5 For payment of 6s. 8d. each to 5 scribes in the Privy Seal Office for copying them 
out, see Devon, 331, Feb. 10, 1414. They are called "old truces with foreign countries" 
in Hoccleve, Min. Po. Ix. 

6 Rym. ix. 104; Pat. i H. V, v. 24 d. 

7 Wylie, ii. 104. For la Caumbre or Cambre at Rye, see Bree, i;>, 174, i;6; 
Oppenheim, Accts. 31. For position of it, see Burrows, 195. 

8 F r .1634. os. ii^d. paid for expenses of the French envoys from Dec. 6, 1413, to 
Feb. 13, 1414, see Rym. ix. 188. 

9 For order for horses to convey the French ambassadors from London to Dover or 
Southampton, see Pat. i H. V, v. 29 d, Jan. 23, 1414. 

10 For payment for ships and sailors, including the Great Marie de la Tour which 
would afterwards proceed to La Rochelle, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Jan. 27, 1414 ; 
Devon, 327. 

II St Denys, v. 228. l ' 2 Rym. ix. 119, 

Preparations [CH. xn 

of marriage 1 ," the English envoys were empowered to 
arrange a match between King Henry and the French 
King's youngest daughter Catherine, who was now nearly 
12 years of age 2 . On August 31" of the preceding year, 
the Duke of York 4 had arrived in Paris from Bordeaux 
to broach this same marriage question, though many people 
thought that he had really come to report on the divisions 
that were distracting the lords of France 5 . The French 
king however received him with great distinction, and the 
young princess was introduced with state ceremony. Dressed 
in a gown of silk interwoven with gold she stood surrounded 
with her suite of ladies, pranked with gems and ouches 6 . 
The Duke of York was entertained about the Court in 
Paris till Candlemas, 1414*, during which time he received 
some instalments on account of the money still due to him 
under the settlement made at Buza^ais in 14 12 8 , and when 
the new year turned he received handsome new-gifts, 
among which was a gold hanap with a golden bear as a 
fretlet, given to him by the Duke of Berry 9 , who also 

1 Wylie, iv. 36. For St Brigit's revelation, see Marryat, i. 296. 

2 She was born in the Hostel of St Pol on Oct. 27, 1401, Anselme, i. 115; Beaucourt, 
i. 3; Cosneau, 103; Mas Latrie, 152; Strickland, ii. 106, who gives the story from 
Choisy that she and her sister Michelle were found in rags in the Hostel of St Pol and 
removed to the convent at Poissy; Cousinot, 153; Swallow, Catherine, 7; Thibault, 290; 
Vallet de Viviville, i. 236; not 1400, as Wills of Kings, 244; Belleval, 13; nor that she 
was born before the king's madness began, as ^En. Sylv. Comm. 154. She was the twelfth 
child (though called i3th in St Denys, v. 160) and the youngest daughter, Barante, iii. 83 ; 
not the eldest, as J. R. Green, 263. She died in the Abbey at Bermondsey on Jan. 3, 
1437, Strickland, ii. 155; Ramsay, i. 494; Diet. Nat. Biogr. Ivii. 291; called Jan. 2 in 
Wills of Kings, 244; not June 4, 1438, as Mont St Michel, i. 15 note; Grande Encycl. 
ix. 840. For commission, dated March 26, 1437, for executing her will, see Rym. x. 662 ; 
Rot. Parl. iv. 505. For removal of her body from St Nicholas' Chapel in Westminster 
Abbey to Henry V's Chantry in 1878, see T. Wright, Views, North Ambulatory; Hialt, 
75. For a romance about her love for Owen Tudor, whose blood goes back "au grand 
Calloiiador " and who has escaped to Paris to ask help against Henry V, after making his 
last stand at Milford, see Baudot de Juilli, Caterine, ii, 56 and passim. 

3 Goodwin, 14. He was present at the fetes held on Oct. i, 1413, in connection with 
the marriage of Queen Isabel's brother, Louis Duke of Bavaria", with Catherine of 
Alen9on, widow of Pierre de Navarre, Cosneau, Connetable, 29. For a gold paternoster 
given by the Duke of York on Sept. 14, 1413, to the Duke of Berry, who gave it away 
again on Oct. 7, 1413, see Guiffrey, i. 300. 

4 St Denys, v. 158; called the Earl of Rutland in Monstr. ii. 403; not that they were 
two different men who both came, as Le Fevre, i. 118; J. Meyer, 241; D. Sauvage, 220; 
called Due de Yrot, Conte de Rotelan, Pays-Bas, 353 ; not the Earl of Warwick, as 
Le Laboureur, 902. 

5 Juv. 487. 6 For "nouche," see Rym. ix. 276; Wylie, iv. 355. 

7 Juv- 493. though in St Denys, v. 228, he is said to have left Paris about the end of 
Nov. 1413. 

8 For a receipt given by him to the Duke of Berry on Oct. 3, 1413, for 1500 crowns, 
as part of 6000 still due to him, see Toulgoet-Treanna, 121 ; Wylie, iv. 83 ; Archiv. Nat. 
K. K. 250, f. io vo , quoted in Guittrey, i. zoS. 

9 Guiffrey, i. 208; also a gold rosary with 28 beads (boutons), ibid. 92. 


Princess Catherine 159 

presented him with a large uncut diamond 1 , and a spine 
from the Crown of Thorns, enclosed in a crystal cross 2 . 
On his return to London he had had a glowing tale to tell 
of the Princess Catherine's lovely figure, her beauty, and 
her general suitability 3 , and the English envoys were now 
authorised to make a definite proposal for her hand, King 
Henry agreeing to await her father's decision till May i, 
1414, or even later, if desired 4 . 

But yet through all these months the English king 
never ceased to keep an ear open to friendly intercourse 
with the traitor Duke of Burgundy, while the duplicity 
with which the whole tissue of his diplomacy was penetrated 
is proved to the hilt by the fact that, while he was fooling 
the Armagnacs in Paris with the outward semblance of a 
desire for peace, he was storing vast quantities of material 
in deliberate preparation for war. The London fletchers 5 
supplied arrows by the score and the hundred ; bowyers 6 
were pressed to make and mend bows and bowstaves 7 ; 

1 Poinctu, non fait, Guiffrey, i. 128. 

2 Guiffrey, i. 32, who confuses him with his brother, the Earl of Cambridge. 

3 Forma pulchritudine et aptitudine, St Denys, v. 160; puella pulcherrima, ibid. 228. 

Sa belle fille aux blons loriaux 

Et alia a sy fresche couleur 

Qu'avoir doibt ami de valour. Pastoralet, 757. 

Et fu belle que flour de may. Ibid. 846. 

4 Rym. ix. 104; Carte, Rolles, ii. 211. 

5 For fletcher or fflecher, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 19, 1414 ; Cal. Doc. Scot, 
iv. 176 ; Letter Book I, 25, 99 ; Wylie, iv. 272 ; or fflexoner, Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., 
May 18, 1415, showing io and 6 paid to Stephen Fflexoner and Alexander Atte 
Wood (bower) respectively; or setter (Cl. 8 H. V, 16 d), i.e. arrowsmith, Wylie, ii. 93. 
For names of n flecchers and i stringer in London, see Iss. Roll 7 H. V, Pasch., Mich., 
June i, 1419, Feb. 22, 1420. 

6 For order to Nicholas Frost, bowyer, dated April -20, 1415, see Rym. ix. 224; also 
jio paid to Henry Bower for making bows pro stauro regis, Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., 
April 16, 27, 1415. For "bower," see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 22, 1414; Wylie, 
iv. 269 ; bowiere, Pat. 6 H. V, 24; Letter Book I, 65, 173; bowman, Exch. Rolls Scot, 
iii. 713; bogener, Schmidt, 28; bowmaker, Caxton, Dial. 36, where he makes "bows 
and arwes the arblasters shote." 

7 For meremium vocatum Bowestaves, see Rym. ix. 224. In 1413 the price paid for 
bowstaves was 6os. per roo. For ^52 paid for 1200 (i.e. 4. 6s. 8d. per 100), see Iss. 
Roll i H. V, Mich., Nov. 8, 1413. In Rot. Parl. vi. 156 (1472-1475) they were to be 
sold at 4O.r. per 100, and such as were called the wrak, i.e. "not good ne able to make of 
but childern bowes," at los. to ly. \d. per 100, the bowyers selling them at 8d., lod. 
or is. each for a yeoman. Foi bows at is. $d. each, arrows at is. gd. per sheaf, and 
strings at 6s. per gross, see Devon, 318 ; Fortescue (Plummer), 283. For ^28. 6s. 8^. 
paid for 1000 bowstaves (or 1. \6s. %d. per 100) to John Cowbill, esterling, and s. for 
carriage to the Tower, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., Aug. 14, 1413. For carriage of 
bowestaffes from Styles wharf to Pountenys yn, see ibid. Mich., Feb. 22, 1414. For a 
round bow (is. 4^.), 8 bolts (14^.), 2 doz. strings (13^.), with a cardboard hutch for 
keeping bows (lid) and a leather case for bolts ($s. 4^.), see Baildon, Wardrobe, 499 
(1394). For bois a faire arcs et arbalestres shipped from Pera, see Bouvier, Descr. 93. 

Preparations [CH. xn 

arrows 1 , strings 2 , and brimstone 3 were packed in barrels 4 
and stored in vast quantities 5 in Pountney's Inn 6 in the 
lane leading from Candlewick St. 7 to the Old Swan 8 . On 

1 For AT ios paid for 500 garb of arrows bought from Stephen Seler, fflecher, of 
London, *e. at u.W per garb, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., Aug. 14 1413- For 
/Ml iv 4*. paid for arrows bought of Stephen Fleccher, see Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., 
lime / 141 "5 For 2000 sayettes (or saietes, Freville, ii. 280; settes, Wylie, iv. 361) 
at 12 sol's per dozen, at Lille, in 1359, see La Fons-Melicocq, 19; do. Artillerie, 5. Cf. 
quarreaux i trestrent et saetes, Le Marchant, 181. 

2 For hand bowes each garnished with 3 strings, and 400 IDS. ot thread made of 
sinews for to make strenges for bowes for a stown (i.e. stone), see Caxton, Fayt, ii. 25 ; 
Wylie, iii. 58, note i. The strings were made of gut (cf. cordes a boyau, Meun, 143, 
translating funibus nervinis) or, in emergency, of horsehair, or even of woman's hair (se 
felz cordes faillent on doit prendre crins de chevaulx ou les cheveuls des Femmes, Chris- 
tine, Chas. V, p. 270), Clarke, 17 5- Cf. 

Coues et traces de cheval 

For rapaxoillier arbaletes 

De corde s'on n'ai autres prates 

Chevoz de fomes tot sanz dote. Priorat, 282. 

For stringers, see Pat. 3 H. V, i. 25 ; 5 H. V, 17, Sept. i, 1417 ; Wylie, iv. 277 ; or 
strengers, Letter Book I, 144, 157. For bowstrings sold by spicers (epiciers) at Orleans 
in 1419, see Cuissard, 145. For arkes, setes et cordes pur les arkes, see Romania, 

3 *For ;i66. iy. 4</- and 40 paid to Philip de Albertis for 19 barrels and 14 butts 
of sulphur for the king's stores, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Nov. 8, 1413, Feb. 22, 1414, 
together with 17*. 30?. for carriage to Pountney's Inn, see ibid. Dec. i, 1413, Jan. 27, 
1414, where the original has " Bromstone," not " Bromstons " as Devon, 326. 

4 Nervos arcuum doliis plenis, Strecche, 266 ; saectes barelles, Delisle, Agric. 489. 
Cf. bowes and arowes in chestes were take, Harriet, Bodl. 70. 

8 After the death of the Earl of Arundel in Sept. 1415, the remainder of the stores 
were transferred to a hostel in Mincing Lane and ultimately to the Tower, Iss. Roll 
3 H. V, Mich., Feb. 29, 1416, where it is called Mincheon Lane from the Minchuns or 
nuns of St Helens in Bishopsgate, Stow, 50. 

6 Called Pountenays hyn, Pountenysyn, Poundenayshyn, Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., 
Nov. 8, 1413, Feb. 30, 1414. It was called after John Poultney or Pulteney, or 
Putteney (Kingsford, Chron. 10 ; Greg. Chron. 78, 79, where he is Mayor of London 
in 1331, 1332, 1334 and 1337), al. Pountney or Pontenay, a Leicestershire man from 
Poultney, near Lutterworth (see Nichols, Leicestershire, iv. 316). For his life and 
pedigree, see H. B. Wilson, 25, 222. In his will, dated Nov. 14, 1349, he leaves 
53^. \d. to prisoners in Newgate, ibid. 32. In 1347 he founded the College of St Law- 
rence Poultney in his house in Candlewick St. (Benham- Welch, 15), which was pulled 
down in 1600, Fabyan, 419, 422, 441, 444; Fox-Bourne, 49; Newcourt, i. 388; Pennant, 
London, 351 ; Tyler, i. 258; Aungier, Chroniques, 64; Bridgett, ii. 155. 

7 For a chantry in the Church of St Laurence de Pountney juxta Candlewykke Strete, 
see Ad Quod Damn. 372 ; do. ii. 743 (P.R.O.). 

8 It lay between Suffolk Lane and Lawrence Pountney Inn, to the north side of 
Thames St., and was quite distinct from the Coldharbour or Coleharbour which adjoined 
the Steelyard on the water-side in Dowgate, close to All Hallows the Less, or All Hallows 
on the Cellars, to the south of Thames St., H. B. Wilson, 180 (see Hollar's map (1647) in 
J. E. Price, 60 ; also map in Loftie, i. 50). For picture of it, circ. 1600, see Besant, 
Survey (Tudors), p. 134. Not in East Cheap as Sanford, 181 ; Kingsford, 69, 87; 
though wrongly identified with it by Stow, Bk. ii. 206 ; J. Foster, xxii ; Ramsay, i. 127 ; 
Kingsford, Chron. 316. It was granted by Henry IV to the Prince of Wales for life in 
1410, Pennant, London, 351; Pauli, Pictures, 422; and was known to Londoners as 
"therber," Kingsford, Chron. 168, i.e. the inn, Wylie, iii. 304, note 4; cf. "herberow," 
Caxton, Dial. 5. For "harbour" as a translation of hospitium nocturnum, see First 
Life, 50, 6:. For the Coleharbour at Sandwich, see Boys, 790. For a fanciful derivation 
Irum >% coluber" ab a tortuous winding accent, see Archaeologia, xxxvii. 123. 

Pountneys Inn was granted to the Heralds by Richard III when he incorporated 
them into a college (for grant dated March 2, 1484, see Antiq. Report, i. 162, i.e. of 

i4 J 3] Pountney's Inn 161 

May 10, 141 3 1 , an order had been issued that no bows, 
arrows, arms, or artilleries were to be sold to the Scots 
or other foreign enemies, and on June 8 2 , a fletcher 
named Nicholas Mynot was appointed keeper of the king's 
arrows in the Tower, where smiths 3 were kept sweating at 
the forges making guns, other guns being also wrought at 
Bristol 4 and elsewhere, and forwarded on carts 5 to London. 
Towers and scaling ladders 6 were constructed, engines were 
built for battering and mining walls, also pontoons for 
bridging rivers 7 , and vangs 8 , brooms 9 , crows, beaks, 
tribuls, caltraps, iron hawes 10 , pegs, wooden plugs 11 , and 
tampons 12 for the guns were bought in great quantities 

Cold Harbour in the parish of All Saints), but it reverted to the crown in 1485, Stow, 
ii. 206. In the time of Henry VIII it was called the Manor of the Rose on Lawrence 
Pountney Hill, see Henry VIII, i, 2, 153. For remains of it with the crypt ("recently 
destroyed," Benham-Welch, 23), see H. B. Wilson, 194. For Merchant Taylors' School 
built on part of the site, see Stow, i. 169. 

1 Glaus, i H. V, 3 id. 

2 Pat. i H. V, i. 12, where he has his livery and a house in the Tower, between that 
of the Clerk of the Works and the Wakefield Tower; see also Cal. Pat. H. IV, i. p. 156. 
Cf. garde de nos settes, Priv. Seal 658/45. For 620 garb of arrows bought of him at 
is. 6d. per garb, and 20 garb at 25., with payments of ^41. 13^. gd. and ^33. 3-r. \d. for 
same, see Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., June 25, 1415. For other purchases from him see 
Iss. Roll 7 H. V, Pasch., June i, 1419. 

3 Artifices ingenii conspicuos, Strecche, 266 a. For fabri wanted for making guns 
and ironwork in the Tower, see Pat. i H. V, v. 24 d, Feb. 12, 1414. For ^22 paid to 
William Marsh, the king's smith in the Tower, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 10, 
1413. Called William Atte Mersh in Iss. Roll 7 H. V, Pasch., May 18, 1419; also Cal. 
Rot. Pat. H. V, i. 346, June 6, 1415, where he is to take 40 smiths across the sea. 

4 For ^107. icw. 8< paid to John Stevens (Wylie, iv. 546) for making a large cannon 
at Bristol, see Devon, 332, Feb. 20, 1414. 

5 For order for horses, oxen, carts and waggons (plaustra) to bring guns and other 
necessaries from Bristol to London, see Pat. i H. V, Hi. 19, Sept. i, 1413; Rym. ix. 49. 
For 2 carts drawn by 6 horses each to carry 2 gros canons gettans pierres, 4 petits canons 
gettans plommes et i grosses grilles de fer in 1377, see Lacabane, 34, 46. For short 
carts with 3 horses each, see Caxton, Fayt, ii. 21. 

6 Gesta, 25. For 24 great ladders with double steps, strong enough to carry 4 men- 
of-arms, see Caxton, Fayt, Bk. ii. ch. 28, where the ladders are from 26 to 40 ft. long 
and fitted with 3 pulleys at the upper end. 

7 Vita, 34, where all these preparations are placed in 1414. 

8 i.e. spades, Ducange, vi. 1410; Wylie, iv. 231. For ^"20 pro emptione vangar' et 
tribul' see Iss. Roll 7 H. V, Pasch., July 10, 1419. Cf. corbels, vanz (not vauz) and 
besches, Blk. Bk. of Adm. ii. 200. 

9 Cf. pro scopis ad mundand' ecclesiam (1460), Jackson, 209. 

10 For 40J. paid pro vangis, scopis, tribulis et hawes de ferro bought for the king's 
use, pro certis secretis causis regem ad hoc moventibus, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., 
Oct. 10, 1413. 

11 Cf. 1 6 pieces de gros merrein pour fair iiij quevals pour les iiij gros canons, 
Breard, 71. 

12 Cf. 200 tappons de bois pour mettre et ferir dans les canons (1382), Breard, 71 ; 
also 70 grans chevilles de fer pour ferir a force les tappons dedens les canons, ibid. 70 ; 
for 10,000 tappons, to be placed between the charge of powder and the gun-stone, see 
Lottin, i. 1 86. Called a wad in Clowes, i. 366, or tampyne, i.e. a bung for a cask, 
Man. and Meals, i. 121. For turners to make tampons from elm-wood, see Caxton, 
Fayt, ii. 26. For tampons pour traire pierres de canons at 25^. per 100 (1404), see La 
Fons.-Melicocq. 26. For tampons de mespliers (i.e. medlar), see ibid. 10. 

W. II 

Preparations [CH. xn 

" for secret reasons known to the king." Oaks were felled 1 
at Langley and Eltham ; nails were bought from the 
nailers and cords and cables from the ropers 2 , and wains- 
cots 3 , earpieces 4 , and boards 5 were stored by the thousand 
for building, fitting, and repairing ships 6 , while galleys and 
other vessels of all nationalities were seized on the high 
seas and pressed into the general service 7 . Painters 8 were 
hired in London and the suburbs, and the craftsmen of the 
mistery of armourers fetched armour by land and sea 9 . 
Tapicers, both men and women, were full of orders for 
cloth 10 , and crowds of turners and joiners 11 were helding 13 
axes, lances, picks, and mattocks, while the shieldmakers 
were fixing up linden shields 13 with skins and horn and 
glue. The king's pavilioner, John Cony 14 , gathered in 
workers to make and mend tents ; sea-coal was bought 
at Newcastle at 6s. 6d. the chaldron 15 , and cargoes of 
osmund, copper, flax, pitch and squaregood 16 or woodash 

1 For July as the right month for felling trees, see Christine, Livre des Faits, 271 
( = de ces arbres on doit faire aes). 

2 For roper, see Pat. 2 H. V, i. 9; Maldon Rolls, 12/6; Cotton and Dallas, iv. 60; 
Wylie, iv. 276. 

3 For 16. 13-r. $d. paid for 2000 wainscots at 20 marks per 1000, see Iss. Roll 
i H. V, Mich., Jan. 25, 1414. 

4 Orepeces, Exch. Accts. 44/24. 

5 For weldichebordes (4^. each) and botineholtbordes for repair of Porchester Castle 
(1321-1338), see Archaeol. Inst. (Winchester), 38, 42. 

6 For purchase of timber, boards, iron, pitch, tar, bolts, cords, cables and other 
things to mend and repair the king's ships, see Pat. I H. V, iii. 30 d, July 22, 1413, 
where William Catton is keeper of the king's ships. 

7 Chomo fu fato de moltre altre choche e nave de tute generacion dizente de Christian- 
tade, Morosini, ii. 58. For apprehension in Venice lest their galleys should be seized on 
their arrival in London, see Ven. State Papers, i. 56, 57, Aug. 19, 1415. 

8 Operarios et artifices ad misteram picture pertinentes, Pat. i H. V, v. 36 d, Jan. 13, 

9 Pat. 2 H. V, i. 19, April 22, 1414. 

10 For order to John Stout, tapicer, see Pat. 2 H. V, i. 19, April 26, 1414. For the 
tapicers or tapsers of London, see Letter Book I, 115, 150, 153, 207 ; Wylie, iv. 278. 

11 For 100 lances without heads bought for 5OJ-. from John Wyndmer, joiner, see 
Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., June 22, 1415 ; also ^25 for 1000, ibid. May i, 1415. 

12 For ,15 paid to John Bower (or Bowyer), tourner, for helding (i.e. bending, 
Stratmann, 334; Halliwell, i. 443; Murray, Diet., s.v. Hield] axes, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, 
Pasch., April 16, 22, 1415. 

18 Cf. maeremium vocat' lynde (see Stratmann, 401) in an order to Richard Isak, 
sheldmaker, Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 19 d. 

14 Or Conyn; not Covyn as Rym. ix. 200, where there is an order to him dated Feb. 5, 
1415. Cf. Priv. Seal 658/52, June 13, 1413. 

Exch. Q. R. Accts. 44/23; see p. 45, note n. For i qr. de carbon marin' (2^.), 
temp. William of Wickham, see Walcott, Prices, 85 ; also 61 qrs. carbon (40^. 80?.), ibid. 
For busche et charbon, see Deschamps, viii. 104, 137, 187. For coal mines (i3th and 
1 4th century) at Boussages in Languedoc, see Bulletin hist, du Comite de Travaux 
historiques (1899), p. 326. 

16 Cf. squarkynnyd (i.e. burnt), Halliwell, ii. 791. 

1413] Stuff 163 

came in from Danzig and other Hanse towns on the 

The above are some of the items which abound in the 
Exchequer accounts of the year, but the general list is well 
summed up by a contemporary writer 1 in a single passage, 
in which he specifies the stores accumulated at Windsor 
and elsewhere as comprising hauberks, helmets, shields, 
corslets, bucklers, lance-heads, gauntlets of plate, swords, 
bows, many thousands of arrows, casks full of bowstrings, 
axes, saws, wedges, hammers, forks, mattocks 2 , hoes, spades, 
caltraps, and other tools for felling and splitting wood and 
mining walls. 

1 Strecche, f. 266. In Bouvier, 428, Henry takes with him stores de traict, de bom- 
bardes, de toute artillerie, de vivres outre qu'il en venoit tous les jours d'Angleterre par 
mer tres largement. 

2 Fossoria, cf. Ducange, s.v. 

II 2 



BUT while these preparations were pressing on in 
England events had passed in Paris which demand a 
short consideration here if we are rightly to grasp the 
full meaning of the national disaster which subsequently 
overwhelmed our unhappy neighbours in France. 

Large areas of that country had long been accustomed 
to the meetings of local bodies periodically convened to 
legalise the taxation which might be levied by feudal 
superiors in the districts or sub-districts and other areas 
over which they claimed sway. These were known as 
councils of the Three Estates 1 and were composed of 
representatives of the whole population of the areas in 
question, regarded as three groups or arms 2 , viz. the 
clergy, the nobles and the people, the latter being usually 
synonymous with the Commons or burgesses of the towns, 
otherwise known as the Third Estate 3 . A modern writer 
has described this last group by the comprehensive name 
of non-nobles 4 , but they called themselves the " upper 
hand 5 ," the "good men 6 /' or the "superiors" who paid 
the representatives they sent 7 up, as distinguished from the 
" small folk 8 " who had as yet no part or lot in the matter. 

1 See App. J. 

2 For the 3 braces of Aragon and Valencia in 1412, see Viciana, iii. 160; cf. brachia 
ecclesiastica, patricia, plebeia, Valla, 1043. For bra s ecclesiastique, militaire et royal 
(i.e. the towns) in the Cortes of Catalonia see D. M. J. Henry, ii. 43. 

8 Misnamed "la nation entiere moins la noblesse et le clerge" by Thierry, see Me- 
norval, n.p. iv; clerge noblesse et tiers etat, A. Thomas, i. 10, 29, 30; Raymond, iii. 58 
(of Beam). For the 13 "bonnes villes" that formed the tiers etat in the Provincial Estates 
of Lower Auvergne see Tardieu, Clermont, i. 474 ; do. Dictionnaire, 35, 36; Thomas, ii. 
56; Mazure, 235; Michel, ii. 340. 

4 Les non-nobles, Duruy, i. 312. 

6 For main majeure (including the mercadors), main moyenne and main mineure as 
classes among the burgesses at Perpignan see Vidal, 8r, 266 ; tarn majoribus quam minor- 
ibus, Benham, 46. For superiores v. mediocres see Wylie, iii. 204, note 4. For majores 
v. mediocres at Wells in 1407 see Holmes, 71. 

6 Probi homines, prud'hommes de la cite, Dognon, Instit. 196, 198; boshoms, 
proshomes, solempnials personas, Magen, viii. 208, 320. 

7 Tant de bouche que autrement, A. Thomas, i. 49. 

8 Le menu peuple, le pauvre peuple, plebeii, roturiers, Dognon, Instit. 155, 157, 193; 
Debat, 42 ; la gent menuda, Magen, 257; le menu commun, Bourgeois, 615, 616; Wylie, 
iv !37> note 6 ; called "le quatrieme etal sans nom " in Menorval, II. pp. iv, viii. 

1413] States General 165 

As to the origin of these assemblies, which were usually 
held in some religious building 1 , much variety of opinion 
has long prevailed, but there can be no question as to their 
universality in the beginning of the i5th century and so 
omnipresent is the institution that it has been averred with 
much probability of truth that every province 2 , county, 
seneschalcy 3 and bailiwick 4 had its states, though of course 
the smaller the area the more insignificant would be the 
assembly and the more ineffectual the check. Such at 
least is the fact in regard to Central and Southern France, 
but in the north the sectional states had largely fallen into 
disuse, and in place of them larger assemblies known as 
States General had been summoned at intervals 5 for the 
last 100 years to meet in Paris from the whole vast area 
known as Languedoil 6 . Writers on the English Constitu- 
tion were long ago struck with their resemblance to our 
English Parliament 7 , by which name indeed they are not 
unfrequently designated 8 and their origin and functions 
have proved a very fascinating subject for researchers 9 , 
from whose conclusions it appears to be established that 
the earliest meetings of the States General date no further 
back than I3O2 10 and that they met spasmodically at sub- 
sequent dates 11 ; that they were usually called together to 

1 A. Thomas, ii. 52; e.g. in the Black Friars at Clermont, Riviere, i. 311. For 
picture of a meeting temp. Charles VII, see Wallon, 524, from MS. 1450 Bibl. de 1' Arsenal, 

2 "Etats particuliers des provinces," Riviere, i. 309. 

3 For assemblies de seneschaussee originating since 1302, see Dognon, 195, 205. 

4 For Estates of the bailiwicks of Dijon and Auxois meeting at Dijon and Semur, 
see Plancher, iii. 465. 

5 Sans periodicite, Grande Encycl. xvi. 514. 

6 For Etats Generaux de la Langue d'Oyl, see Bailly, i. 142; Coville-Lavisse, 340; 
Delachenal, Chas. V, i. 120, 249, 341, 389; Mirot, 47. 

7 Fortescue (Plummer), 113; cf. Thatcher-Schwill, Middle Ages, 507. For the 
Model Parliament of 1295 see Tout, Advanced Hist. 191. 

8 Omnium Galliarum (sic) concio magna quam Parliamentum nominant, Tit. Liv. 83 ; 
parlement general, Blanchard, iii. 328 (of the 3 Estates of Brittany); Parliamentum, Wals, 
ii. 336 (of the Estates of Normandy); son Parlement, N. Travers, i. 520; Rouquette, 134. 
For the English Parliament called "The Three Estates of the Realm " in 1431, see Rot. 
Parl. iv. 371; Bekynton, ii. 264 (1434). 

9 For bibliography of the subject see Viollet, Instit. iii. 245. 

10 i.e. notables of Languedoil and Languedoc convoked in Paris by Philippe-le-Bel 
against the pretensions of Pope Boniface VIII, April 10, 1302, Michel, ii. 263; Picot, i. 
191; do. Documents, pp. viii, i; A. Thomas, 21; Duruy, i. 343; Rambaud, i. 268; 
Hallam, 118; Musson, xlii; Freville, Commune, i. 251; Duruy, i. 334; A. Gasquet i.' 
1 68; Galton, 15. 

11 e.g. 1303, 1308, 1317,1351. 1355, 1356, 1 357 p icot, Documents, passim; Desjardins; 
Mirot, 6. For meetings in 1314 and 1338 see Rittiez, Hotel de Ville, 103, 113. For 
meetings of Etats generaux de la langue d'oil, Nov. 4, 1356, and April 1357, see Michel, 
ii. 316, 323; Dureau de la Malle, 41. 

T 66 The Cabochians [CH. xm 

lighten the difficulties of some embarrassed ruler in times 
of stress 1 , and that they had little actual power except as a 
safety valve for dangerous effervescence 2 , in which case 
they loudly voiced the pent-up discontent and their meetings 
were often followed by passionate outbursts of revolutionary 
violence 3 . So now with the periodical distress in France 
came once more the periodical attempt at remedy, and 
when all other means had been exhausted in the search 
for funds it was determined once again to try the effect 
of a meeting of the States General in Paris. 

No such meeting had been held for the last 30 years 4 , 
and the session which opened in the Hostel of St Paul on 
Jan. 30, 141 3 5 , resulted in some pretty plain speaking. 
When the king asked for a "good big tax 6 " the demand 
was met by a roll as thick as a man's arm petitioning 
against the extortions of the royal officers who were eating 
up the people, coming in poor and going out rich and 
despoiling the country for wages and gifts 7 to keep them 
in wantonness and luxury 8 , while the people starved. The 
goods of such men, said the petitioners, ought to be seized 
until they had been brought to account, and if the king 
wanted money he could get it by laying a tax of 1000 francs 
apiece upon some 1600 of the richest persons in the country 9 . 
No wonder that it was getting to be regarded as an act of 
treason to summon the Estates, for their meetings clearly 

1 Dans des vues purement personelles, Boule, i. 280. 

2 Pour se concilier 1'opinion publique, Grande Encycl. xvi. 524. 

3 e.g. the Jacquerie in 1358 and the Maillotins in 1382. 

Picot, i. 250, 254; or even since 1369, Grande Encycl. xvi. 514, 515, where the 
meetings of 1381, 1382 are regarded as "assemblies de notables." For the meetings in 
Nov. 1380, see Mirot, 29. 

6 E j*> 1 . de.l'Ec. des Chartes, vi. 279; Barante, iii. 22; Picot, i. 254; Schmidt, ii. 
232; Desjardms, 115; Meindre, iii. 53; Batiffol, 187; not 1415, as Lavisse-Rambaud, 
in. 135; nor 1412, as Marie, 27. 

Une bonne grosse taille, Capefigue, iv. 12; Perrens, Democratic, ii. 195; Picot, i. 
255; Bibl. de 1'Ec. des Chartes, vi. 279. 

7 ,? e " s . de n ^ nt sont av anciez par importunitez et puissance d'argent et autrement 
trop d officiers qui ont trop grans gaiges et dons et si gastent tout, EC. des Chartes, vi. 282, 
from complaint of the clergy of the provinces of Rheims, Sens, Rouen, Bourges and Lyons 

Feb. 3, 1413. For remonstrance delivered on the same day by the city 
Imversity of Pans see Moranvill<, Remontrances, 420; cf. exactiones fere quotidia- 
nas e in luxum atque in pompam magnatorum populis esurientibus imponuntur, 
Clamenges, Ep. p. 335 (written in 1414). 

in verbo, in cultu, in gestu, in epularum excessu, vestium deformitate, mores 
qUm mm nere Ct gradu luxum inauditum omnia consumentem 


>ervastantem, Clamenges, Ep. p 192 

Raymond, iv.:6 (E. 61) from a copy in the Archives at Pau, Barante, iii. 35. 

1413] Dauphin Louis 167 

tended " to lessen the authority of the king 1 ." But in the 
present instance it was only another case of "words said, 
soon dead 2 /' and the sittings closed on Feb. 24, 141 3 3 , 
with no better result than to lay bare the bitterness of 
the existing ill-will at a time when division meant nothing 
less than national destruction. In Guienne the Duke of 
Clarence 4 was waiting his opportunity to pounce ; the 
coasts of Normandy were ravaged by an English fleet ; 
the plains of Picardy lay open to attack from the English 
at Calais and even Rheims began to fear that they might 
fasten on the rich wide field of Champagne and none would 
be able to hold it against them 5 . And with all this crushing 
need no money was in sight, no corn, no stores, no supplies 6 , 
while the very air was filled with apprehensions of coming 

This year a Carmelite in Paris had a dream in which 
he saw the new English king aloft in great pomp on one 
of the great towers of Notre Dame banning the king of 
France, who was surrounded by his people clad in black 
and seated on a stone in the parvis below 7 . A year ago 
the young Dauphin Louis 8 had been hailed as the restorer 
and comforter of France, whose noble nature was her only 
hope, her refuge and her remedy 9 , but he was now turning 
a deaf ear to his instructors and heeding neither bit nor 
curb 10 but shaping surely for a petty life". Young as he 
was the fact could not be concealed that he was growing 

1 Comines, quoted in Lannoy, GEuvres, Ixxxiii. 

2 Voix oye (i.e. oui'e) est tost perie, Cochon, 264; Perrens, ii. 203. 

3 Desjardins, 123. 

4 Not the Duke of Lancaster, as Bibl. de 1'Ec. des Chartes, vi. 278 ; Desjardins, 115. 

5 Bibl. de 1'Ec. des Chartes, vi. 281, 283. 

6 Nullum superesse fiscum, nullum aerarium, nullam curam rei frumentariae, nullas 
ad dubios rerum eventus in urbibus munitiones, nvrllam in opibus annonam repositam, 
Clamenges, Ep. p. 191. 

7 Juv. 478; Michelet, v. 303; H. Martin, v. 539; Coville, 207; Lavallee, Jean Sans 
Peur, 268. 

8 Not Charles, as Towle, 281. For fancy picture of Louis, see Mezeray, ii. 572 ; 
S. E. Harding. 

9 Tuam ingenuissimam naturam, Clamenges, Epist. p. 154; tuspesuna, tu remedium, 
tu malorum refugium es, ibid. p. 155 ; spem remedii, spem salutis et prsesidii hujus deso- 
latissimi regni, ibid. p. 268 ; see also Christine de Pisan's dedication in her Livre de la 
Paix, Bibl. Nat. MS. 7398, f. 22; Wylie, iv. 78, note 8, written in 1412 (called 1413 in 
S. Scrope, p. xvii); Pannier, Joyaux, xxvi. 217, where the Dauphin is un homme meur, 
tres sage et pesant en ceuvre et en fait, though only 15 years old. 

10 Clamenges, Epist. p. 268. 

11 A mener vie sy petite que son corps estoit en trez grand peril et dangier d'entrer et 
cheoir en debilite et feblesse de maladie (written May 2, 1413), Bibl. de 1'Ecole des 
Chartes, vi. 61 ; Pannier, Joyaux, xxvi. 210. 

!68 The Cabochians [CH. xm 

fat and clumsy 1 and too fond of dress and finery, dancing 
while his friends were dying and turning night into day to 
the strike of organs 3 and the taboring of the drum and all 
such other means whereby the devil could kindle and blow 
the fire of lechery 8 , so that Frenchmen who loved him wel 
still feared the prospect of another mad reign 7 , when they 
heard how readily he wept 8 or swooned and spat up blood 9 . 
They cautioned him against idle flatterers, praised the 
marriage state and warned him that it was not safe for 
a prince to be too much alone or too freely given to carnal 
pleasures 10 . But above all he must not raise those whom 
nature meant to be low 11 , for a rivulet in flood does more 
damage than a big river in steady flow 12 . To such men he 
must give no office or authority, for these things belong by 
right to burgesses of ancient line 13 . For how should a lout 
who barely knows his paternoster 14 and has little enough 
sense to govern himself 16 be set to govern others ? "Egad," 

I Croist et augmente en corpulence de sa personne, Douet d'Arcq, i. 325, April 3, 
1410; suffisament grand et gros de corps, pesans et tardif et po agile, Baye, ii. 235 ; Norm. 
Chron. 247 ; Me"norval, ii. 44. 

3 Sa condition estoit d'emploier la nuit a veiller et po faire et le jour a dormir, Baye, 
ii. 232. 

3 Moult grant plaisir avoit a sons d'orgues lesquelx entre ces autres oblectations 
mondains hantoit diligemment, Baye, ii. -231. For "noys of organes" see Misyn, 

4 St Denys, v. 234; Juv. 487. For the tombar, tymbre, tabour, tabal see Vidal, 
Perpignan, 313, with picture of fife and drum. For picture of tabour see Willemin, i. 64, 
pi. 106 from the Abbey at Bon-Port near Pont de 1'Arche. 

Chaucer, Pardoner's Tale, 12,413. 

8 Le peuple qui de bon cuer fin 1'aime, Christine de Pisan in her Prayer to the 
Virgin written in 1414, Thomassy, 174; Koch, 82; not 1404, as Pisan, in. p. ii. 

' St Denys, v. 16, 28, 80; Michelet, v. 294; H. Martin, v. 531; Perrens, ii. 210; 
Coville, 20, 181, 203, 332 ; Brachet, 58. 

8 Monstr. ii. 354; Ordonnances, x. 176; Le Fevre, i. 82; Paradin, 565. 

9 St Denys, v. 80; Juv. 481; Barante, iii. 61. Cf. de statu tenui ducis Guienne, 
St Denys, iii. 266; cf. her herte blode spitte, Lydg. Troy Book, 402, 466. 

10 Ne te passionum absorbeat impetus nee juveniles tibi dominentur concupiscentise, 
ne te frangat et enervet libido vana atque inepta dissolvat laetitia, etc., Clamenges, 
Epist. p. 158. See also Christine de Pisan in Thomassy, 159. 

II Thomassy, 162; Lenient, Satire, 255. Cf. Quelle folie... rebellion contre vos 
mageurs es estas ou Dieu vous a esleuz, devez estre humble soubz seigneurie de greigneurs 
et loyaument faire voz ouvrages, from Christine, Livre de la Paix, Viollet, 169; c'est grant 
folie de avancer et edifier ung homme vicieux de basse condition que ne surhaulchast ja 
ceulx qui par nature doivent estre bas, cf. Gerson in Michelet, v. 323 ; Lannoy, pp. Ixxxi, 

12 Le ruissel qui court par 1'abondance de la pluye va plus orgueilleusement que celuy 
qui vient de la fontaine et court toujours, Lannoy, 370. 
For la haute bourgeoisie, see Delaunay, 30. 
Cf. Wylie, ii. 490. 

Cf. Les assemblies de gens du commun peuple qui n'ont pas eu ne n'ont 
ns nentendement de discerner et de pressentir le bien du mal, Ordonnances, x. 

/> r r 

1413] Christine de Pis an 169 

cried the mocking Christine, who lived right through those 
dreadful days 1 , " no government could well be worse, for 
these fools are proud, however low. And what else could 
you expect when a jobbard 2 suddenly finds himself the 
master ? He cocks his bristles, manages his pike, growls 
and swears and thinks he knows his business only too well 3 . 
Just look at their meetings. It is real sport to watch them 
there 4 . The biggest fool leads off with one foot forward 
and the other behind, his hands at his sides and his apron 
on, and when it is over they come out as stupid as sheep 
and as savage as boars ; no respect for prince or princess, 
lord or master 5 . Gentry is cheap and must be swept away. 
And how they love to kill and slaughter, to smash the rich 
man's coffers and stave his casks of wine 6 . To arm this 
riff-raff 7 and teach them war is just to pick the rod that 
will be used to thrash you 8 . If fighting must be done, 
it should be by men who do naught else but fight 9 . No ! 
let the little commons stick to their work 10 . Give them 
peace and justice and salute them kindly in the street 11 , 
but don't let them wear outrageous gowns broidered with 
devices fit for gentlefolks. Punish all swearing and blas- 
phemy; stop all silly meetings in one another's houses ; and, 
as idleness is the mother of vice, set searchers to catch 
these wanton birds who do naught but haunt taverns, and 

1 Je Christine qui ay pleure unze ans en abbaye close ou j'ay tousjours puis demoure, 
Quicherat, Proces, v. 4; Wallon, 427, from her poem finished July 31, 1429. 

2 Malostru, i.e. mal instruit, see Cent Ballades, 63, 226; Lak of discrecioun sett 
Jobbardis upon stoolis which hath distroied many a comounte, Pol. Relig. Po. 40 ; see 
also Halliwell, ii. 485; Godefroy, s.v.Jobard; Murray, Diet., s.v '. Jobard ; Wright, Diet., 
s. v. Jobbernowl. 

* Thomassy, Ixxii. 163. 

4 For picture (i4th cent.) of le demagogue qui preche au peuple, see Dehaines, 

5 Cf. n'avoit aucune reverence aux princes ny autres personnes, Paradin, 566. 

6 Thomassy, xxxiv (not Ixxiii, as Wylie, iv. 138 note). 

7 Hazlitt, iv. 41; Clay, 13; Halliwell, ii. 684. 

8 Thomassy, 167. 

9 Und streiten sol die ritterschaft hert fur die anderen vorgenant (i.e. the clergy and 
the workers), Wolkenstein, 102. For protest against this view, see St Denys, v. 548. 

10 For le menu commun, see Bourgeois, 615, 616; Wylie, iv. 137, note 6. Wer zu der 
arbeit ist geborn, der arbeit durch getrauen hort, &c., Wolkenstein, 82. 

O ses greigneurs soit humblement 

Entre esgaulx familierement 

Entre ses mendres amiable 

Et entre dames honourable. Petit, 12, 130; Sauvage, 294. 

Car humble est un grant noblesse 

Ce me semble et bien aimable 

Vers toutes gens et convenable. Petit, 123. 

I7 o The Cabochians [CH. xm 

clap them into prison if they don't mind their business on 
the worky-days 1 ." 

But all this bourgeois indignation 2 only blazed up alter 
Paris had passed through the furnace of the great " com- 
motion'." On April 28, 1413*, the Cabochians burst into 
the Hostel de Guienne in the Rue St Antoine 5 , got the 
Dauphin into their power 6 and threw the Duke of Bar' 
and others into prison. Some days later 8 they forced 
themselves pell-mell into the presence of the king and 
made him don the white bonnet 9 , entered the queen's 

1 Thomassy, 169; cf. 

Complicibus coeunt scissor, sutorque putator 

Cedentes operi plures de plebe creati. Blondel, i. 22. 

Avec eulx mainent savatiers 

Et cousturiers et vignerons 

Et daultres lessans leurs mestiers 

Plus que nommer n'en daignerons. Ibid. i. 105. 

2 Cf. cette muse bourgeoise (i.e. Christine), Lenient, 372. 

3 En certaines motions, Wassebourg, 461 : 

Nulla timenda magis est pestis turbine plebis 

Ista lues agrum Francum foedat luteossa. Blondel, i. 24. 

Nulle peste n'est tant doubteuse 

Comme de peuple commotion 

Qui toute France a fait boeuse 

Et partout mis sedicion. Ibid. i. 108. 

4 Rym. ix. 52; Baye, ii. 108, 304; Isambert, vii. 402; Ordonnances, x. 175; 
St Denys, v. 20, 170, 258; Monstr. ii. 449; Le Fevre, i. 119; Bibl. de 1'Ec. des Charles, 
vii. 62; Cousinot, 146; Gaguin, ccl; Crevier, iii. 363; H. Martin, v. 531; Sismondi, xii. 
407; Perrens, Democr. ii. 209; Coville, 185; Barante, iii. 44; Valois, Conseil, 129; not 
April 2ist, as Sauley, 17. 

6 Coville-Lavisse, 344. 

6 St Denys, v. 104-106; Monstr. ii. 346; Le Fevre, i. 77; quasi in custodiam 
conjecti, Bucelin, 375. For declaration of the Dauphin that this was all done without 
his consent, see Gouvenain, i. 4. 

7 Not B6arn, as Goodwin, 11, 12; nor Berg, as Allgem. deutsche Biogr. xix. 503. 
i.e. Edward formerly Marquis of Pont a Mousson (Pontmous, Pontamouss, Lacomblet, 
iv. 115); Anselme, v. 513; Belleval, 141; Harl. MS. 782; Servais, ii. 298; Wurth- 
Paquet, 221, where the marquisate is granted on July 12, 1417, to Adolph Duke 
of Berg, epoux d'une Duchesse de Bar. He had just succeeded to the title on the 
death of his father Robert Duke of Bar, April 12, 1411, Mas Latrie, 1553; Renard, 
69; Clouet, iii. 532. He was Lord of Cassel near Hazebrouck, which came to him 
from his mother Yolande of Flanders, A. Duchesne, Dreux, Bar-le-Duc, 56; Renard, 
252, 254. 

the week before Ascension (i.e. June ist), Bourgeois, 613; called May 2Oth in Riezler, iii. 
224 ; Allgem. deutsche Biogr. xix. 504. 

St Denys, v. 38, 52; Juv. 478; Bourgeois, 31; Le Laboureur, ii. 864, 867, 871; 
Gerson, iv. 660; Monstr. ii. 349, 350; Le Fevre, i. 78; Cochon, 265; Isambert, vii. 282; 
J. Meyer, 240; Duchesne, 820; Daniel, iii. 852; Rapin, i. 506; Acta Regia, ii. 120; 
Michelet, v. 300; H. Martin, v. 533; Sismondi, xii. 416, 418; Thierry, I. Ixv; do. Essai, 
57; Schwab, 447; Vallet de Viriville, i. 9; Beaucourt, i. 13; Ramsay, i. 130; Coville, 
193, 198. The white bonnet (not a white scarf as Gairdner, 93) was borrowed from the 
men of Ghent, Lettenhove, Flandre, iii. 80; Barante, iii. 50; Lavalle, Jean Sans Peur, 
193. '97. 209; Wright, France, i. 465, 466; Menorval, ii. 47. In the insurrection of 
Etienne Marcel, in 1358 (Duruy, i. 370; Picot, i. 76), the Dauphin (afterwards Charles V) 

1413] Ordonnance Cabochienne 171 

apartments, flung her brother Ludwig, Duke of Ingolstadt, 
who was captain of the Bastille, into prison in the round 
tower of the Louvre 1 , and many others, including several of 
the queen's ladies, into the dungeons of the Palais 2 . Then 
having secured unrestrained possession of the capital they 
wreaked a red fool-fury on the Armagnacs with their 
gallows and their Seine 3 , culminating in the execution 
of Pierre des Essars 4 , formerly Provost of Paris 5 and 
Grand Master of the king's finance, whom they tied to 
a cart-tail, dragged through the streets on a hurdle and 
beheaded at the Halles on July 14, 14 13. 

It was amidst this outburst of mob-frenzy that King 
Charles VI accepted the famous Cabochian ordinance 7 
which was solemnly published in the Parliament on 
May 26, 27, 141 3 8 . It was meant to effect a radical 
reform in the administration of the finances of the country 
and modern students of French constitutional history have 
combined to chant its praises as a model of good sense 
and conservative moderation 9 . But it proved but a passing 

was forced to wear the Paris colours, the red and blue cap (called red and green in 
Hoffbauer, St Paul, ii. 11). 

1 Bourgeois, 615; Capefigue, iv. 23; Meindre, Hi. 64; Allgem. deutsche Biogr. xix. 
504 ; Babeau, 39. 

2 Not that they threw the Dauphin into prison, as Mazas, Cours, ii. 171. 

3 Monstr. ii. 362 ; les Parisiens en faisoient mourir et noyer journellement sans ordre 
ne ordonnance, Le Fevre, i. 84; qui faisoient prison privee, prenoient, tuoient, meur- 
trissoient, noioient par nuit sans quelconque ordre et forme de procez et par corruption 
d' argent, Gerson, iv. 659 ; pilleries, meurtres, roberiez et aultres deliz, Bibl. de 1'Ec. des 
Chartes, vii. 67; puis les faire noyer et pendre, Martial, 15; D. Sauvage, 217; Paradin, 
566; though Coville (Lavisse), 352, thinks that ils furent violents et maladroits sans com- 
mettre de grands exch. 

4 See Wylie, ii. 61, note 6; i.e. on July i, 1413, Anselme, viii. 554, 556, where he is 
Lord of Thieux, La Motte, Tilly and Villerval ; also Briele, iii. 36. 

5 For seal of the Prevdte de Paris see Monget, i. 4. 

6 Gaulthier, v. 28; not July ist, as Barante, iii. 60; Lavillegille, 71; Maillard, 82. 
His headless body hung for 3 years on the great stone gibbet of Montfaucon, Mezeray, ii. 
563; D. Sauvage, 217. Haggard, 78, 95, calls him a "greedy and savage villain" and 
a "bold rascal." 

7 For summary of the Ordonnance Cabochienne (or Cabochine, Godefroy, i. 764) see 
Picot, i. 271-296; Desjardins, 125; Nouvelle Revue (1891), 378-380; Boule, i. 311-336; 
Bailly, i. 158; Rambaud, i. 247. For the Grande Ordonnance of 1357 under Etienne 
Marcel, see Hallam, 122; Duruy, i. 369; Grande Encycl. xvi. 514. 

8 Rittiez, H6tel de Ville, 199; Aubert, Organisation, 199; called May 2ist in 
Sismondi, xii. 419; or May 25th in Cheruel, Administration, i. 89; Finot, Paix, 8. 

9 Cf. ces ordonnances etaient bonnes et sages, Barante, iii. 57 ; un vaste plan de reforme 
embrassant tous les besoins de 1'Etat, Pechenart, 53; un monument de prevoyance et 
d'administration, Capefigue, iv. 15; ce beau code de reforme administrative si sage et 
modere, A. Thierry in Grande Encycl. xvi. 515; that great reform charter, Historians' 
Hist. xi. 1 68; sage dans ses principales dispositions, Boutiot, ii. 343; monument 
remarquable d'administration, Lavallee, i. 374; veritable code administratif, Lavisse- 
Rambaud, iii. 136; grande charte de reforme, Duruy, i. 419; ni revolutionnaire ni 

The Cabochians [CH. xm 

flash 1 , and for the men of its own day it was streaked with 
blood and nicknamed 2 from a brutal grallocher called Simon, 
or Simonet, Caboche 3 , the hated leader of a "pack of 
butchers." At any rate it left no lasting mark and has 
to-day merely an antiquarian interest 4 . For the Paris bour- 
geoisie with the University at their head 6 were like the 
weathercock that turns with every wind 6 . They soon tired 
of the strife and denounced the Cabochians as " sons of 
iniquity 7 ," though only a short while before they had excused 
their atrocities on the ground that they had put pity for 
their country before all else 8 . On Aug. 4, I4I3 9 , another 
" sheep's-clothing peace 10 ," known as the fourth Peace or 

novatrice elle n'avait rien de d^mocratique, Coville (Lavisse), 348 ; conservatrice et non 
revolutionnaire, Clamageron, i. 460; sa sagesse incontestable, Meindre, iii. 61 ; la belle et 
sage ordonnance, Viollet, Textes, 155; une remarquable tentative constitutionnelle, 
Viollet, Institutions, iii. -203; ordonnance admirable, Menorval, ii. 49. 

1 Get e'clair passager de 1'esprit democratique, Puiseux, Docteurs, 28; demeura 
sterile, Meindre, iii. 61. 

2 Schmidt, ii. 237. 

3 Simon le Coustailler dictus Caboche bourn, Rym. ix. 55 ; not Jean, or Janot, as 
Paradin, 562, 567, 568; Lobineau, i. 530. See App. K. 

4 N'a qu'un inte>et de curiosite, Rambaud, i. 247. 

5 For reaction in the University of Paris see Aubert, Comp. 200. For a later appeal 
to the clergy not to meddle with popular risings cf. 

O clergie plain de sapience 

Qui avez divine science 

Et sanz mouvrir commun de ville 

Car telle chose est trop subtille. Regnier, 60. 

Legrand (14) thinks that la plupart des clercs et des dignitaires de 1'universite 
sortaient du peuple and were therefore les premiers promoteurs des modifications 
d'opinions et de croyances. 

6 St Denys, v. 154; Daniel, iii. 861; cf. 

A fane that turneth in al windes. Melusine, 298. 

Folwe the wynd as doth the fane. Kail, 8. 

The comoun peple chaungeth as a phane 

Today thei wexe and to-morwe wane 

As doth the mone thei be so fiaskysable 

Who trusteth them schul fynd them ful unstable. 

Lydg. Troy Bk. 116. 
Helas! he qu' esse de commun 
Comment il est tantot tourne 
Ades a 1'autre, ades a 1'un, 
Ainsi que le vent est mene. Martial de Paris, i. 30. 

7 Bibl. de 1'Ec. des Charles, vii. 97. 

1 See letter from the people of Paris to the people of Noyon, ibid. vii. 63 ; Perrens, 
a. 218. 

9 St Denys, v. 128, 178, 260; Juv. 485, 490; Baye, ii. 118, 125; Bibl. de 1'Ec. des 
Uiartes, vii. 67 ; Cousinot, 149; Bourgeois, 614; Brando, 162; Barante, iii. 72 ; Riezler, 
111. 221 ; Coville, 355 ; not September, as Monstr. ii. 398. 

Paix fourree, Perrens, ii. 242 ; Coville, 5, 341, 350; Thomassy, Gerson, 216; pacem 

oymis pelhbus circumtectam, St Denys, v. 82; vulpinis pellibus involutam, ibid. 122. 

supposition that the phrase refers to the Cabochians see Steyert, in La Mure, ii. 124; 

but see Cotgr., s.v. Cf. Godefroy, s.v. Forrer ( = garnir de faux cheveux), also ibid. 

Complement, ix. 652; Littre, 1708; Jervis, 198; Wylie.iv.3z; "une paix telle-quelle," 

i Kadier, in. i 43 ; " pa ix boiteuse," Valois, iv. 109. For account of the fool who 

i4 J 3] Louis le Barbu 173 

the Peace of Pontoise 1 , was announced with bell-ringing 
and processions 2 , whereat the Cabochians fled from Paris 3 , 
the Duke of Berry returned 4 and the reins were once again 
in the hands of the Armagnacs. Straightway the Duke of 
Bar 5 and Duke Ludwig were released unharmed from 
their prisons and the latter, who had already married one 
rich French wife 6 , very soon obtained a further solatium by 
marrying 7 another, viz. Catherine the young widow of Peter 
of Evreux, the younger son of Charles II, king of Navarre, 
whereby Ludwig acquired the title of Count of Mortain. 
But just as he had effected this second marriage with a 
French heiress his father died 8 , and soon afterwards 9 he 
returned to Ingolstadt, whither he had sent many mule-loads 
of good things from France including jewels, pearls, enamels, 
crystal- and goldsmiths'-work reputed to be worth 5 million 
gulden 10 , some of which were used to build the church 
of Our Lady in that town, and with the rest he lived 
" French fashion 11 /' in riot and licentiousness, his exactions 
bearing so heavily on the religious houses in his own 
country that he was excommunicated on Sept. 5, H33 12 , 
and remained so till his death in 1447". 

The fall of the Cabochians was marked by a triumphal 

bought a pax and furred it (la fit fourrer) see Juv. 443 ; Dreux du Radier, iii. 144 ; which 
Guizot (ii. 244) explains as 1'enfoncait dans sa fourrure; cf. "this is the cloak of peace," 
R. Black, ii. 265. v 

1 Pax quarta appellata, J. Meyer, 2410;; Paradin, 566; D. Sauvage, 218; Mezeray, 
ii. 564, who thinks it was brought about par un coup presque miraculeux ; Daniel, 
iii. 854. 

2 Monstr. ii. 399. 

3 Tyrrell, 288 [168], thinks that the butchers were driven out by the carpenters (see 
Menorval, ii. 51) ; also Cassel, i. 524, who gives a fancy picture of "the battle." 

4 For payment dated Aug. 9, 1413, for satin moyen vermeil to make un grant 
estandart for him pour chevaucher vers la ville de Paris, see Toulgoet-Treanna, 105. 

8 News of his release reached his brother the Cardinal of Bar on Sept. 8, 1413, 
Wassebourg, 467; Roussel, i. 353. 

6 i.e. Anne daughter of Jean de Bourbon Count of La Marche and Vendome, 
Hautl, 124. 

7 i.e. at the Hostel of St Pol on Oct. i, 1413, H. Sauvage, 237 ; page 158, note 3. 
Cf. ein wip hette von Franckenrich, Easier Chron. v. 155. 

8 i.e. Stephen III, Duke of Bavaria and Lord of Ingolstadt, Windecke, 7, who died 
on Oct. 2, 1413, Brachet, 4 (with pedigree) ; or Sept. 26, Hautl, 123. 

9 He was knighted by Charles VI at the siege of Soissons on May 21, 1414, Monstr. 
335; and was down with the flux at the siege of Arras in Aug. 1414, Monstr. 343, 347, 
350. "> Turmair, v. 539. 

11 Venus in ipsis sic regnat quod inter affines et propinquos raro tuta sunt matri- 
moniorum foedera, St Denys, v. 576; more Francigenarum, ibid. 380; Postel, 5. 

12 Riezler, Nachtselden, 540. 

13 i.e. May 2, 1447, H. Sauvage, 238; Allgem. deutsche Biogr. xix. 502; called 
July 3 in Odolant-Desnos, i. 454. See App. L. 

The Cabochians [CH. xin 

entry of the Duke of Orleans into Paris, though it was 
hard to get him to lay aside the mourning that he wore 
for his murdered father 1 . Henceforth " Burgundian" and 
" Armagnac " were to be forbidden terms, peace was to 
reign sweetly between the rival dukes 2 and Gerson, who 
claimed that the University of Paris had the right to speak 
not only in the name of France but of the whole world 3 , 
now protested that in supporting the Cabochians she had 
acted under terrorism and threats 4 . His house in the close 
on the north side of Notre Dame 9 had been pillaged by the 
mob, because he had abandoned it rather than submit to 
pay their demands 6 , and he had to take sanctuary 7 in a 
garret 8 in one of the towers of the church for the last six 
weeks 9 of that perilous time. He now came down from his 
hiding-place and sketched the outlook in a lengthy sermon 10 , 
which he preached before the University of Paris on 

1 Juv. 486; Sismondi, xii. 434; Coville, 377. 

2 St Denys, v. 136; Sismondi, xii. 432; Coville, 364. 

8 Gerson, iv. 583; Cheruel, Administr. i. 89. 

4 Propter minas et terrores, Denifle, Chartular. iv. 269, Nov. 15, 1413. 

5 In claustro Beatae Mariae, Launoi, 84, 483. For Jean Fusoris' house in claustro 
parisiensi, see Mirot, 245. For pictures see Zeiler, pt. i. p. 51 (1620); Hoffbauer, i. i, 
45> 46, 63; Bournon, 185; Masson, 116; called H6tel de St Jean-en-Greve in Dufour, 
Chancelier, 195, who thinks that it was burnt by order of the Duke of Burgundy. For 
statement that Gerson lived in the College de Navarre as Chancellor of the University, 
see Launoi, 84, 98, 99, 489. Up till the end of the i4th century the Chancellor of 
Notre Dame had been head of the faculty of theology in the University ; after that date 
they only recognised their dean as president, Feret, iv. 22. 

6 St Denys, v. 64; Perrens, ii. 238; Michelet, v. 125, who calls him cet homme de 
combat et de contradiction. 

7 Not comme dans une forteresse, as Geruzez, i. 223; Masson, 269, who heightens the 
picture by supposing that he was up amongst broken stones and cross-beams after having 
watched his clothes being torn up in the parvis below and his books pitched into the 
Seine. Cf. dans les combles de 1'Eglise, Meindre, iii. 53; Ayroles, ii. 24; au dessus des 
voutes, ibid. i. 22; sous les combles, Faguet, 170 [137]. For sanctuary in the tower 
of the cathedral at Rouen, see Bibl. de 1'Ecole des Chartes, xv. 342. For une chambre 
pour ceux qui y seront en franchise (i.e. sanctuary) in the church of St Jacques de la 
Bouchene in Paris, see Le Villain, 45, where it is said to be sur les voutes; not "in the 
vaults as Pechenard, 56; Alcock, 38; Menorval, ii. 48; nor "in the crypt" as 
Haggard, 95; called "high vaults" in Coville (Lavisse), 348; Kitchin, i. 511, 513. 

Crevier, iii. 366; Michelet, v. 315; H. Martin, v. 538; Schwab, 450; Thomassy, 
Gerson, 211, 219; Lasale, 16; Fougere, 19; L'Etuy, ii. 63. It was called la Crastine 
(i.e. the Morrow) or the Holiday (vacatio, see Ducange, s.v. Crastina), Bibl. de 1'Ec. des 
Chartes, xv. 161. For garite = a place of refuge see Athenaeum 20/1/09, p. 107; or a 
watch tower, Halhwell, s.v. Garett ; Murray, Diet., s.v. 

9 i.e. since June 27, 1413; propter malignitatem temporis currentis, Bibl. de 1'Ec. des 
Chartes xv. 161, from the Chapter Registers of Notre Dame; not 1411, as Dufour, 
Chancelier, 195. 

10 Gerson, iv. 657-677; Schwab, 449; St Denys, v. 136; Juv. 486; Boulay, v. 
^36-253; Crevier, iii. 368. He is called "le Bossuet du xiv siecle" in Faguet, 170 [137]. 
For 60 of his sermons in French not yet edited in the original but translated into Latin 
by Jean Krisgoek and published in Wimpheling's edition (1502), see Petit de Julleville, 

1413] Jean Gerson 175 

Sept. 4, 1413, in the church of St Martin-in-the-Fields 1 . 
What need for him, he said, to speak of the coming 
government of the Dauphin and the Queen ? The great 
lords and ladies knew all about that and he himself had 
no illusions on the subject. The more the wealth the 
greater the licence. The University was stuck ten times 
more full of eyes than Argus and they knew already that 
the peace would soon be broken 2 . Still he called upon the 
dominant party to seek no vengeance for the past, but 
only to stand for truth in the future 3 , reminding them 
that peradventure there were not only 10 but 1000 righteous 
in the city, who ought to be pardoned if they did not persist 
in evil 4 . True that for the last few months they had 
kept their king and queen in durance and rendered more 
obedience to a set of whoreson varlets 5 than to King or 
Dauphin, knighthood or clergy. But you cannot make a 
greyhound of a ban-dog 8 or a sparrow-hawk of a buzzard. 
Henceforward let them bundle out 7 all free-lances, make a 
good treaty with England and let no subject strike alliance 
with his country's enemies without the king's permission. 
Let the knights be paid and rest content with their wages. 
Then if they fall defending truth and justice, they will be 
God's martyrs, if otherwise they will be martyrs of Hell. 
Let the bishops be inquisitors to root out error from the 
Faith, even unto death 8 ; and let the clergy stand for truth, 
not labouring with their hands 9 ; while the citizens must 
know their place, not striving to be arms when Nature 
meant them to be legs 10 . Within the last few years 
100,000 persons had been killed 11 and France was im- 
poverished by more than 3,000,000 livres. But now the 
king must be above party, for a king who takes a side 
is lost 12 . And let there be one central court of justice with 
officers not sworn to either party and not so poor that they 

I Feret, iv. 91. 2 Gerson, iv. 673. 

3 Ibid. iv. 658. 

4 Ibid. iv. 659. 

5 Varlet paillard, ibid. iv. 660 ; see Cotgr., s.v. For "horsson" see Brut, ii. 593. 

6 Matin, Gerson, iv. 66 1, see Cotgr., s.v. Mastin. 

7 Bottes hors, Gerson, iv. 66 1. 

8 Ibid. iv. 670. 

9 For clergy forbidden to trade see Vidal, Perpignan, 373. 

10 Gerson, iv. 675. 

II Ibid. 666. For 200,000 killed through the schism see Fages, ii. 98; Wylie, iii. 5. 
12 Un roy se perd qui se partit, Schwab, 451. 

I7 6 The Cabochians [CH. xin 

must suck the people's blood and leave them like the 
wretched beggar, who cried out not to chase away the 
full flies that had gorged enough from his sores, lest 
hungrier ones should come and sting him worse 1 . Paris 
had just taken on the Armagnac device / droit chemiri*- 
yet each party still holds that those who are not with them 
are against them, and the man who keeps "the right way 3 ," 
without turning aside to either, falls between two stools or 
drowns between two floods 4 . Henceforward, therefore, if 
any man should ask you who you are for, say: " I am just 
a Frenchman, for my king and no one else ; that is my 
' right way' and God grant I may never swerve from it 5 !" 
The one strong power must be the king 6 . Look at your 
schoolboys! If one hits another he must not hit back but 
complain to the master, otherwise he gets birched himself. 
But since the night of the Porte Barbette our teaching has 
been all the other way. The preacher names no names 
and calls for no punishment on any man, but he strikes 
at the speech of Jean Petit 7 , which not so long ago the 
University of Paris had solemnly approved, when even 
he himself had been so far carried away by his indignation 
as to assert that force for force was Nature's law and that 
in the words of Seneca a murdered tyrant is the most 
welcome offering to God 8 . But now his conscience took 

1 Thes newly come me shal moche more smertre assayle, Secreta, 180. 

2 Gerson, iv. 657, 660; Masson, 271; cf. "la droicte voie," Blondel, i. 150. For 
"Regardez Roi la droyt voy" on a subtlety at the coronation feast of Henry V, see 
Cookry, 4. For payment for embroidering "le droit chemin" on 4 mantles of violet 
Brussels cloth for chamberlains and other officers of the Duke of Orleans see Add. Chart. 
2424 (Sept. 5, 1413). The Duke wore this motto on his jacket at the reception of the 
Duke of Bourbon in Paris in 1413, Le Fevre, i. 117; Coville (Lavisse), 350; Maulde La 
Claviere, i. 35. For jackets (huques) embroidered with this motto given to the Orleanists 
by the Dauphin see Odolant-Desnos, i. 485. Cf. Weiss, i. 119 ; also on a violet band, 
see Capefigue, iv. 32. 

3 Cf. I will keepe the right way, Stow, Chron. 349. For "the rizte way" see Lydg. 
Troy Bk. 224, 244, 251, 320, 383, 407, 468, 474, 484; ryzt as line, ibid. 419, 422, 430, 
440 ; do. Nightingale, 27. 4 Gerson, iv. 668. 5 Schwab, 452, 456. 

6 For coins struck in Paris with the legend "Vive le Roi et ses Amis" see Affry de la 
Monnoye, xx. 3. Cf. 1'autorite du roi etait a la base, au centre, au sommet a tous les 
degres de 1'edifice de 1'administration, Riviere, i. 216. For the king as "tout puissant," 
see Menorval, n. pp. iv, viii, 

7 Wylie, iii. 94. See App. M. 

8 Nulla Deo gratior victima quam tyrannus, see Michelet, vi. 04; Thomassy. Gerson, 
206 ; Schwab, 456 ; 

Quant tirant d'autruy sang rempli 
Puet on murtrir et acourer 
Ce qu'on luy doit est accomply 
Ne on ne doibt sa mort plourer. 
Blondel, i. 125, who defends tyrannicide in his Oratio Historialis. 

i4 J 3] " Le droit chemin" 177 

the larger view 1 that man must not do evil in order that 
good may come and when we defend perjury and lying, we 
destroy all possibility of human government and leave the 
state a helpless body without nerves or tendons. And this 
leads him to the stones of how the shepherds made a treaty 
with the wolves and the wolves broke it 2 and how the 
lion was sick and the fox prescribed a stag's heart for 
him as a cure, much like the courtiers now-a-days who 
recommend cutting-up so that they may get their share, 
and how the lion invited the stag to come to him in 
confidence and lifted his paw to rend him but the stag 
swerved and lost his horns ; how when the lion called 
him a second time he went, like a fool, trusting to the 
fox's oath, and how the lion tore him open, while the fox 
watched his chance, stole the heart and ate it, and when 
the lion asked where it was, he laughed and said : " Do 
you suppose, my lord, that stag ever had a heart? If he 
had, he certainly would never have gone back to you a 
second time 3 ." And then after this playful sally the 
preacher relapses into columns of the dullest of common- 
place theology. 

The sermon was followed by a royal banquet together 
with plentiful oaths and tears and a general request to 
disarm and turn hatred to goodwill, but within three days 
the vengeance began. All supporters of the Duke of 
Burgundy were removed from office 4 ; Savoisi, Courcelles 
and many others took to flight 5 , and the gallows was 
loaded again from the other point of view 6 . The Duke 
of Burgundy himself, when he found that the wind was 
all blowing in his face 7 , had left Paris in disguise 8 on 

1 Not that he had opposed Jean Petit from the first as Jadart, 30; Henry, 149; 
Dufour, Chancelier, 194; Hoffbauer, ii. 34; Masson, 261; Alcock, 26; Steyert, ii. 590. 

2 For the fable see H. L. D. Ward, ii. 282, 289, 319, 338, 344, 349. 

3 Gerson, iv. 672. For the story cf. Quant tierce feiz i repaira sachiez qu'il naveit 
point de quer, Warnke, Fabeln, 227-231, from Marie de France (circa 1 180) ; do. Quellen, 
220; H. L. D. Ward, ii. 303. 

* St Denys, v. 214, 220; Baye, ii. 154; Bourgeois, 617; Menorval, ii. 52; e.g. Jean 
de Troyes, surgeon, one of the skevins of Paris, ceased to be concierge of the Palais, the 
post being given back to Antoine des Essars, whom he had displaced in the previous 
March, Aubert, Organisation, 320; cf. ou temps que Caboche et Maistre Jehan de 
Troyes regnerent a Paris, Mirot, 194. 

' St Denys, v. 144. 

6 Paradin, 568. 

r Ibid. 570; Serres, 954. 

8 En abit dissimule, Cagny, 85; Coville, 433. 

W. 12 

178 The Cabochians [CH. xm 

2< 1413', "with as much speed as if his deadliest 
2 " - 

enemes were on his track 2 ," without saying good-bye to 
the Queen or the Dauphin 3 , after an ineffectual attempt 
to spirit away the King with him to Flanders . Accom- 
panied by a very small band of followers 5 he made his 
way to Arras and arrived at Lille on Aug. 29 6 , where he 
straightway opened negotiations with the English . .From 
Lille he moved by Audenarde and entered Bruges on 
Sept. 15, where he was presented with a cue of Beaune 
and another of red French wine 8 . Here he conferred 
with Chichele and the other English envoys 9 ,, and on 
their departure for Calais he removed to St Omer, where 
he stayed from Sept. 25 till Oct. 10. On Oct. 19, as 
we have already seen 10 , he had another interview with the 
English envoys at Lille, where he remained till Oct. 29". 
After this he passed to Tournai which he entered on 
Nov. 5, 14 1 3 12 , together with his brother Anthony, Duke 
of Brabant, and his Chancellor, Jean de Thoisy 13 , who had 
been appointed Bishop of Tournai in 1410" but had not 

1 Itin. 400; LeLaboureur, 899; Bourgeois, 61 6; Michelet, v. 319; H. Martin, v. 542; 
Schwab, 448; Barante, iii. 77; Lettenhove, Flandre, iii. 82; Coville, 374. It would 
appear from Plancher, III. ccxlvii, that he actually left on Aug. 22; not Aug. 31, as 
Cagny, 85 ; nor September, as Tyler, ii. 84. For a letter written in Paris on Aug. 23, 
1413, announcing this news to the Duchess of Burgundy who sent a copy of it to Dijon 
from La Perriere near Dole (Franche-Comte) on Aug. 29, 1413, see Gachard, 109. 

2 St Denys, v. 148; bien soudainement, Juv. 486; le plus hastivement que faire le 
peut, Cagny, 85 ; Coville, 433. 

3 St Denys, v. 166, 212, 262. 

4 A rege capta licentia, Brando, 162; cf. Trahisons, 125; Cochon, 268; Le Fevre, i. 
1 08; Ordonnances, x. 453. De Florentin (i.e. Charles VI) a pris congiet 


retourna avecques hastis 
poy gens d 
5 A bien petit estat, Cordeliers, 219. 

A poy gens dedens ses pastis. Pastor alet, 727. 

1, 413; t 
He was still at Lille on Sept. 8, 1413, Gilliodts van Severen, Inventaire, iv. 254. 

7 Itin. 401, 402; Monstr. ii. 408. 

8 Eene queue rood wyns van Beane and eene queue roode vranx wyns, Gilliodts van 
Severen, iv. 254. He was still at Bruges on Sept. 22, 1413, ibid. 252. 

9 Page 152, note i. 

10 Page 152, note 3. 

11 Itin. 402; Monstr. ii. 412; though from Coussemaker, 102, it would appear that he 
was at Bruges from Oct. 25 to 28, 1413, and at Ghent on Oct. 29. 

12 Itin. 403; or Nov. 6, Vandenbroeck, 102, 103. 

13 Valois, Conseil, 121, 123. He was also Chancellor to his father Duke Philippe 
le Hardi and his son Philippe le Bon, Feret, iv. 105, where he is wrongly called Choisy. 

14 He was translated from Auxerre on Sept. 17, 1410, Gams, 251; Eubel, i, 517. 
He died at Lille in 1433 and was buried in the cathedral at Tournai, Coussemaker, 136. 
For his seal Dec. 9, 1417, see Gilliodts van Severen, Invent, iv. 348. For his predecessor, 
Louis de la Tremouille, who was installed April 21, 1392 (Wylie, ii. 369, note 5), but 
did not make his public entry till Nov. 6, 1404, see Vandenbroeck, 59. He made his 
will on July 30, 1410, and died in the same year, Tuetey, Test. 261. He was a member 
of the Cours d' Amour in Paris, Piaget, 430. 

i4 1 3] Jean sans Peur 179 

yet made his public entry, for there had been some difficulty 
about his reception, and the Austin Canons had been 
preaching against him, possibly because he was a pro- 
nounced Burgundian partisan, the town being at that time 
loyalist 1 . At any rate the citizens now presented him with 
two fat oxen and two cues of Beaune and Rhenish, claiming 
in return, according to an ancient custom 2 , the dapple-grey 
horse 3 on which he had ridden and the silver-gilt cup 
(godef) which he had used at the feast, the horse being 
subsequently sold and the money handed back to him in 
cash. The Duke afterwards visited Audenarde 4 and Ghent 5 
and was back in Bruges on Nov. 21, 1413, this time 
accompanied by his future son-in-law the Count of Cleves, 
and there was much dancing and festivity 6 . From Dec. 7 
to 13 he was at Antwerp 7 , where he held a conference with 
his supporters to consider how best to recover his lost 
ascendency. Meanwhile the news of his preparations had 
reached Paris, where on Nov. 14, I4I3 8 , the Council issued 
letters requiring the northern towns to close their gates 
against him if he should again appear. The astronomers 
said that he was under the influence of Saturn 9 ; his name 
was hissed in the streets of Paris and ribald songs were 
sung in the public squares deriding him and blackening 
him as a traitor 10 . 

Yet all this time the victorious Armagnacs were by no 
means a harmonious party and even the feasting was marred 

1 Vandenbroeck, 90, May 10, 1412. For picture of Tournai market-place and 
cathedral see De Witt, 65. For seal of Tournai, ibid. 441. 

2 Wylie, Constance, p. 45. For the jus dextrarii see Ducange, s.v. Dextrare-, Cotgr. 
and Godefroy, s.v. Adestrer\ or jus sescalcie (i.e. seneschalcise), Ducange, s.v.; or la 
Vigaria, do. s.v. Vigerius (i.e. Vicarius). 

3 Qui estoit de pois gris lyart pomele, Vandenbroeck, 104. Cf. Cotgrave, s.v. 
Pommett', Halliwell, s.v. Pomelee. 

4 i.e. Nov. 7, 8, 1413, Itin. 403; Monstr. ii. 413. For view of Audenarde, see 
De Witt, 445, 593. 

6 From Nov. 12 to 20, I4i3> Itin. 403. 

6 Daer daden dansen frauwen ende joncvrauwen van der stede, Gilliodts van Severen, 
Inventaire, iv. 258. 

7 Coville, 388 ; not Amiens, as Monstr. 307. Itin. 404-406 shows that he was not at 
Amiens at all* during 1413 or 1414. He was at Arras from Feb. 26 to March 6, 1414, 
Itin. 406 ; also from March 23 to April 12, 1414, and again in May, 1414, ibid. 408. 

8 Bouchot, 273. 

9 Hemmerli, v. 3; Reber, 59, 460. 

10 Cochon, 270; Le Fevre, i. 155; Barante, iii. 102. For children kicked and cuffed 
(toucez et navrez) for singing songs in favour of the Duke of Burgundy, see Leroux de 
Lincy, I. xli ; cf. faulx traistre, murdrier et qu'il avoit faulsement tue le propre frere du 
roy (1411), Soc. de 1'Histoire de Normandie, Melanges, ii. 300 (1893). 

12 2 

The Cabochians [CH. xm 

by altercations, where the Dukes of Brittany and Orleans 1 
"had words" over a question of precedence, and their 
followers nearly came to blows about it, in the course of 
which the Count of Alen^on told the Duke of Brittany that 
if he really had a lion in his heart at all, it must be about 
the size of quite a little baby 2 . But if on some points they 
were divided, they were at least at one in their thirst for 
vengeance on the routed Cabochians. On Sept. 5, 141 3*, 
the ordinance was solemnly annulled at a lit de justice*, a 
copy of it being officially torn up by the registrar, Nicholas 
de Baye, with his own hands 6 . On Sept. i8 6 , the council 7 
addressed a manifesto to the various courts of Europe 
repudiating all concessions made by the French king 
during the Terror 8 as extorted from him by violence 9 . 
Enclosed with this was a list of more than 60 names of the 

1 For documents of the Duke of Orleans signed in Paris Sept. 5, 30, 1413, and March 
20, 1414, see Add. Chart. 2425, 2429, 2440. 

2 Monstr. ii. 409; Le Fevre, i. 123; Paradin, 570; Barante, m. 84; Odolant-Desnos, 
i. 486; Cosneau, Conne"table, 29. For previous quarrels between the Count and the 
Duke see Dupleix, ii. 707; Villaret, xiii. 335; Roujoux, iv. 143, 166. 

3 Denifle, Chartularium, iv. 269; Aubert, Organisation, 199; called Sept. 3 in 
Finot, Paix, ii; or Sept. 8 in D. Sauvage, 200. 

4 i.e. a special meeting of the Parliament called with special solemnity to give 
publicity to edicts, Aubert, Organisation, 196. For picture of a lit de justice in 1331 
see Bordier-Charton, i. 444. For un beau lict tout tendu et bien ordonne de tapisserie to 
represent a lict de justice see Juv. 366; Dreux du Radier, iii. 124; called trone du roi in 
Littre", s.v. 

B Baye, ii. 306 ; Viollet.Textes, 168 ; Marie, 34 ; not by the king himself, asLaferriere, xx. 

6 Rym. ix. 51 ; St Denys, v. 170, 182; Finot, Paix, 49; not i4th, as Isambert, vii. 401 ; 
cf. Sismondi, xii. 435 ; Coville, 385. For the copy sent to King Sigismund see Finke, 
Acta, i. 219, from Vatican MS. Codex Palatinus, 594. For a copy in the Bibliotheque 
Communale at Chartres see Proces Verbaux de la Societe" arche'ologique d'Eure et Loir, 
i. 44 (1861); Viollet, 160-167; for copies at Dijon see Gouvenain, i. 4, and at Rodez 
see Affre, Aveyron, i. 171, where the rising is called "la congregation." For lists 
proclaimed in Paris Aug. 29, 31, 1413, see Boule, Helyon, 15, 24-26. 

7 For contrast between the composition of the Grand Council, i.e. mostly composed of 
soldiers under Burgundian rule, but including more clerics and civilians under the 
Orleanists, see Valois, Conseil, 136. 

8 St Denys, vi. 106, 152, 184, 192; Juv. 487; Le Laboureur, 909; Ordonnances, x. 
170; Le Fevre, i. 110-116, 143; Isambert, vii. 400; Brando, 164; Perrens, ii. 248, 253; 
Baye, ii. 140-143, 306; Mem. de la Soc. de PHist. de Paris, iv. 168; Sismondi, xii. 434; 
Barante, iii. 80; Thierry, i. Ixix; do. Essai, 60; Coville, 380; Aubert, Comp. xxi; 
Beaucourt, i. 13; "durant les brouilles," Ordonnances, x. 140; Waurin, ii. 164; 
"duramMes debaz et dissensions," ibid. 163; "les tribulations," Le Fevre, i. 84; "les 
desroys," ibid. i. 119; " 1'Emeute," Isambert, vii. 411 ; "les divisions," Mirot, 194. 

9 Subrepticement et obrepticement impetree par grande impression de gens d'armes; 
cf. frauduleuses et Subrepticement obtenues, i.e. the letters of proscription issued against 
the Dukes of Berry, Orleans, Bourbon, and Alen9on, Charles d' Albret and others recalled 
Sept. 5, 1413, Huillard-Breholles, ii. 193. For letter of Charles VI dated May 24, 
1413, approving the arrests at the Hostel de St Pol, see Ordonnances, x. 68, 140, 141; 
Isambert, vi. 282. For a declaration by the Dauphin that his house had been broken 
into de son contentement et pour le bien de la chose publique, see Gouvenain, i. 4, from 
the archives at Dijon. 

1413] The Manifesto 181 

ringleaders who had escaped 1 , including Simon Caboche, 
John of Troyes 2 and his son Henry 3 , four of a family 
named Legoix 4 , the butcher Garnot de St Yon 5 , and 
Master Pierre Cauchon, a learned doctor of Rheims 6 , 
whom Gerson dearly loved as a compatriot 7 , and Clamenges 
as a tried and faithful friend 8 , but whom the Frenchman of 
to-day feels it his duty to stigmatise as a vile, ambitious, 
murderous traitor 9 . In this manifesto the French Council 
called upon all kings, princes, lords and others to rally to 
the side of law and order, to have the document cried in 
their cities and fastened to the doors of their churches 10 , 
and to punish any of the murderers whom they might find, 
or send them across to Paris where they would meet their 
well-merited doom. 

There is no evidence that this early attempt at inter- 
national extradition 11 was attended with any measure of 

1 Not that some of them were actually in England, as Lavallee, i. 375. In subsequent 
amnesties 500 ignobiles whose names were to be given were formally excluded from 
pardon, St Denys, v. 426; Monstr. 356; Juv. 502. 

2 He is called un quasi-littre in Menorval, ii. 43 ; a "venerable surgeon," Haggard, 89. 

3 For 100 crowns taken by force in 1411 (sic) from William Cousinot, councillor of the 
King and chancellor to the Duke of Orleans, by Henricus de Trecis (i.e. Henri de Troyes), 
Simon Caboche, and Dionysius de Chaumont, see Moranville, 429, March 31, 1417. 

4 i.e. John (who was an echevin of Paris in 1412), William, and a father and son 
named Thomas Legouais, Rym. ix. 55. They were one of the four butcher families, 
Longnon, Paris, 39. In Nov. 1411 the Orleanists taunted the followers of the Duke of 
Burgundy as " Goys," as Legoix had headed the mob that demolished the chateau at 
Bicetre, and the Burgundians retorted by calling them " Armagnagoys," Soc. de PHist. de 
Normandie, Melanges, ii. 303, 314; cf. Gouays, bouchers et autres villains de Paris, 
Raoulet, 163. 

8 Not St Yno, as Juv. 511. He became pantler to the Duke of Burgundy, Longnon, 
Paris, 39 note, quoting La Barre, ii. 140. For a reference (Oct. 28, 1415) to butchers' 
stalls confiscated from Gernerius et Johannes de St Yon fratrum bannitorum, see 
Moranville, 423. 

Doctor theologus sed licentiatus in legibus, Gall. Christ, ix. 758 ; grand practicien et 

8 For letter of Clamenges written "apud Fontem" referring warmly to his fidelem et 
spectatam amicitiam, see Clamenges, Epist. p. 324; Beaurepaire, Juges, 29. 

9 Cerf, 363; cf. son odieuse personne, Sarrazin, Jeanne d'Arc, 19; le futur meurtrier, 
le nom execrable, Menorval, ii. 46, 54; "the miserable tool of Bishop Beaufort," 
Haggard, 187; Hanotaux, 272, regards him as a Fouquier-Tinville with an admixture of 
Talleyrand and Marat. 

10 As had been done in Paris, Menorval, ii. 54. 

11 For an understanding between the rulers of Brabant and Liege to expel the 
remainder of the haterights and mootmakers who had been so badly beaten at Othee in 
1408 (Wylie, iii. 180), see Dynter, iii. 307, 757, where they are called malefactores 
communiter heydrote et moytmakers appellat'. For "muytmackers" see Daris, iii. 42, 80 ; 
cf. Godefroy, s.v. Muthemathe, meutemacre, also s.v. Stereshomme. Cf. stershomme ou 
muetemakers, Mart. Anec. i. 1623. For "haidroits " see Moke, 278 ; "hedries," Henaux, 
i. 563, 567, 578. For "ryghtes and droytes" see Caxton, Curial, 14, translating 
Chartier, 395. 

182 The Cabochians [CH. xin 

success, and indeed, even while the vengeance was in full 
cry, the Armagnacs were brought up sharply with the news 
that the enemy was again at their gates. For already the 
Dauphin had tired of the new control and had thrice sent 
letters 1 to his father-in-law, the Duke of Burgundy, begging 
him to come back and release him from this latest form of 
servitude. The summons was welcome and the Duke lost 
not a day in responding. On Jan. 23, I4H 2 , he was at 
Lille, whence he moved with 2000 men-of-arms 3 by Arras, 
Noyon, Soissons and Compiegne 4 , and entered St Denis 5 
on Feb. 7". On the following day he was before the 
St Honore* Gate 7 with his troops spread out between 
Montmartre 8 and Le Roule 9 outside the western wall of 
Paris, whence he sent a herald claiming entrance to the 
capital that he might lay his case before the King. 

But the Armagnacs were forearmed. On Jan. 24, 141 4 10 , 
they had issued an order warning their enemy off and three 
days before his arrival there were solemn processions to the 
churches 11 , and the Dauphin rode in full panoply to the 

1 i.e. on Dec. 4, 13 and 22, 1413. Cf. trois paires de lettres ecrites et signees de sa 
mam, Monstr. 399. For text see Plancher, in. p. ccxcviii; J. Meyer, 242 a\ Paradin, 
573; Barante, iii. 92. 

2 Monstr. ii. 424; Paradin, 575. 

3 For list of his principal followers see Plancher, ill. 586. On March 5, 1414, a letter 
from the French king was read at Tournai stating that the Duke was approaching and 
that the goods of all the burgesses of Tournai who were with him must be confiscated, 
Vandenbroeck, 107. 

4 Ordonnances, x. 193. 
1 Pastoralet, 728. 

6 I n - 4 7 ; St Denys ' v< 2 * 2 ; J uv ' 488 ; Fenin, 36 ; Bourgeois, 47 ; Baye, ii. 164, 167, 
307 ; Monstr. u. 431 ; Coville, 392 ; Barante, iii. 97; not Feb. 2, as Cochon, 271. 
,.i7 For position of u in the enceinte of Charles V, now in the Rue St Nicaise (or Rue de 
irSr e) -!~ g . the H6tel de Normandie to the north of the Place du Carrousel, see 
Hoffbauer, 11 (Tuilenes), 3, 5, 29, Plate I; do. (Palais Royal), 3; Lavallee, Paris. 327; 

Wallon, 177 (restoration). 

| For position of the Porte Montmartre, see Kausler, iv. Plate 14. 

A % , Roole - lez - p aris in 1370, Berty, i. 283, 285, who locates the 

Chemin du Roule, now Rue St Honore, cf. Tuetey, 434; Toilet, 39; Cosneau, 

mnetable, 32 ; entre Montmartre et Chaillot, Monlezun, iv. 166, i.e. a suburb on the 

A U J We T u ' the name of which is sti11 Preserved in the Rue de Chaillot near the 

Arc d< Inomphe. For the Commanderie du Roule belonging to the Knights of 

t Lazarus of Jerusalem and Our Lady of Mount Carmel, see Vi|nat, 325. For their 

So ? ^l ^ deans ' sce ibid v ' ix < with P icture ) ? also long list of 
their commandenes in France, ibid. 315-^64. 
JJ Plancher, in. ccxix. 

St Ma! , r ir^ da l S f . the Parliament accompanying the Chancellor to the church of 
Magloire montez et competement habillez on Feb. 5, i 4 , 4 , see Delachenal, 131. 

1414] Porte St Honor & 183 

Place de Greve 1 , where a notice was read out that the 
reasons given by the Duke for his intended return were 
all falsehoods and inventions. So, when he actually ap- 
peared, the gates were closed against him ; the walls were 
manned by trusty Armagnacs, and the workers of the 
Halles, on whose help he had relied 2 , were kept disarmed 
at their daily toil 3 . Thus no answer followed the Duke's 
summons and for an hour and a half 4 not a bow was 
drawn nor a shot fired. Neither side dared to begin and 
the aggressors drew off sullenly to bide their time again 
at St Denis 5 . On Feb. io 6 a royal ordinance was published 
in Paris, in which all the political crimes of the last six 
years from the assassination at the Porte Barbette to the 
drownings and hangings by the Cabochians were laid to 
the charge of the Duke of Burgundy, and after plentifully 
setting forth his "notorious lies" and " damnable designs" 
it declared his goods to be confiscated and himself a rebel 
and a traitor 7 . Finding himself thus checkmated he dared 
not fight, for though he had exhibited the Dauphin's very 
letters 8 calling in his aid, yet the Dauphin now declared 
that he had never sent for him at all 9 . Accordingly he 
left St Denis at daybreak on Feb. i6 10 and reached Arras 
on Feb. 26", where he summoned the Estates of Artois to 
meet him on March 2, 14 14 12 . On his departure the gates 
of Paris were reopened after having been closed for 14 or 

1 i.e. a sandy space on the north bank of the Seine with a cross for the prayers of 
condemned criminals executed there, see Zeiler, pt. I. p. 51 (1660) ; Guilhermy, Itin. 321 ; 
Lavillegille, 12; H. Legrand, 59; Rittiez, H6tel de Ville, 147-149; Leroux de Lincy, 
197, from Missal of Jacques Juvenal des Ursins; Hoffbauer, i. 6, io; Bournon, 45; 
MS. Reg. 20, vii. 189 ; Lavallee, Jean sans Peur, 200. 

2 Monstr. ii. 412, 413; Cordeliers, 219; Fenin, 36; Cousinot, 151; D. Sauvage, 

3 Monstr. ii. 457; Le Fevre, i. 154. 

4 Called 7 hours in Cordeliers, 220 ; or 3 hours in Cagny, 86 ; Coville, 43. 

5 Vandenbroeck, 109. 

6 St Denys, v. 268 ; Monstr. ii. 442-456 ; Isambert, vii. 412 ; Lettenhove, Flandre, 
iii. 84; Coville, 394, where the date of publication is Feb. 12, 1414, also Juv. 488; not 
Feb. 17, 1413, as Belleval, 6. 

7 Ordonnances, x. 199; Bourgeois, 49; Le Fevre, i. 153; Le Laboureur, 927; 
Isambert, vii. 412 ; T. Meyer, 242 ; Rapin, i. 507 ; Barante, iii. 100. 

8 Cf. la singuliere requeste de Monsieur de Ghienne et parses lettres, Vandenbroeck, 
109, from the Duke of Burgundy's own statement on May 13, 1414. Cf. Le Fevre, i. 
140, 146, 151 ; Perrens, ii. 146. 

9 Vandenbroeck, 107, Feb. 22, 1414. Cf. Celly te fuit que tu reclames, Pastoralet, 
731 ; mais pour Florentin y delaie et se retrait de celle paie, ibid. 732. 

10 Itin. 407 ; Coville, 393. 

11 Itin. 407. 

12 Monstr. ii. 440; Fenin, 38. 

1 84 The Cabochians [CH. xm 

15 days 1 , and the Armagnacs marked their triumph by 
publicly burning a copy of Jean Petit's apology for the 
murder of the Duke of Orleans. The author himself had 
been dead nearly three years 2 , though his thesis had re- 
mained unrevoked since the day when it had been listened 
to without opposition by the Parliament and the University 
of Paris six years ago 3 . But now that his master was 
down, the moment seemed to have come to cast off the 
shame of it for ever. And so on Nov. 3, 141 3 4 , a 
gathering known as the Council of the Faith had met 
in Paris to reconsider the case, and on Dec. 27 5 the 
University condemned the propositions as erroneous in 
faith and morals. Further action in this direction would 
doubtless have ceased had the Duke of Burgundy recovered 
his ascendency, but now that he had fled a formal condem- 
nation was pronounced on Feb. 23, 14 14 8 , by the Armagnac 
Bishop of Paris, Gerard Montaigu 7 , whose masterful brother 
John had been beheaded by order of the Duke of Burgundy 8 . 
Two days later a copy of the odious disquisition was publicly 
burnt 9 on a scaffold in the parvis in front of Notre Dame 10 , 
many persons clamouring that the author's bones should be 
dug up and burnt with it 11 . The condemnation was backed 
by a royal ordinance issued on March 16, HI4 12 , and now 

1 Bourgeois, 48 ; Baye, ii. 160. 

2 See App. J. 

3 i.e. on March 8, 1408, Wylie, iii. 94. 

* Mansi, xxvii. 712; Boulay, v. -257; not Nov. 30, as Bonnechose, Ref. ii. 109; 
Hefele, vii. 177. 

6 Lenfant, i. 360 ; Boulay, v. 258-264. 

6 St Denys, v. 276; Juv. 488; Hardt, iii. 9, 10, 12; Le Laboureur, 933; Baye, ii. 
170; Monstr. h. 419,461; Isambert, vii. 411; J. Meyer, 241; Plancher, iii. 403; 
H. Martin, v. 545; Hefele, vii. 180. Not March, as Baye, ii. 307; nor 1411, as 
Ihomassy, Gerson, 215. For condemnation by the theologians of Paris on Feb. 19, 
1414, see Feret, iv. 97. 

' He was appointed Bishop of Poitiers on Sept. 27, 1403, Eubel, i. 419 (called 1405 
in Gall. Christ, u. 1197; Gams, 602), whence he was translated to Paris on July 16 
(or 26), 1409, Gall. Christ, vii. 143. He died on Sept. 25, 1420, and was buried in the 
chapel of the Celestines at Marcoussis, Gall. Christ, ii. 1198 ; Gams, 597 : Eubel, i. 410 

.1. -ut' J^/JS 1 I7 ' I4 9' GalL Christ ' vi " W 5 Merlet > 2 77- His body was hung on 
he gibbet of Montfaucon, Maillard, 69 ; Lavillegille, 66 ; Sellier, 30, 77, who calls him 
" un veritable maire du palais" (p. 33) ; Menorval, ii. 36, 37. 

10 - S T lar tr f. atm ^ nt required at Tournai on May 26, 1414, see Vandenbroeck, 114. 

Maimbourg,!! 356; Fleury, vi. 336; Crevier, iii. 376 ; Berault-Bercastel, xv. 103; 

tier, 118. In Thouron (ni. 149), the sentence is pronounced and carried out on the 

i,?. nnVK ' I4l -l ; - j n t I4 " as Masson ' ' 6l ; nor Feb ' 5 HI4, as Danvin, 

Krais u i i82 9> I414 ' " 3 ' 4 ' F r Pi ture f thC PlaCC du Parvis ' S * e T llet ' ? 6 ; 

" Bourgeois, 46, 49. 

u Feret, iv. 98. 

1414] The "Bande" 185 

that their tide was at flood the victors further clinched their 
triumph by a great apotheosis of the murdered voluptuary 
and a big procession was organised to his grave in the 
church of the Celestines on June 10, 1414', when the 
students of the French nation of the university outdid 
themselves in the lavish sums they paid for wax 2 . 

But sterner preparations had already been advanced, 
for the Duke of Burgundy was not likely to be outfaced 
with paper resolutions and party processions, and on 
April 3, 14 1 4 s , the King put himself at the head of a 
large army that had assembled at Senlis 4 . But he so far 
forgot the warning voice of Gerson that, instead of the 
white upright cross on the blue ground of France 5 , he wore 
the white faction scarf or band of the house of Armagnac 6 . 

1 Crevier, iii. 381, gives the year as 1415, because June 10 fell on a Monday in that 
year. For great obsequies at Notre Dame (at which Gerson preached), at the church of 
the Celestines (where the preacher was Jean Courtecuisse, the sublime doctor, Feret, iv. 
144; Wylie, iii. 25), and at the College de Navarre on Jan. 5, 7, 1415, see Monstr. 353 ; 
Le Fevre, i. 197 ; L'Ecuy, ii. 75 ; not that this was for the death of the Dauphin, as 
Boulliot, i. 448. 

2 Boulay, v. 270. 

8 Bouvier, 427 ; Paradin, 580. 

4 Isambert, vii. 412. 

5 De porter la croix droicte pareillement que noz diz ennemiz (i.e. the Dauphinists), 
Stevenson, i. 46 ; Longnon, Paris, 308. 

La droite crois ont au jupal 

Florentinois (i.e. the French) pour leur enseigne. Pastoralet, 851. 
For the white upright cross on French soldiers in 1484, see Wallon, 222 ; A. France, iii. 
49, from MS. fr. 5054 in Bibl. Nat. ; crucem albam rectam, St Denys, vi. 152 ; D. Lacroix, 
20; Dusevel, i. 273 ; Paradin, 580. Charles VII adopted the white flag instead of the 
blue which was used by the English, Leroux, 95, though in St Denys, vi. 88 (1417), it is 
the badge of the Armagnacs. Cf. la croix droite blanche, Juv. 534, 535, 565 ; Beaucourt, 
i. 92 ; and in Monstr. 389, the Burgundians wear les droits croix devant. For Orleanists 
with white upright cross and Burgundians with the sakire or St Andrew's Cross at the 
bridge of St Cloud in 1411, see Zeller, Armagnacs, 77, from MS. fr. 5054. 

6 Monstr. ii. 466 ; Cordeliers, 221 ; Le Fevre, i. 159 ; Barante, iii. 102 ; Coville, 395 ; 
Leroux, 82 ; Monlezun, iv. 137, 165, 168. 



THE belief in the wild days of Henry's youth before he 
ascended the throne has hitherto been bound up inextricably 
with the story of his altercation with the judge 1 , as to which 
it must be acknowledged that, when all the evidence is sifted, 
nothing whatever remains but a i6th century tradition 
having no proved foundation in any known historical fact 
that comes within a hundred years of the reputed event. 
After having cut an indelible mark deep into the national 
mind through the Elizabethan drama the story slept for 
some 200 years, but interest revived when Alexandre Duval 
presented La Jeunesse de Henri Fin Paris about a century 
ago 2 . Since then poetic treatment has ceased and the 
question has been more prosily, but not more profitably, 
debated from the standpoint of national and patriotic pre- 
judice, with the unfortunate result that English writers have 
usually approached the story of the wild days with the 
prepossession that this slur ought to be removed from 
the character of their national hero, while the French still 
cast it up against the vaunted piety of their nation's ruthless 

As facts are wholly wanting 3 as to the episode of the 
judge, it is not surprising that under these conditions little 
progress has been made towards a settlement of the general 

1 See App. D. 

2 Jt was produced at the Theatre Fran 9 ais on June 9, 1806, Duval-Pineu, x. p. 69. 
The author has himself given an interesting account (ibid. x. pp. 89, 92) of how he 
originally meant his royal libertine to be Charles II, but was forced to change the name 

f h h sus P ected of a reference to Napoleon Bonaparte who was the Cromwell 

as Las Mocedades de Enrique Quinto, Valencia, 1817. 
Kingsford, Chron. pp. xxxvi, 341. 

1414] Wild Days 187 

question. Thus the Frenchman still delights in calling 
Henry a hypocrite and a debauchee 1 , while the Englishman, 
if he gets so far as to admit that there is any basis 2 at 
all for the stories of his "riotous fits of wine and harlotry 3 ," 
still palliates 4 them as " early petulance much exaggerated 
by the vulgar minds of our chroniclers 5 " or " jollities and 
practical jokes 6 ," "the indiscretions and frolics of a high- 
spirited young man 7 ," or "boisterous amusements 8 ," "noisy 
pranks 9 ," "tricks of youth 10 /' " rampant hilarity 11 ," "excess of 
bubbling vivacity 12 ," and so forth. 

But just as the latest guesses appeared to be drifting us 
into a non-committal admission that, after all, the tradition 
of the wild days " may or may not be true 13 ," we seem at 
last to have come upon substantial evidence that even the 
stories of the Prince's rifling the males 14 on the highroad 

1 II se mit avec beaucoup d'aflfectation a se livrer aux pratiques de la religion et il 
esperait se rendre populaire en agissant ainsi, Mazas, Vies, v. 554. De debauche il s'est 
fait pieux et mystique, Lavisse-Rambaud, iii. 137. Sa jeunesse n'avait pas etc aussi 
turbulente et debauchee que lui-meme voulait le dire par fausse humilite, Coville, 
Valois, 364. 

2 "It seems very difficult to admit the possibility of there being any truth in these 
stories," Sanford, 174, though he admits (p. 184) that they "may have been founded on 
some unguarded actions." R. F. Williams (i. 193) finds "little historical evidence for 
them." Aubrey (Rise, ii. 12) calls them " manifest exaggerations if not pure inventions." 
Church (125) regards them as "dubious reports." Murray-Smith (60, 66) finds it 
impossible to look upon the bust in the Jerusalem Chamber (which is of course a modern 
production) and still believe in the legend. Oman (Hist. 219) considers the stories to be 
"entirely worthless," and thinks that there "seems little room in his busy life for these 
curious tales " ; see also his Hundred Years' War, 104. 

3 Tennyson, 523. Tyrrell (i. 283) believes in "the riots of his youth"; do. Royal 
Hist. 1 66. 

4 Purey-Cust (i. 215) thinks we may condone his unworthy conduct because his 
mother died when he was only 8 years old. Cf. his " fast, disorderly, somewhat 
scandalous life," Bearne, 261. 

6 Hallam, 574 ; Historians' Hist, xviii. 526 ; Rowlatt, p. iii ; Aubrey, Rise, ii. 34, 
who thinks that " Fabian seems to have led off the accusation." 

6 Cassell, i. 516, who thinks (i. 512) that he was "as dissipated as an heir-apparent 
generally is" and "obliged to amuse his active mind with those youthful dissipations and 
escapades" of " an intrinsically great mind temporarily occupied by the levities of youth," 
ibid. i. 516. 

7 Stubbs, iii. 83; cf. E. Hardy, i. 81, who thinks (p. 21) that his "follies" were 
"heightened and exaggerated by selfish designers." Tout (Advanced Hist. p. 260) 
thinks that he " caused some scandal by his wild and injudicious pursuit of amusement 
during his scanty leisure. " 

8 Gardiner, 299, who thinks that he may have developed these tastes after 1410, but 
that there is no foundation for the stories of the judge, etc. 

9 Towle, England, 158. 

10 Famous Victories, 3, 3. 

11 Hudson, ii. 67. 

12 Ein Uebermass sprudelnder Lebenskraft, Pauli, Bilder, 270 (298). 

13 C. R. L. Fletcher, 313; who, however, "sees no reason to question the tradition 
that he was a wild young man," Fletcher- Walker, 7. 

14 Wylie, iv. 92. Cf. in bagge nor male, Hazlitt, iv. 42. 

Conversion [CH. xiv 

are not merely " the fruits of Stow's imagination 1 ," as has 
been previously supposed, but are genuinely vouched for 
by a prominent contemporary 2 who had excellent means 
of knowing what he reports, and the discovery must have 
far-reaching consequences in regard to other incidents of 
the reign which it has hitherto been the fashion to reject- 
including the dismissal of the " young^ lords and gentlemen 
that were followers of his young acts 3 ." 

However this may be, it is certain that from the very 
opening of his reign as King of England Henry had secured 
the goodwill of the clergy 4 , who lavished flattery on him as 
the " Church's Champion 5 " and the " Christ of God 6 .' Five 
days after the coronation, John Burghersh, the Prior of 
Lewes, wrote from London that the momentary gloom that 
had fallen upon England at the death of Henry IV had 
been dispelled by the glad consolation that he had left 
behind him a son of like name and equal virtue 7 , without 
a hint of any apprehension for the future. Adam of Usk, 
whose eye was always on promotion, calls him a young man 
of the highest uprightness filled with wisdom and virtue 8 , 
while Jean Waurin, a Frenchman who afterwards served 

1 Tyler, i. 307. 

2 i.e. James Butler, Earl of Ormond (see page 70) ; Wylie, iv. 90, note i. " As I 
have learned of the credence before rehearsed," Kingsford, Biogr. 81 ; First Life, 17, 
where I expect that "the Translator " will turn out to be James Yonge (see page 81). 

3 Kingsford, Biogr. 74 ; do. First Life, xxix. 19. The story is in Stow, Chron. 557, 
followed by R. Brooke, p.p.p. 2. It appears also in Brut, ii. 594, where it is said that he 
"voyded al his housolde " ( = charged them to avoyde his presence, Caxton, Polychron. 
124), except three who had counselled him to forsake riot, to whom were added " 12 gentyl- 
men of sad governaunce " selected for him by " Dame Kateryn Swynfor, Countesse of 
Herforde," meaning apparently his grandmother, Joan de Bohun, for Catherine Swinford 
had died 10 years ago (i.e. in 1403, Wylie, ii. 283 ; iii. 259). 

4 Michelet (vi. 2, n) calls him " 1'homme de 1'Eglise." 

5 Miles Dei, Gesta, 54 ; Goddis champioun, Pol. Songs, ii. 143 ; Christi militem, 
Rym. ix. 644 ; fortem pro fide pugilem christianissime zelantem, Usk, 121 ; sacrosanctae 
Ecclesie pugilem atque protectorem, Clamenges, Epist. p. 348 ; Machabaeus, Gesta, 47, 
86, where the words are the author's, not Henry's, as Nicolas, 242 ; see also Garter 
Black Book (temp. H. VIII), in Anstis, ii. 62. 

Of holy Churche he was chief defensour 
In all suche causes Christes chosen knyght. 

Lydg. Fall of Princes, xxxiii. 

And thow (i.e. Henry VI) mayst be goddis champioun 
As that he was Judas the Machabee. Pol. Songs, ii. 143. 
For his father's dying advice, ecclesiam orna et honora, see Strecche, f. 264 b. 

6 Gesta, 26 ; Chron. Giles, 24 ; nee solum te regem fecerit sed communione sui 
nominis te Christum et esse et dici voluerit, Clamenges, Epist. p. 350. For the king 
becoming by his consecration le Christ du Seigneur, see A. Gasquet, i. 42. 

7 Duckett, i. 256, April 14, 1413. Cf. Lyche his fader of maneris and of name, 
Lydg. Troy Book, p. 3. 

8 Usk, 120. 

Appreciations 189 

with him at Agincourt, pronounced him to be the most 
virtuous and prudent of all the Christian princes then alive 1 , 
and shortly after his death his example was held up as 
"stable in virtue without variance 2 ." Onlookers at home 
noted that he made a weekly shrift 3 and did no business 
while hearing 4 or seeing 5 mass, as his custom was, three 
times each day 6 , but worshipped in rapt devotion *, parked 
in his pew 8 or oratory 9 and reverently crossing himself 
when the service was done 10 ; and the fact that these details 
are put into such prominent notice would seem to indicate 
a marked contrast to the outward demeanour of the ordinary 

It was an age in which the writing of individual bio- 
graphies was just beginning to bud 11 and we still possess 
some highly interesting appreciations of Henry's character 
sketched by friendly recorders who had means of first-hand 
personal knowledge. One of these was a Benedictine monk 
at Westminster 12 , whose estimate was written during the first 

1 Waurin, i. 165 ; cf. la sua gran bontat, Jurade, ii. 257. 

2 Pol. Songs, ii. 144. 

3 Qualibet hebdomada culpas confessio mandat, Memorials, 66. 

4 In Caxton, Dial. 48, " oyr messe "= " here masse." 

5 Cf. goo see the sacrament is a good breakfast, Caxton, Dial. 48. Cf. Elle vit 
chascun jour messe, Deschamps, vii. 14. 

6 II avoit coustume d'en oyr trois lune apres lautre, Waurin, ii. 202. Que tous les 
jours il n'oye messe, Petit, 129, as a direction for the education of nobles. At his 
daily mass Henry gave the usual big penny ( = 7^.) in alms and a gold noble (6/8, not 
5/8 as Purey-Cust, i. 89) at the Maundy, at Easter and at Whitsuntide, with 4O/- as 
a fee to the preacher on set occasions, Exch. Accts. 406/21, 19; Wylie, ii. 211, note t ; 
iv. 202, 306. 

7 Vita, 22. 

8 Dum missas audit ilium clam cellula claudit, Memorials, 66. Cf. all thinge for his 
pewe bothe cosshyn, carpet and curteyn, bedes and boke, Manners and Meals, i. 1 79 ; 
Littlehales, n. xix; Hoskyns, xvii. For "yparroked in pews," see Neale, 7; Wylie, 
iv- 357'. emparkez, Rot. Parl. iv. 78. For pewes or carrels (i.e. for books) at Durham, 
see Hurry, 125 ; also in the cloister at Westminster see Robinson and James, 2, where 
they are called studies. For i5th century instances of pews in churches, see Neale, 
7-12, who believes that they were always benches. For payments charged for them, see 
Kerry, 77; Ch. Quart. Rev. Ii. 99. For ung petit parquet for the singers at Le Puy in 
1416, see Medicis, i. 233 ; privy closett, Hodgson, 335. 

9 Cf. entre into an oratorie, Lydg. Temple, 29, 66. For an oratoire de cendail 
vermeil tiercelin with an altar and seat, see Mirot, Trousseau, 133, 150. For sendal 
(i.e. sarsenet, Cotgr. s.v.) de Tripe see Rot. Parl. iv. 228 ; cendal tiercaine, tercelaine 
noir, Godefroy, s.v. ; or cindon de tripl', Wylie, iv. 197, i.e. three-ply, not of Tripoli as 
ibid. ii. 444. 

10 Walden, ii. 980. 

11 Cf. the biography of Filippo Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan (b. July 23, 1401 ; 
d. March 8, 1466), by Decembri, in Muratori, xx. pp. 986-1019; also of Francesco 
Sforza, finished in 1462 by John Simonetta, in Muratori, xxi. pp. 176-782; with another 
by Decembri in Muratori, xx. 1024-1045. 

12 Versus Rhythmici, in Memorials, 63, 75. Not by "the Chaplain of Henry V" 
(i.e. Elmham), as Bridgett, ii. 214. 

Conversion [CH. xiv 

year or two of the reign. This writer knows nothing about 
any marvellous conversion, but assumes that the new king 
had been a saint from his earliest years 1 . He pictures him 
as devout, abstemious, liberal to the poor, sparing of promises 
but true to his word once given 2 , a quick, wide-awake man, 
though at times reserved and moody 3 , intolerant of laxity 
in priests, chivalrous towards women, rigid in repressing 
riot and crime. His household was sound and sweet as 
spikenard, no Lollard or unholy thing could enter there ; his 
stores were filled and his halls open and no loyal, well- 
conducted man need ever go empty away. He kept 24 
beadsmen praying for him at a cost of 2d. each per day 4 ; 
his chapel was stocked with singers and, when the service of 
praise swelled up to Heaven, all talk and jesting ceased 5 and 
every thought was chained intent upon the altar of prayer. 
Another friendly estimate comes from the pen of John 
Strecche 6 , who was a canon in the Augustinian Priory at 
Kenilworth, where Henry was as well known as he was 
at Westminster. It was at Kenilworth that he had been 
nursed after receiving his "shallow scratch" at Shrewsbury 7 ; 
he stayed there for some time in the spring of I4o8 8 ; in 
1414 he was there for building operations and boating on 
the pool and he spent some weeks there in the winter of 

1 In primo flore productus dogmate claro non traheris vitiis, Memorials, 64. 
Doctis consiliis seniorum teque dedisti, ibid. 

2 Raro promittit nee fit promissio ficta, Memorials, 67. Cf. rigide et clur mais fidele 
a sa parole, Coville, Valois, 375. 

8 Nunc vivax nuncque morosus, Memorials, 67. Strickland (ii. 91) credits him with 
"a vindictive temper." Cf. tristeet sombre, Bordier-Charton, i. 500. 

4 Oratores domini, Exch. Accts. 406/21, 19. 

8 Non fuit quispiam etiam de primoribus et optimatibus suis qui mediis interloquiis 
ea potuit aliquocies dissecare, Gesta, 91 ; Chron. Giles, 80. 

e This highly interesting contemporary chronicle, now in the British Museum (Add. 
MS. 35295), was purchased from the Earl of Ashburnbam's collection in 1897, and has 
not, so far as I know, been consulted by any writer who has hitherto dealt with the reign 
as a whole, though a short extract from it appears in Kingsford, First Life, p. xxviii. 
Though frequently very inaccurate in dates and figures it is to a large extent an 
independent account and certainly deserves to be published in full. The author is often 
a year wrong in his reckoning ; e.g. he dates the marriage of Henry IV in 1402 (f. 263) 
instead of 1403, the meeting of the Coventry Parliament in 1405 (f. 263 b), instead of 
1404, the execution of Archbishop Scrope on June 6, 1406 (f. 263 b), instead of 
June 8, 1405, and the landing at Touques in 1418 (f. 271 b), instead of 1417. He follows 
J. Page for the siege of Rouen and gives the number of the killed at Shrewsbury at 1 1 ,000 
(see Wylie, i. 363), locating the battlefield as super ripa Sabrinae non longe a Salopia. 
Palmer, Shrewsbury, 10, gives the total of killed as 6000, of whom 4000 were on the side 
of the Percies. 

7 Hy IV, Pt I, v. iv. ii. Curatus per artem medicinae, Strecche, 263 b; Harpsfeld, 
Hist. 586 ; Wylie, i. 362. 

8 Wylie, iii. 118. 

1414] John Strecche 191 

141 6 1 before he made his second voyage to France, while 
near at hand was his manor of Cheylesmore 2 , including the 
town of Coventry 3 , where tradition says that he got into 
trouble with the mayor 4 . It is highly probable therefore 
that Strecche 5 must have known about him from personal 
observation. Yet he gives us no hint of any wild escapades 
or sudden conversion. On the contrary he describes him 
as a second Solomon, a Paris in looks, a Hector in valour, 
an Achilles in might, a Julius in talent, an Augustus in 
character 6 , or dropping the comparisons he calls him cir- 
cumspect, sagacious 7 , wise in government, prudent and 
far-seeing in all his war plans with the added personal 
touch that he spoke in a low tone of voice 8 . 

In the next generation a biography of Henry V was 
written by an Italian humanist who was named Tito Livio 9 , 

1 Wals, ii. 317. 

2 The manor (not a Priory, as Wylie, iv. 93) had belonged to the Earls of Chester, 
M. D. Harris, 130, 133, not to the Duchy of Cornwall, as Cassell, i. 156. It is called 
a royal manor in Dugd. Warwickshire, i. 139, 140. On Aug. 23, 1344, it was granted 
for life to Isabella, the mother of Edward III, Hist. MSS. isth Report, App. Pt. x. 

Ill, 112. 

3 For the Acct. Book of the Manor, 1542-1561, see ibid. 104. For the Chilesmore 
gate in the southern wall of Coventry, see Dugd. Warwickshire, i. 135. 

4 For the story of his arrest in St Mary's Priory at Coventry by the Mayor, John 
Hornesby (not Home as First Life, xli), in 1412, see French, 78; Yonge, Cameos, 251 ; 
Dugd. Warw. 148; Wylie, iv. 93 ; from a list of the Mayors of Coventry ending in 1675, 
i.e. Coventry Corporation MS. B. 37, M. D. Harris, 140, quoting Harl. MS. 6388, f. 15 ; 
Athenaeum, 8/10/10, p. 420, from MS. 115915, in Birmingham Public Library; see 
also Reader, 26; Royal Visits, 8. In 1401 the Prince is known to have been at Chester 
in April, in London July 10, Barnet Aug. 9, St Albans in Aug., Coventry Aug. 12, 
and Shrewsbury, Sept. 5, 12, Add. MS. 24,513, f. 6. 

5 Strecche died after 1422. His family would seem to have been connected either 
with Norfolk or the West Country; e.g. John Strecche, esq. of Norfolk advances 
16. ly. 8d. to the king, in Rec. Roll 5 H. V, Pasch., April 23, 1417. For his seal, see 
Birch, 183, Plate xxv. For grants of land to John Strecche in Normandy, see Charma, 5. 
For John Strecche or Stretche, kt., of Sampford Arundel, near Wellington in Somerset- 
shire, who was Sheriff of Somerset and Dorset in 1383, and died in 1390, see Collinson, 
I. p. xxxv ; in. p. 26; Sheriffs Lists, 123; Inq. p. Mort. iii. 119, 127. For grants of 
property in Taunton, by John Strecche in 1415, to the Prioress of Whitehall or 
Blaunchesale at Ilchester, see Ad Quod Damn. 371 ; do. (List), ii. 741 ; Cal. Pat. P. R. O. 
H. V, i. 371; Collinson, iii. 300. For his property in Dorsetshire, near Sherborne, see 
Inq. p. Mort. iv. 34 (1418). For John Strecche " Chaundeller," of London, in 1415-16, 
see Cal. Pat. P.R. O. H. V, i. 415. For Katherine (d. 1422), widow of John Strecche, 
kt., who owned property in London which yielded 735-. ^d. p.a. in 1412, Archaeol. Journ. 
xliv. 81, see Inq. p. Mort. iv. 70. For William de la Wardrobe, otherwise called 
William de Stryche, see Waltham Rolls. For seal of Richard Strecche (i.e. a falcon), see 
Bloom, 179. 

6 Strecche, f. 279. 

7 Sagax et circumspectus, the same words as those with which he characterises 
Henry IV, ibid. f. 262. 

8 Voce pressa verba parcens, ibid. f. 265 b ; cf. Wylie, iii. 332 ; not that he was 
loquacious, as E. Hardy, i. no. 

9 Called "Titus Livius Frulovisus," or " Forlivesi," Borsa, 68 (i.e. of Forli, Borsa, 
Corrdce, 509; Lyte, Oxford, 320, quoting Tiraboschi, vi. 1648; Pauli, v. 688; 


Conversion [CH. xiv 

in all probability on account of the elegance of his latinity 1 . 
He appears to have come from Forli near Ferrara 2 , where 
he had often heard his father speak of the fame of the great 
English king, the conqueror of France. He studied the 
subject for months and years 3 and when his funds had 
run out 4 , he made his way across to our country and 
obtained a position, like others of his fellow countrymen 5 , 
in the household 6 of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, pro- 
bably through his friend Pier Candido Decembri 7 , himself 
a writer of biographies 8 , who was preparing a Latin trans- 
lation of Plato's Republic for the English Maecenas 9 , whose 
reputation for liberal largess 10 as a rich bibliophile 11 had 

Kingsford, p. vii ; Diet. . Nat. Biogr. xxviii. 248), in his letter in the Biblioteca 
Riccardiana in Florence MS. 827, Borsa, 428, which has been kindly verified for me by 
Dr S. Morpurgo from the original; called "the English (!) Chronicler who ambitiously 
calls himself Titus Livius," Macfarlane, 34; Craik-Macfarlane, ii. 31; Macfarlane- 
Thomson, i. 569; "an unknown Italian who took the high-sounding title of Titus 
Livius," Creighton, Renaissance, 22. He has been usually called Forojuliensis (i.e. fr. 
Friuli), Tit. Liv. title-page; Warton, iii. 51; Kabel, 16 ; Kingsford, Biogr. 58; not 
from Cividale, as Niethe, 8. 

1 Certe fictitium, Hearne, Tit. Liv. iv ; a pseudonym, Church, 45 ; a name obviously 
partially borrowed, Vickers, 379, though G. Voigt (ii. 255) thinks that Titus Livius was 
possibly his Christian name. For the practice of selecting great literary names for sons 
in the early days of the Italian Renaissance, see the case of Uberto Decembrio the father 
of Pier Candido. 

2 He is called "de Frulovisiis de Ferrara" in Rym. x. 66 1 ; Arundel MS. XII. in 
Black, 19 ; Kingsford, Biogr. 59 ; Emmerig, p. 5 ; or " Frulovisii Ferrariensis," 
M. Parker, Preface to Walsingham, 2 ; not " Filonisiis," as Cotton, Cat. 198. Cf. aus 
Forli oder Ferrara, Caro 9. There is no evidence that he was a monk, as supposed by 
Mazas, Vies, v. 554. 

3 Multarum vigiliarum et lucubrationum causa fuerat, Tit. Liv. 2. 

4 Hinc amor itineris, hinc tanti laboris, hinc pecuniarum consumptio et in patria totius 
emolumenti mei exterminium, Tit. Liv. pp. vi, 2. 

6 e.g. Antonio de Beccaria of Verona, who was one of Duke Humphrey's secretaries ; 
called "Antoine de Beccaria Verneys (or ne de Verone) mon serviteur," the translator of 
the Periegesis of Dionysius Afer, De Situ orbis, Warton (Hazlitt), iii. 51; Epist. 
Acad. 767. For his translation of Athanasius' De Humanitate Verbi, with dedication to 
Duke Humphrey, now in the British Museum, Royal MS. 5, F. ii, see Macray, Ann. 10 
(who calls him Antonio Beccara) ; Vickers, 377, 481, who calls it " one of the less known 
treatises of St Athanasius." For dedication of his translation of the Corbaccio, i.e. 
Corbacium adversus mulieres or " Laberinto d'Amore," of Boccaccio to Duke Humphrey, 
see Vickers, pp. viii, 377, 391. 

6 Qui me nutrivit et sustentavit, Tit. Liv. 2. 

7 See App. N. 

8 See p. 189, note n. 

9 Maecenas unicus, Bale, 583 ; Maecenas, general of goodness and learning, Fuller, 
Worthies, i. 289; Pecock, Reule, 6; Pauli, v. 283 ; Borsa, 6v, do Corrdce, *OQ 
Vickers, 417. 

10 Cf. "My lordes fredom and largesse," Lydgate, Tragedies, Bk. iii. f. Ixiiii; "your 
hl)eral largesse," or "bountiful largesse," ibid. f. 67 d, translated for Duke Humphrey 
by Lydgate, circ. 1430-1439, see Lydg. Temple, pp. xcvi, xcviii, cv ; Burlington Mag. 
vii. 198; G. G. Smith, 8; E. P. Hammond, 381. 

11 For books ordered by Duke Humphrey through Decembri in Italy, see Newman, 
488, 492. 


Tito Livio 193 

spread far and wide 1 among the humanists of the Italian 
Renaissance 2 . Duke Humphrey had a special interest in 
medical treatises, and as Tito Livio was himself a physician 3 
as well as a poet and scholar 4 , the road to advancement 
seemed open to him. In his new position he is officially 
referred to as Duke Humphrey's "poet and orator 5 " and 
on March 7, 1437, he received a writ of indigenation 6 , 
whereby he was authorised to hold benefices and offices, 
just as if he had been an Englishman born. There is also 
a statement that he was made a member of the Privy 
Council 7 , but this has so far eluded verification. Soon after 
this, having finished his Biography of Henry V 8 and being 

1 For his "name sprad thorough alle cristyn reaumes and in heathynesse," see 
Noblesse, 45. 

2 For his patronage of Italians, see Pauli, v. 688 ; Garnett, i. 242 ; qui studia 
humanitatis summo studio in regnum vestrum (i.e. England) recepit, JEn. Sylv. Op. 548. Ex 

Italia magistros asciverit poetarum et oratorum interpretes, ALn. Syl. Epist. (Basle), 105, 

,99; Vickers, 376, w~ 
"the typical Renaissance Prince" (p. 346), or "a son of the Renaissance" (p. 348), who 

i.e. to Sigismund of Austria, in Creighton, Corrdce, 99; Vickers, 376, who calls him 

was "unique in the history of his country and his age, in taking an interest in the 
classical authors of Greece and Rome" (p. xviii). He is called "this universal patron," 
in Warton, iii. 51 ; "the nearest approach in England to an Italian Prince," Creighton, 
Renaissance, 18. 

3 Cf. inter physicos et artistas doctor unus declaratus sum, i.e. at Toulouse in 1441, 
Borsa, 63, 428. For Livio's knowledge of and liking for medicine, see Borsa, 68 ; do. 
Corrdce, 509. In his letter to Decembri Duke Humphrey refers to copies of Celsus and 
Galen, which Decembri is sending to him, adding that he possesses several volumes of 
the latter (Galieni plura volumina possideo, Borsa, 428, 429). For Giovanni dei Signorelli, 
a native of Ferrara, physician in the household of Duke Humphrey, naturalised in 1433, 
see Rot. Parl. iv. 473 ; Vickers, 381. 

4 For some of his Latin hexameters, see Kingsford, Biogr. 59, from Cott. MS. 
Claudius, E. iii. f. 353, in which he speaks of himself as "solvite vatem," "favens 
vati," &c. 

6 Rym. x. 661. Cf. qui et poetas mirifice colit et oratores magnopere veneratur, yEn. 
Sylv. Op. 548, i.e. in a letter to Adam Moleyns, who was then a protonotary of the Apostolic 
See and afterwards became Bishop of Chichester, whom yEneas describes as dignitate 
parens, aetate frater; cf. Creighton, Renaissance, 20, who calls him Molyneux ; Vickers, 
348. Adam Moleyns was presented to the living of Winterbourne Earls, in Wiltshire, 
on Oct. 18, 1432 (Cal. Pat. Hy VI, ii. 223), also to Kempsey, in Worcestershire, Oct. 14, 
1433 (ibid. ii. 322), and Gisleham, in Suffolk, June 18, 1435 (ibid. ii. 457). He was 
connected with the foundation of King's College, at Cambridge (ibid. iii. 516, 532, 557), 
and died Jan. 9, 1450 (Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxxviii. 131). 

6 Quod ipse sit indigena, Rym. x. 66 x. For Duke Humphrey's French secretary, 
Maufurny, naturalised in 1425, see Rot. Parl. iv. 314; Vickers, 377, i.e. Master Dreux 
Manfurny or Manfurni, Cal. Pat. Hy VI, i. 131, 283, where he receives the prebend of Coton 
in the collegiate church of Tamworth on July 16, 1413, also a prebend in St Stephen's 
Chapel at Westminster, May 21, 1425, and that of Brightling in the Free Chapel of 
Hastings, June 9, 1425 (ibid. 283), which latter he resigned on Feb. 18, 1438 (ibid. iii. 
156), where he is still secretary to the Duke of Gloucester. His name does not occur 
as a graduate of Paris in Denifle, Chartularium, Vol. iv. For Vincent Clement of 
Valentia who had been naturalised on Oct. 7, 1439, and is described as Duke Humphrey's 
orator in 1440, see Papal Letters, viii. 274, 275 ; Kingsford, Biogr. 70. 

7 Hearne in Tit. Liv. p. vii, quoting from a MS. of Francis Thynne penes Cl. 
Anstisium (?=J. Anstis). 

8 Kingsford, Biogr. 60, 68 ; he began it after his naturalisation in 1437, Eng. Hist. 
Rev. xxiv. 84; called between 1437 and 1447, in Emmerig, p. 5. 

w. 13 

Conversion [CH. xiv 

entangled with debt, he discovered that Britain was not 
such a rich place as he had been led to expect 1 . So with 
the hope that he might live to serve the English king and 
some day sing our country's praises 2 he returned to his native 
land 3 and up till quite recently all further trace of him had 

But about 15 years ago an undated letter 4 of his was 
discovered written to Pier Decembri from Barcelona 5 
and still preserved in the Palazzo Riccardi 6 at Florence. 
The letter 7 shows that by that time he had returned 
to Italy, where he had visited Decembri at the court 
of Duke Filippo Maria 8 at Milan, and had been staying 
at Toulouse where he had a copy of his book made 9 
which he sent to his friend, who subsequently made an 
Italian translation of it which is still preserved in the 
Imperial Library at Vienna 10 . Nearly 300 years elapsed 
before Livio's book was printed in this country in the 
original Latin 11 but a manuscript translation of it into 
English was known to the historians of the Tudor age 12 

1 In Britones habitat talis penuria rerum 
Ut si quippe meos nolui sufferre labores 
Insontemque meam morbo sine ducere vitam, 
Unus ego multis pauper multo ere ligatus 

Sum quod ego teneor persolvere ; solvite vatem, 
Sic liber valeat fines remeare suorum 
Et liceat veniens quantus fuit ipse reverti 
Corpore vel studiis animum cum mente paratus. 

Cott. MS. Claudius, E. iii. f. 353 b. 

2 Da pater hoc mihi da regi servire britann 
Alta canam clarissima gesta tuorum. 

Ibid. f. 353 ; Kingsford, Biogr. 59. 

3 Cum mihi jam instaret in patriam meam reditus, Tit. Liv. 2. 

4 Supposed to have been written in 1441, Borsa, 63; or "about 1440," Kingsford, 
Biogr. 59. 

8 Baigusiam (or Bargusiam ; for the Bargusii see Liv. xxi. 19, 23) quam Barzanonam 

6 i.e. the ancient palace of the Medici (Rothschild, 61), now the Biblioteca Riccardiana, 
the property of the State. 

* It, together with Decembri's reply, is in a volume of Decembri's correspondence, 
Cod. Riccardiano, 827, ff. 83, 84; Borsa, 63, 428; do. Corrdce, 509; Vickers, 380. 

8 Decembri was made secretary to the Duke in 1419, Harl. MS. 1705; Borsa, ii; 
and wrote a detailed biography of him, see page 189 ; Borsa, 373 (quoting J. Burckhardt, 
ii. 79); also Borsa, Corrdce, 510. Decembri himself became President of the Republic 
of Milan on the fall of the Visconti in 1447, Geiger, 167. He died there in 1477 and 
lies buried in the church of St Ambrose. For his tomb, see Borsa, 419. 

9 Statim ut per libraries mihi licitum fuit historiam illam clarissimi regis Anglorum 
transcribi jussi. 

10 i.e. MS. 2610; Voigt, ii. 256; Eng. Hist. Rev. xxiv. 85; Kingsford, Biogr. 59. 

11 viz. by T. Hearne in 1716. Holinshed (ii. 435) says that "it is onelie now in the 
hands of one painfull antiquary " (i.e. John Stow, see ibid. iii. 585 ; Kingsford, Biogr. 58). 

12 Harpsfeld, Hist. 586; Holinshed, iii. 585; Speed, 765; First Life, pp. v, xlvi, 
xlvii ; Stow, Chron. in Kingsford, Biogr. 72, 73. This is now satisfactorily proved to be 

1446] The "Vita" 195 

and was justly regarded by them as one of the most 
valuable authorities for the events of the reign of Henry V. 
As might have been expected from his nearness to Duke 
Humphrey, he had access to much first-hand information 1 
and, as a consequence, he often shows minute and accurate 
knowledge as to details of episodes in which his patron was 
personally engaged 2 . He has thus put together a sober 
and dependable account of the reign of Henry V vouched 
at times by extracts from state documents 3 which give it 
a distinctly additional value. In regard to the question 
of the mad-cap days he testifies that before coming to the 
throne Henry had certainly given way to some indulgence 
like all young soldiers of his age 4 , but that when his father 
lay dying he called a priest to him, confessed his past sins 
and so mended his life and conduct that no place 'for 
wantonness was found in him ever after. 

But side by side with this undoubted work of Duke 
Humphrey's poet there exists another which is absolutely 
identical with it in thought, sequence and general treatment 5 , 
though nearly its double in bulk, owing partly to the fact 
that here and there it gives far larger extracts from official 
documents 6 , but chiefly because episodes that are set down 
by Livy in plain, short, terse sentences are here padded out 
beyond all measure in a cloud of bombastic rhetoric 7 , which 
is quite the usual stock-in-trade of the Renaissance writers. 
The book is usually known as the "Life of Henry V" 

embodied in Bodl. MS. 966, Kingsford, Biogr. 78-85, who calls it (p. 86) "a lost English 
life of Hy V written about the middle of the isth century, i.e. after 1455 (pp. 83, 92), 
based in the main on Tito Livio or on that by the Pseudo-Elmham," i.e. Harl. MS. 530, 
though the evidence for the latter is purely negative. 

1 Harpsfeld (586), writing before his imprisonment in 1559, calls him homo exterus 
sed instructus potissimum ab Humfredo Gloucestrije Duce. 

2 e.g. at Cherbourg, Tit. Liv. 72, 79. 

3 e.g. his summary of the treaties of Canterbury, Tit. Liv. 27; and of Troyes, 
ibid. 85 ; and the written order not to drink strong wine at Troyes, ibid. 83. 

4 Veneria et martialia mediocriter secutus et alia quae militaribus licentia praebere 
solet quoad rex illius pater vixit, Tit. Liv. 5 ; First Life, pp. xxx, 17. 

5 Sachlich stimmen sie fast ganz iiberein, Lenz, 9. 

6 e.g. from the treaty of Canterbury, Vita, pp. 84-87 ; Lenz, 10, who argues from 
this that the same author cannot have written both books ; also the Treaty of Troyes, 
Vita, pp. 253-266. For supposition that it contains " little more than the details of our 
war with France," see Amundesham, I. p. x. 

7 "A certaine poeticall kinde of writing," Holinsh. iii. 585; Kingsford, Biogr. 58; 
une phraseologie redondante, tourmentee et barbare, son langage mcttlle, Puiseux, 
Rouen, vi, viii, the last epithet being particularly unfortunate, for to the i^th century 
reader this style was the most advanced evidence of civilisation ; eine hochst schwiilstige 
Sprache, Niethe, 8, who thinks that the style is not classical like that of Titus Livius. 


I9 6 Conversion [CH. xiv 

( Vita Henrici Quinti] but the author, who distinctly calls 
himself a foreigner 1 , nowhere gives his name 2 . It has been 
supposed that he was with the English army during the 
second invasion of France 3 and that he was present when 
the Earl of Warwick escaped an ambush on his way from 
Vernon to Provins in April 14 19*, but the passage relied on 
seems really to prove the very opposite for in it he distinctly 
says that he was not there in person 5 . On the other hand 
the book itself contains evidence enough that it was certainly 
not written at that date, for in referring to the establishment 
of the Bridgettines at Syon, the writer says that actual experi- 
ence reveals their methods "even to the present day 6 ," a 
phrase which would have been quite out of place anywhere 
near the year 1419 when the Order was starting in its 
English home, while in describing the welcome given to 
Henry by Duke Philip of Burgundy at Troyes in 1420 
he uses language 7 that can only be explained by the altered 
feeling of the English towards the Duke after he had 
renounced our alliance by the Peace of Arras in 1435". 
And indeed we have clear proof of the date at which the 
book was actually issued, for the writer, whoever he was, 
presented it to Doctor John Somerset 9 , who was a man of 
great influence holding the offices of Chancellor of the 
Exchequer and Warden of the Mint, and as physician and 

1 Peregrinus et advena, Vita, pp. xv, 3, where there seems no reason to take this in 
a metaphorical sense, as Elmham, Hist. Mon. Aug. xxii; Lenz, 9. Cf. per auctorem 
anonymum sed peregrinum, J. Tyrrell in Vita, p. xvii ; Niethe, 8, 10, i.e. fr. MS. 
Arundel, 15 ; Kingsford, Biogr. 61 ; auctorem anonymum, Parker in Preface to 
Walsingham, 2 ; non Anglus sed transmarinus, Fabricius, vi. 252. 

2 Cott. MS. Julius E. iv. 2, has no heading and in Harl. 864, the front page is 
wanting and has been copied from Julius E. iv. in a iyth century hand, the titles in 
Catalogue, Cotton, 17, and Catalogue, Harl. i. 463, being in both cases modern descrip- 
tions taken from Hearne, see Lenz, 9, 14. 

3 Puiseux, Rouen, p. v. 

4 Kingsford, pp. vi, 282 ; Kohler, 750, who supposes that the book was written before 
the Liber Metricus, which ends in 1418. 

5 Hos conflictus quibus mquaquam interfui punctatim non presumam describere, 
Vita, 215, though no such words occur in Tit. Liv. 73. Cf. virorum nobilium gesta 
fortia, quia non ipsis interftti relinquo aliis qui viderant exponenda, Vita, 140, where 
Livio says, quia id exculpere nequivi, Tit. Liv. 50. 

6 Quia earum conditiones et modos vera experientia usque hodie manifestat, Vita, 25 ; 
the phrase is not in Tit. Liv. 

' Si gestus exterior fidem promeruit, Vita, 250 ; falsidicus dux, frangendo fidem 
falsus undique miles, Pol. Songs, ii. 150. Cf. ducis Burgundiae cordi tremulo, ducis 
formidulosi, Vita, 281 ; Kingsford, Biogr. 63. 

8 Kingsford, pp. vi, 319 ; do. Hard. 474. Thow Phellippe foundour of new falsehede, 
capiteme of cowardise, &c., Pol. Songs, ii. 148; "prynce perjured," J. Coke, 77. 

9 See App. O. 


Pseudo-Elmham 197 

formerly tutor to King Henry VI was in constant personal 
attendance at the Court. In addressing Somerset the 
author refers to his recent foundation of a chapel that we 
know him to have founded close to the bridge at Brentford 
in the year 1446*, but he makes no reference whatever to 
the arrest (Feb. 18) and death of the Duke of Gloucester 
which took place on Feb. 23, I447 2 , though strong promin- 
ence is given to the great deeds of Duke Humphrey 
throughout the text of the book 3 , thereby enabling us to 
take it as proved that it was not issued till about the end 
of I446 4 in which year the writer was looking out for an 
influential critic for his book 5 to hide its rudeness and 
nakedness and save it from lurking about in unrecognised 
obscurity 6 . These facts are all so obviously on the surface 
that it might have been thought that no other inference as 
to the history of the book was possible, but unfortunately 
the editor who first issued it in printed form nearly 200 
years ago 7 made up his mind that the author was Thomas 
Elmham, who, as we shall see, accompanied the army to 
Agincourt, and up till quite recently subsequent enquirers 
have never got away from this initial mistake. Under the 
belief that we have here the work of an author who was 
strictly contemporary and that he wrote before the year 

1 Quam nuper procuratio sua construxerat, Vita, 339, i.e. the chapel and guild of All 
Angels in the hamlet of Brentford End, in the parish of Isleworth, Cal. Rot. Pat. 289 ; 
Aungier, 215, 224; Diet. Nat. Biogr. liii. 245; Vita, 339, 358; Lysons, ii. 24; 
Newcourt, i. 753. For the nine orders of angels, see Aungier, 215. Called the new stone 
bridge leading from Braynford to Houndeslowe, in Cal. Pat. Hy VI, iv. 29, Oct. 12, 
1446, i.e. the licence to found a guild in the chapel of " the Holy Angels by Syon." 

2 Lib. Nig. Scacc. I. xxxiv; Lenz, n ; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxviii. 246; Vickers, 293; 
not Feb. 28, 1446, as Doyle, ii. 23. 

3 e.g. in the siege of Cherbourg, 1418, where the Duke is princeps illustrissimus, 
nobilissimus, serenissimus cujus innatae magnanimitatis industria, &c., Vita, 149, 153, 159, 
160, 162, 190; duci magnanimo, Vita, 211, all which is only an amplification of such 
phrases as strenuissimus dux, strenuus princeps, &c. , in Tit. Liv. 51, 55, 56, 64. 

4 Kingsford, Biogr. 70; called between 1435 anc ^ T 44> i n Eng. Hist. Rev. xxii. 
579; or circa 1440, Elmham, Hist. Mon. Aug. p. xxiv. 

5 In suum correctorem, Vita, 338; incultam polias, rejice mendas, si tergat maculas 
horrida limans, ibid. 342 ; Memorials, xli. 

6 Cf. in lustralibus latebris et abditis desertis latitare decrevisti, Vita, 338, where the 
author is addressing his book, which he calls vecors, pauper et pannosa pagina. 

7 i.e. Thomas Hearne in 1727, though the MS. (Arundel xv. in the Heralds College), 
which he edited, has no title or evidence of authorship. This MS. contains the line 
"Claudatur muro constat liber iste Rogero" (Black, p. 24; Kingsford, Biogr. 61) ; 
i.e. it belonged to Roger Wall, a canon of Lichfield in 1454, Kingsford, Biogr. 63, 
from Vitellius A. x. f. 163, and is probably in his handwriting. He held the prebend of 
Eccleshall (Lichfield) from 1443 ^ r 454 (Le Neve, i. 601), was Archdeacon of Stafford 
in 1442 (ibid. i. 572) and became Archdeacon of Coventry on May 30, 1442, which office 
he held until his death in 1488 (ibid. i. 569) ; Kingsford, Biogr. 63. 

198 Conversion [CH. xiv 

1417, or at any rate within the lifetime of Henry V, it has 
been customary to suppose that Tito Livio was a down- 
right plagiarist, who had the Vita before him and merely 
planed down its turgidity to a sober level, or even that he 
deliberately cut out a quantity of it in order to escape 
detection 1 . Other writers have supposed that Tito Livio 
was first in the field and that the Vita is copied from him 2 , 
though it is impossible to harmonise this with the view 
that the latter was written by Elmham during the lifetime 
of Henry V. Others again, while attributing the two works 
to two separate authors, are content with the remark that 
both are " largely derived from the same sources 3 ," or that 
there must have been some communication between them, 
or that each treatise contains some particulars that are not 
recorded in the other 4 , without actually deciding whether it 
is a case of the Vita expanding Livy or Livy reducing 
the Vita. 

But if the question could be impartially approached 
without any prepossession in favour of a theory that 
the Vita was actually written by Thomas Elmham, which 
it certainly was not, the most probable solution would seem 
to be that both works are by the same hand 5 , and that just 
as Elmham first wrote his Gesta in prose and afterw r ards 
re-wrote it in elegiac verse of which he was proud to show 
himself a master, so Livy transformed his first smaller book 
into a larger edition, improving it, as he supposed, with 
plenty of erudition and literary embellishment, though our 

1 Purus, puteus plagiarius vel abbreviator, Parker in Preface to his edition of 
Walsingham (1574), 2; Wilkins in Preface to Tanner, Bibliotheca, xliii ; Hearne in 
Tit. Liv. p. xii; Memorials, xlii; Gent. Mag. (1859), ii. 350; R. F. Williams, i. 202; 
called "another version of Elmham" (i.e. of the Vita), Church, 45, 102 ; "a compilation 
from Elmham," Kohler, ii. 750; " Elmham's copier," Aubrey, ii. 34; Baeske, 37; 
eine stark gekurzte Wiederholung der Vita, Kabel, 16. 

2 Pauli, v. 104, 689; Holinsh. iii. 585, who calls the author of the Vita "another 
writer who hath followed the said Livius in the order of his book as it were chapter for 
chapter"; Kingsford, Biogr. 58, 64. 

3 Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxvi. 55 ; Stubbs, iii. 80, 81, who regards them both as 
"professed panegyrists," "dasselbe Quellen- und Urkundenmaterial teilweise benutzt 
haben," Niethe, 9. 

4 Lenz, 10, who gives some examples of independent information in each ; also 
Emmerig, p. 6 ; Kingsford, Biogr. 64, who compares the differences in much greater detail, 
one singular example being the determination in the Vita not to disclose the name of the 
knight who specially distinguished himself at the siege of Cherbourg, in order to protect 
him from the sting of jealousy (ne livoris exasperetur aculeus, Vita, 155), though Livio 
gives the name straight out as Lewis Robsart, Tit. Liv. 54. 

6 As supposed by Anstis in Vita, p. xi, and for a time by Kingsford, in Eng. Hist. 
Rev. xxii. 579 (1907), xxiii. 560 (1908) ; though now abandoned by him, Biogr. 67 (1910). 

1413] " Never was such a sudden scholar made " 199 

modern taste has generally preferred the first plainer fare, 
regarding all the later flowers of rhetoric as " more suited 
to the taste of Persia than of England 1 ." Nevertheless the 
recent discovery of Livy's letter showing that he had 
certainly left this country by 1440, and the improbability 
that he ever returned, may well make us pause before 
adopting the above theory, in which case there seems 
nothing for it except to regard the question of the per- 
sonality of the author of the Vita as an " unsolved problem 2 ," 
at any rate for the present. 

But whoever may have been the author, it is certain 
that in this expanded version great stress is laid on the 
suddenness 3 of the new king's conversion. No sooner, it 
is said, had the breath left his father's body 4 than Henry 
betook himself to silent and solitary prayer. Kneeling on 
his bare knees he smote his breast, while tears in copious 
floods streamed from his eyes all day until the evening. 
The funeral day was passed in groaning and lamentation 
and then in the darkness of the night he went in secret to 
a hermit 5 who lived within the precinct at Westminster, laid 
bare before him all the secrets of his life, washed in the 
laver of repentance, put off the cloak of vice and came back 
decently adorned in the garment of virtue. And so the 
barren willow 6 became the fruitful olive, Cocytus became 
Euphrates, the left became right, and so forth. 

But in all this view the renewing of the old man is 
expressly said to consist in devotion to the Church and 
the destruction of Lollardry 7 , and when the writer once 

1 S. Turner, ii. 377 ; Gesta, v. For a specimen of his bombastic style, see Henry, 
v. 568. 

2 Kingsford, Biogr. 71, who puts in a conjectural claim for Vincent Clement of 
Valentia (see p. 193, note 6). 

3 Vita, 12 ; cf. "anon and sodaynly," Fab. 577; " sodaynly he was chaunged into a 
new man," Caxton, 125; Brut, ii. 494; First Life, xxix, xxx, 17, where the conversion 
is compared with that of Thomas a Becket (quoting from his anonymous biographer, see 
Materials, iv. 19). 

4 Vita, 14, 15; Tit. Liv. 5; followed by Pauli, v. 75; Lingard, iii. 235; Adams, 
i. 205 ; Ramsay, i. 162 ; Hartwright, 135. 

6 Probably William Alnwick, who afterwards became General Confessor at Syon, 
Amundesham, i. 27. See App. P. 

6 Not "falix," as Kabel, 15. 

7 Cf. rex hominem veterem sic renovare studet, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 100, referring 
to Colossians iii. 9, ro; in maynteyning of holy church, destroying of heretikes, keping 
justice and defending of his Reame and subjectes, Brut, ii. 494 ; cheryschynge the chyrche, 
the Lollers hadde a valle, &c., Greg. Chron. 170; to stroy Lollardes he het al his labour, 
Lydg. Fall of Princes, xxxiii ; Wylie, iv. 92. 

200 Conversion [CH. xiv 

begins to paint, he loads his canvas with the crudest un- 
realities, so that although he was undoubtedly in a position 
to get his information at first hand, yet he was to such an 
extent a victim to his style that large deductions must be 
made from his encomium if we are to see his hero in the 
light of sober fact, while his only circumstantial item about 
the Westminster hermit cannot be altogether true, for the 
funeral day was taken up with a river-journey to Gravesend 
and thence to Canterbury by road in presence of a large 
number of courtly and ceremonial mourners. Moreover 
we know that even in the panegyrist's own estimate the 
change of heart did but instigate him to contrive tricky 
plots, sham friendships and lying compacts with the 
French 1 , so that if this is to be the true Henry we shall 
have to do with a perjured pietist as well as a ferocious 
bigot 2 , whom no candid man could now honestly respect. 

Setting aside however all such literary exaggerations, 
there can be no reasonable doubt that the new king did 
really turn away from his former self 3 and the wild-headed 4 
promise of his greener days 5 . Moreover the most recent 
research has demonstrated that even the story of his robbing 
his own retainers on the high road is no mere baseless 
legend 6 and the general fact of his reform of life is well 
attested by several of his contemporaries 7 . In 1415 his 
intimate friend Bishop Courtenay told a Frenchman that 
he did not believe that the king had once broken his 
continence since his accession to the throne 8 , and the very 
same statement comes to us on the authority of the Earl of 

\ Perpendit igitur hostiles insidias, fallaces concordias, fictas amicitias secreto apud se 
cogitat et disponit divinae gratiae mediante sztffragio, Vita, 27. 

2 For a defence of him against the charge of persecuting, see Tyler, ii. 8, 319 ; Stubbs, 
iii. 80, who thinks that he persecuted "merely as a religious or as a legal duty" ; so also 
Sanford, 187. 

3 i Henry IV, v. v. 62. 

4 Famous Victories, 34. 
6 Henry V, n. iv. 136. 

Speed, 766; "As I have learned of the credence before rehearsed (i.e. from the 

Earl of Ormond) and also as the common fame is," Kingsford, Biogr. 74, 81, 87 ; do. First 

Life, xxix. 17, who thinks (p. xxxii) that "there must be some foundation for the story 

>f his change into a new man." For the tavern scenes and riotous conduct, see Wylie, 

iv. 93; Kingsford, Chron. pp. xxxvi, 268, 341. 

'Sanford, 184, thinks that any adverse reflections by contemporaries represent "the 
ilanders spread abroad by the party which succeeded in removing him from the council" 
andean only be regarded as "distortions of the real facts." 
Min* Fosorisa qU d C0gnovisset mulierem camaliter/wfyaw ipsecoronam susceperat, 


Thomas Hoccleve 201 

Ormond, who likewise knew him well 1 . Thomas Walsing- 
ham, writing within six years of his accession 2 , says that at 
his coronation he was suddenly transformed into a new man 
in gravity, honesty and moderation 3 , and the phrase was 
freely copied by subsequent writers 4 , while on the very day 
of his accession Hoccleve plied him with much lofty advice 
that as God had given him substantial wit and kingly might, 
so he would put virtue in assay, be clean in heart, love 
charity, fear God and fix his trust in Him, be sober, sad 
and just, help truth, take good counsel and do after it, be 
meek 5 in spirit, temperate of tongue, prudent, pitiful and 
debonair, not over-spending nor a slave to gold, but in 
measure free, a shield and wall to his people, to govern 
them in equity, conquer their love and have them all in 
charity 6 . It is true that these strict precepts do not in 
themselves enable us to estimate the Prince's former life, 
but they are at least consistent with a covert hint that the 
time had come to turn his back upon a doubtful past, though 
they are a trifle disedged when we know that the writer's 
own life was of none too saintly a stamp, that he was then 
but 46 years old 7 and was always cadging for something to 
abate his indigence and save him from trotting to New- 
gate 8 . 

1 From his father's death until the marriage of himself he never had knowledge 
carnally of women, Kingsford, Biogr. 72, 80; do. First Life, pp. xx, 5; Harpsfeld, Hist. 


2 i.e. circ. 1419, Wals. Hypodig. pp. x, 5. For payment to Thomas Chaucer per manus 
Thomae Walsingham clerici, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., May 4, 1413. 

3 Repente mutatus est in virum alterum, Wals. ii. 290; Hypodig. 438; Wylie, iv. 92, 
which Kabel (12) considers as der erste Keim einer Mythenbildung. 

4 See page 199, note 3. A newe man made by all good regimence, Hard. 372; he 
was turned into another man, Capgr. Chron. 302 ; I am borne new again, Fam. Viet. 21 ; 
atque ita mutatus facit omnia principe digna, Ocland in Holinsh. iii. 546 ; Brougham, 
369 ; S. Turner, ii. 383. 

5 For "meke" as the equivalent of humble, see Caxton, Dial. 50; cf. to meke hem 
to oure kyngys methe, J. Page, 2 ; in helle he may be meked tame, Kail, 99 ; for thy 
love I meked me lowe, ibid. 86, 87; also Wylie, iii. 299; thou mekyd us ( = nos humi- 
liasti), Misyn, 17; y meked me, Secreta, 48; that I scholde now me meke, Laud Troy 
Bk. 513; ourself lat us meke, Misyn, 20. 

6 Hoccleve, Min. Po. 40 ; cf. if thou keepe them thus in subjection mixed with love 
and feare...thou shall have the most lovinge, faithfull and manly people of the world, 
First Life, 15; Tyler, i. 308. 

7 Of age I am fifty winter and thre (written in 1422), Hoccl., Min. Po. 119. 

8 Ibid. 62 ; cf. Wylie, ii. 22. For prisoners in "Bocardo," a part of Newgate Gaol, 
see Lett. Bk. I, 49. 



BUT whatever may have been the effect of this conver- 
sion on Henry's personal character, his new-born zeal for 
the Church had one result that has remained a national 
gain for England until this day. He loved the church of 
St Peter in the Abbey at Westminster 1 , first doubtless as 
an adjunct to the royal palace 2 but equally so as England's 
head and crown 3 , and many were the thank-offerings that 
he bestowed upon it. Here he was crowned and here he 
made his services at Ascension (June i) and Whitsuntide 
(June n) 4 , while on Nov. 5, I4I3 5 , he freed the Abbot 
from the onerous duty of levying and collecting the tenths 
from the clergy. He sent the monks presents of game 
when he was away at the hunt 6 , and on his first New Year's 
Day 7 he restored to them a ring valued at 1000 marks 
which had been given to the shrine of the Confessor by 
Richard II 8 , subject to the condition that he should still 

1 For seal of Westminster Abbey with St Peter and Edward the Confessor, see 
Pednck, 136, Plate xxxn. 

8 Lethaby,6i, who compares it to the connection of St Mark's with the Doge's 
Palace at Venice and the Cathedral at Aix-la-Chapelle with the palace of Charlemagne. 
F. Bond, 37, regards it as the royal chapel of the Court with St Stephen's as its rival 
(p. in) in this respect. 

3 Regni summam quasi sedem, Memorials, 73; caput Angliae diademaque regni, 
*lete, 63, 76; F. Bond, p. vii. For his veneration for Canterbury as "the chief church 


digm esmnser s e es o e ane, 

Tmtern being the poorest of the Abbeys. F. Bond, 28, calls the building "one of the 
noblest works of humanity." 

Exch. Accts. 406/21, 19. 
J Pat. i H. V, 516; Priv. Seal 659/144, Nov. 25, 1413. 

J Cum donante dati novus annus fit dator harum, Memorials, 72; in regno primo sic 
nobis contuht anno, ibid. 70. 

i ' > ' ' ' '> Stow ' Ann - 3 62 5 Neale and 

T4J3] Westminster Abbey 203 

keep it in his own possession so long as he was not away 
from England. At the same time he presented them with 
a sceptre, a Psalter, a copy of the Great Chronicle known 
as the "Flowers of Histories" and several rich vestments, 
ornaments and vessels, all of which have long since dis- 
appeared with the exception of the Chronicle, which is still 
preserved in Humphrey Chetham's Library at Manchester 1 . 
But the building in which Henry was crowned was 
but a stunted fragment 2 of height without length, like the 
splendid architectural abortions at Beauvais 3 and Cologne 4 . 
The choir, transepts and four bays 5 of the nave extending 
to the present screen 6 had been built, as we see them now, 
by Henry III 7 more than a century before, but the builders 
had left the remainder of the nave of the earlier Norman 
church 8 extending as far as the west side of the present 
cloister 9 . What to do with this antiquated nave long 
remained a puzzle. In 1258 an order had been given for 
its demolition 10 but this was not carried out, and in 1342" 

1 i.e. Chetham MS. 6712, or D. 2. 2. 41587; Matt. Paris, Preface I. xv; Ramsay, 
i. 308 ; J. A. Robinson, Langham, 346. It was presented to the Chetham Library by 
Nicholas Higginbottam of Stockport in 1657, and its former habitat at Westminster is 
proved by a note on the last leaf containing the names of two Westminster monks, viz. 
R. Teddington (who entered the Monastery in 1428) and T. Gardener (who celebrated 
his first mass there in 1501, and was still living in 1525), Robinson and James, 25, 83. 
For another copy of the Flores Historiarum still at Westminster, see ibid. 82. For a 
picture of Matthew Paris from Cotton MS. Nero D. i, see Cassell, i. 459, where it is said 
to be "drawn by himself," i.e. MS. Reg. xiv. C. 7, Matt. Paris (Luard),. i. frontispiece. 

2 Dulcken, 399. 

3 For the choir at Beauvais, see Bordier-Charton, i. 414; Loth, 78. Called "1'in- 
concevable choeur" in Renan, L'Art, 216. 

4 For picture of Cologne Cathedral in 1497 with the crane on the stump of the south- 
western tower, see Schedel, 100. For a sixteenth century view, see Lacroix, 425. 

5 Called 5 bays in Besant, Westminster, in; i.e. 5 bays of the ground storey and 
triforium, but only 4 bays of the clerestory, F. Bond, 1 17. 

6 Rackham, Plan ; Bradley, Annals, 386. For evidence of thick stone wall at this 
point, see ibid. 389. Benham- Welch (p. 6) supposes that it divided the choir which 
belonged to the monks from the nave which was intended for the general congregation, 
and says that it was removed in the reign of Henry VII, but I find no mention of this in 

7 For objection to the usual assumption that Edward I continued the work, see F. 
Bond, 24, in, who finds it "quite at variance with the fabric rolls." 

8 Built in the twelfth century, Rackham, 6, showing that the roof of it was ritinosa in 
1388. For a conjectural view, see E. T. Bradley, Popular Guide to Westminster Abbey, 
p. 8; do. Annals, 388; Stanley, Westminster, 127; G. G. Scott, 54, 212; Feasey- 
Micklethwaite, 77 ; Lethaby, 98. 

9 See plan in Archaeologia, Ixii. 94, where Dean Robinson doubts Micklethwaite's 
theory that it extended as far as the present west front, see Bradley, Annals, 384, 385. 
For picture of the west front before Wren's additions, see Monast. i. 264 ; Rackham, 50. 
For present day west front, see Feasey-Micklethwaite, 58; F. Bond, 28. 

10 F. Bond, 22. 

11 Bradley, Annals, 389 ; Feasey-Micklethwaite, 87. 

204 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

a plan was worked out for lighting it with more modern 
windows, but in 1388 the whole of the old portion was 
demolished 1 except the western towers 2 , and though King 
Richard II had intended to have it rebuilt in harmony 
with the choir and transepts, yet he was only able to make 
a beginning 3 by the erection of the Purbeck marble pillars 4 
and the lower portion of the outer walls 5 , the Abbot in the 
meantime giving his first attention to the completion of the 
cloisters 6 and the Place 7 , now the Deanery, at the south- 
western corner of the church, containing the room which 
was destined soon to become famous as the death-chamber 
of King Henry IV. During that king's reign the "new 
work 8 " of the nave proceeded very slowly indeed, little 
being done beyond some temporary roofing 9 for the pro- 
tection of the interrupted work, and when his son succeeded 
him the nave is described as having been " long in ruins 
and undone 10 ,'' while the balance in hand at the Abbey 

1 The demolition began in 1376, F. Bond, 116; Feasey-Micklethwaite, 87, who 
thinks that it went on all through this reign. 

2 G. G. Scott, 255, 258; Lethaby, 204. 

Cf. E deux (turs) en frunt del Occident 

E bons seinz (bells) et grantz i pent, 
Luard, Lives of Edward the Confessor, 90; Feasey-Micklethwaite, 70; Hiatt, 6. 

3 Nova fabrica navis ecclesiae sancti Petri Westmonasteriensis per nos incepta, Wills 
of Kings, 195 ; Rym. viii. 76; Rackham, p. 8 ; not that he rebuilt the nave, as Jusserand, 
Lit. Hist. 353, or that "great progress was made during the time of Abbots Langham 
and Litlington," as Bradley, 389, their work being apparently limited to the preliminary 
demolition, Rackham, 7. For addition to the north entrance by Richard II see Hollar's 
view in Hiatt, p. 2; Carrick, 284. 4 Rackham, 10, 51. 

8 i.e. up to the level of the triforium, Rackham, n ; F. Bond, 116, who supposes 
(p. 118) that in 1399 the south aisle was ready for glazing, the rest of the nave being 
represented by two rows of pillars and arches with unfinished aisle walls, a walled-off 
enclosure in its eastern bays and a low roofed south aisle extending from the west cloister 
to Henry Ill's choir aisle. For picture of the junction of the thirteenth and fourteenth 
century work, see ibid. 121. 

6 Chiefly built by Abbot Simon Langham, though usually attributed to Abbot Lit- 
lington, F. Bond, 113. For Litlington's missal (costing ^34. 17^. ^d. spread over 2 years) 
completed in 1384 and still preserved in the Abbey, see Lethaby, 281 ; Flete, 135; Legg, 
I. pp. v, x; E. M. Thompson, Notes, 226; Robinson and James, 7 ; Herbert, 231, who 
calls it "heavy and dull despite the plenteous use of gold." Also his initials in the 
cloisters, Lethaby, 201; Hugo, m; Wylie, iv. 103, note o. He died Nov. 29, 1386, 
Flete, 139. 

7 Rackham, 7. For picture, see Perkins, 22; Feasey-Micklethwaite, 88, 90; F. 
Bond, 114, 299, 300; Loftie, ii. 41, 53 (with plan). For a "place" of the Abbot of 
Westminster at Stratford-le-Bow (6 H. VI), see Ad Quod Damn. 353, though there is no 
mention of this in Lysons, Environs, Vol. in. For placeam illanT cum gardino (1227), 
see G. F. Turner, 7, 25; in gardinis vel placeis ad eas pertinentibus, ibid. 27. 

1 For the "novum opus," see Rackham, p. 4. 

9 Supra muros et columpnas, Rackham, 12. The sum of ^154. 9*. lod. said to have 
been spent on the work in 1411-1412, in G. G. Scott, 260, looks like the ,144. Qs. lod. 
which was in hand on Nov. 22, 1411 (see Rackham, 13), nearly all of which was used for 
other purposes. 

10 Quae a diu ruinam passa fuit et infecta remanet, Rym. ix. 78. 

1413] "Novum Opus" 205 

available for the building fund amounted to just $ in 
cash 1 . 

The new king at once contributed 100 marks for 
the new work 2 , and on Aug. 24, 14 13 3 , sent an order to 
the Mayor of London to engage stone-cutters, carpenters 
and labourers for the operations which had already begun 4 . 
On Dec. n, 1413, the grant was raised to 1000 marks per 
annum 5 to be continued during the king's pleasure for 
completing the nave, half of which amount was to come 
from the fees received in the chancery and the other half 
was to be charged on the customs of the port of London. 
The work was to be carried out under the supervision of 
the Duke of York and Bishop Henry Beaufort, the dis- 
bursements being made through Richard Whitington 7 , 
who was collector of the customs of London, and Richard 
Harowden 8 , one of the monks, who afterwards became 
Abbot of Westminster. It is apparently on this account 
that it has become customary to speak of Whitington as 
" the great architect of that age 9 ,'' but his connection with 

1 Rackham, 13. 

2 Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., July 17, 1413, records 66. ly. \d. paid to the Abbot 
and Convent of Westminster per manus Ricardi Haroughden monk super factura novi 
operis ecclesiae beati Petri infra Abbatiam; cf. Bradley, 98. 

3 Pat. i H. V, iii. 20 d; Hist. MSS. 4th Rept. p. 177; Lethaby, 206, where the 
order is addressed to the mayor (William Waldern), the keeper of the wardrobe (Thomas 
Carnika, see p. -28), and Brother Richard Harweden (monk); also Pat. i H. V, iv. 19 d, 
Nov. 8, 1413; v. 18, March 8, 1414. 

4 The accounts now in the Abbey begin on July 7, 1413, Rackham, 14. 

5 Pat. i H. V, iv. 5; Memorials, 71 ; called Dec. 14, 1413, in For. Accts. 5 H. V. 

6 In For. Accts. 4 H. V, 14, it comes out of the fees received by the clerk of the 
Hanaper, i.e. Henry Kays or Keys. For order dated Jan. 18, 1418, that 500 marks per 
annum shall be charged upon the Hanaper for the building of our church of Westminster, 
see Chancery Warrants, Ser. i. 1364/42. For ^2264 received from that source during 
Henry V's reign, see Rackham, 14. See App. Q. 

7 See App. R. 

8 Called Harweden in For. Accts. 5-6 H. V, m. 21; or Haroughden, Harounden, 
Harouden, Devon, 329. In Neale and Brayley, i. 89; Rackham, 14, he is custos novi 
operis ; not " Harnden," as Wylie, iii. 349, note 8. For IQ per annum granted to him, 
see Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Mich., Jan. 16, 1419. He is called Harowden in Iss. Roll 7 H. V, 
Pasch., July 10, 1419, where he receives 100 super factura nove (sic) op. ecclie. For 
William Harwedone (variously spelt Harewdone, Harwdone, or Haryngdone), Prior of 
the Trinity or Christ Church in Aldgate in 1407, 1408, 1412, 1413, 1414, and Rector of 
St Botolph-without-Aldgate, see Letter Book I, 60, 69, 108, 118, 128, 130. For plans 
of the Trinity Priory temp. Elizabeth, see Besant, Survey, ii. 244. It was called 
Crichirche, see Wylie, iv. 418; Archaeol. Journ. xliv. 58, where its annual rents from 
property in London = ,31. 2J. 8</. in 1412. 

* Stanley, Westminster, 127, who speaks of the prolongation of the nave by him, 
ibid. [35] ; Hiatt, 128; Axon, 278, thinks that he "aided in building the nave"; Feasey- 
Micklethwaite, 59, that he "assisted in promoting the restoration of the nave." He is 
called "chief supervisor of the rebuilding of the nave" in Fox-Bourne, 61 ; Kingsford, 
386 ; "keeper of the works," Lethaby, 206. For his previous connection with the same 
work in 1402, see Rackham, 14. The rebuilding of Newgate and of the Guildhall Chapel, 

206 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

the work appears to have been purely administrative and 

The actual workmanship 1 was entrusted to the care of 
William Colchester 2 , the master-mason, who was also em- 
ployed at the same time on the works then proceeding at 
York 3 . His fee was ^"10 a year 4 , and the workmen, though 
they brought their own tools, had all to be found in aprons, 
gloves, clogs, drink, meat, harbourage and other usual 
courtesies of masoncraft, besides their regular weekly wage, 
including a coat at Christmas time, the cost of which might 
be put down at a mark. The stone was quarried at Reigate 5 
in Surrey, Bere in Dorset 6 and Stapleton in Yorkshire*, 
with Caen 8 stone for the finer parts, and some of it was 
certainly brought by water, for we have a record 9 of a 
shout 10 laden with stone for the work being wrecked while 
passing through the middle arch of London Bridge, 
whereby three of the boatmen lost their lives. Thereupon, 
in accordance with the established custom 11 , the hull was 

his college in the Royal and his library at the Grey Friars (for picture see T. F. Smith ; 
Knight, London, ii. 333, 338), were all really the work of his executors, Letter Book I, 
50; Chron. Lond. 165. 

1 For "werkemanschippe," see Raine, Catterick, 8. 

2 Cf. "that hyght Colchester was our master-mason," Chancery Warrants, Ser. I. 
1 364/58, June 2, 1418. He was chief mason in i H. IV, see Lethaby, 205, who refers 
to his position as master-mason at York in 1406. For grant to him (July 6, 1418) of 
officium dispositoris operationum nostrarum cementarie at Westminster and the Tower 
with an allowance of \id. per day and a roba hyemalis at Christmas, see Pat. 6 H. V, 20. 
He was succeeded in 1421 by John of Thirsk, Rackham, 16. 

3 Wylie, ii. 354; Fabr. Rolls 39, 201. 

4 G. G. Scott, 214. In 1400 he received only ^5 per annum, ibid. 260; Wylie, ii. 
354, note 9. 

8 For pere de Reigate sciez used in repairing Westminster Hall, March 8, 1395, see 
Rym. VH. 794; called "bluish fire-stone," Archaeologia, 1. p. 2. For a quarry rented at 
Chalfdon (PChaldon) near Caterham, see Rackham, n, 39. 

6 For stone from Bere, Caine (i.e. Caen) and Reigate called sherches (i.e. wrought 
stone) and nowels, rag (Rackham, 45) or ragstone (Wylie, iv. 215; Baildon, Star Cham- 
ber, 35) from Maidstone and stone called Urnell used in building the Bell Tower at 
Westminster in 1365, see Archaeologia, xxxvii. 24. For pierres nominees serches pour 
reserchier the well in the Hotel Dieu in Paris in 1416, see Briele, iii. 43; also pierre de 
haiz (lias, see Godefroy, s.v. Liois] for the steps of the Petit Pont, ibid. 

7 G. G. Scott, 214; Wylie, ii. 207, note 9; Purey-Cust, i. 324, who adds Thievesdale 
(ibid. 11. 37) as a Yorkshire stone ; also ibid. York Minster, 23. 

8 For stone de Came, see Rackham, 1 1, 42 ; Add. MS. 4603, f. 57, quoted in Ramsay, 
i. 31' 

9 Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 28, Sept. 18, 1414; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 236; see Rym. ix. 447 (April 
14, 1417), where in hiring boats (batelli] to bring stone for the repair of the king's high- 
ay v -i?- lbo exem P tlon 1S expressly reserved in the case of those actually employed for 
the building of the church at Westminster. 

1 For showtes, showtemen, shouthire, see Rackham, n. For charges for shoutagium, 
carnagium, frectagium, cranagium of goods of Queen Joan, see Exch. Accts. 4 o6ho Cf. 
\\yhe, in. 67; for stowagium, see Lyte, Dunster, 116. 
11 Page 31. 

141 6J The Nave 207 

declared forfeit to the king, who however at once restored 
it to its owners, William Atte Brook and John Dawe. 

Meanwhile, expenditure on the nave went steadily on, 
and by Christmas, 1416, over ^1400 had been received 
and accounted for 1 , the numbers of righolts, wainscots 
and staybars used in the operations being all minutely 
scheduled. The new portion was carefully copied from the 
earlier thirteenth century design 2 , though it is somewhat 
less ornate in detail and slight deviations may still be 
detected both within and without 3 . Up till quite recently 
it has been usual to assume that by the help of King 
Henry's liberality the nave was fully or nearly completed 
long before his reign came to an end 4 . Others on the 
other hand have either entirely ignored or much belittled 
the share that he undoubtedly had in the operations 5 . But 
a more complete search by a recent investigator makes it 
certain that the king contributed altogether ^"386 1 6 to the 
work and that at his death the walls to the extent of six bays 7 
had been carried through the triforium and well up to the 
clerestory 8 , and that when the contributions ceased at his 
death, the unfinished structure remained practically at a 
standstill for the next 50 years 9 . 

But King Henry did not wait for the completion of 
the church before carrying out another project upon which 
his heart was set. He had always been a special favourite 
with King Richard II 10 , who had told him as a lad that 
he believed he was destined to fulfil the prophecy of 

1 i.e. ,1397. 6s. 8d. received and ,1400. us. $\d. paid out, G. G. Scott, 214, but 
this should be corrected by extracts from Fabric Rolls in Rackham, 14. For ,88. 13^. yl. 
paid in 3 H. V for Iead/r0 und cost A navis, see Hiatt, ir. 

2 Lethaby, 27, who notes this as "one of very few instances in which the builders 
of a later time tried to make their work like that which they were completing"; Bradley, 
Guide, 29. 

3 For the junction, see Neale, ii. 24, Plate xxvn; Bradley, 386; F. Bond, 121. 

4 i.e. by the thanksgiving day after the king's return from Agincourt, Nov. 23, 1415, 
Stanley, 127; Feasey-Micklethwaite, 36, 87; G. G. Scott, 260. 

5 e.g. Christopher Wren writing in 1713, Widmore, 48, 58; also Neale, ii. 24, who 
ascribes the work to "the Abbots of subsequent ages"; also Besant, Westminster, 77, 
in; Benham-Welch, 7. 

6 Rackham, 14, 58, 59. Called ^4300 in Athenaeum, 27/3/09, p. 380. 

7 Ramsay, i. 318; the 7th being added in Tudor times, Neale, ii. 241, Plate XXVI. 

8 Rackham, 17, 23, who shows ground for believing that a beginning had been made 
with the west front; F. Bond, 119. 

9 Rackham, 17. 

10 Postea provexit te Richard rex et amavit, Memorials, 65; Chron. R. II to H. VI, 
39; Rowlatt, 17, who calls him Earl of Hereford ; see Wylie, iii. 328. 

208 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

Merlin 1 that a prince should be born in Wales 2 , whose praise 
would one day sound throughout the world, while he on his 
side had been heard to say that he owed as much veneration 
to King Richard as he did to his own father 3 . When 
Richard II 4 made his will in I399 5 , he had made provision 
for all eventualities such as his possibly dying abroad or at 
sea in his passage across to Ireland. But in any case he 
had desired that his body should be brought to Westmin- 
ster and buried by the side of his wife, the good Queen Anne, 
in the tomb that he had himself erected during his lifetime 6 
in the choir of the Abbey church, and he had bequeathed 
his crowns, cups, ewery and jewels to his successor on the 
express condition that he should faithfully carry out the 
terms of the will. Conscience now pricked the newly 
awakened king to make a public reparation, for though his 
courtiers saw in it only the virtue of a kind and loving 
heart 7 , yet he must have known that the world would take 
him to witness that his father had killed the prophet and 
that he himself was building the sepulchre 8 . 

His first Easter had been spent at Langley 9 where he 
arrived on April 15, 14 13 10 . Here he gave 4^. apiece to 

Elmham, Mon. Aug. 257; Harpsfeld, Hist. 586. 
In which Monmouth was included, Tit. Liv. 3 ; Vita, 4. Cf. Patria Walligenis, 
Memorials, 64. 

" Ott. 274; Wals. ii. 297; Carte, ii. 674. 
See App. S. 

i.e. April 16, 1399, Wills of Kings, 192, 193; Rym. viii. 75. 

Cf. en son sarcus qu'il avoit fait faire pour luy et la royne sa premiere femme en son 
vivant, Waurin, ii. 167. 

Eek hath our kynges benignitee 
And loving herte his vertu can bywreye 
Our Kyng Richard that was ye wel may see 
Is not fled from his remembrance aweye. 

Hoccleve, Min. Po. 48. 

Cf. for gret love and gedenesse, Brut, ii. 373. R. F. Williams (i. 194) finds in it "un- 
questionable evidence of his goodness of heart." 

8 Ad fin de acquiter et deschargier lame de son feu pere, Waurin, ii. 167; in remis- 
sionempaterni delicti, Croyl. Hist. 499 ; murder forgiven in his obsequies, G. Daniel, iv. 
\r l \ Hardyng (372) adds that he also let all men offer at Archbishop Scrope's grave in 
York Minster; Carte (ii. 674) thinks that "he looked upon all concerned in Richard's 
murder as the worst of traitors," but his reference to Otho B. xiii. p. 121, does not 
correspond with the Cottonian Catalogue. Tyler (ii. 12) argues against any " conscious- 
ness of guilt on the part of his father," but thinks that Henry "might have considered 

chard as an injured man," &c., &c. Milman (Ann. 81) calls it a "solemn and wicked 
>ckery. Strickland (ii. 1 10) thinks that it was " a deep laid measure of state policy" 

due to reports about the maumet in Scotland. Stubbs (iii. 8 4 ) takes it to symbolise the 

burial of all old causes of enmity. 

9 ' Kin g' s Langley (see Cussans, Dacorum, 197); not Abbot's Langlev, as Buckley, 
iii; Murray-bmith, e;6. 

10 Page 47. 

1413] Langley 209 

3000 poor at the Maundy 1 , and on Good Friday 2 , April 2i s , 
besides giving ^433. 6s. %d. in alms 4 he offered 2$s. 5 at the 
crawling of the cross 6 in the Priory 7 church of the Black 
Friars where King Richard's body lay buried 8 . It was 
probably at this visit that Henry announced his plans. At 
any rate, in the first winter of his reign after the Convocation 
broke up on Dec. 4, I4I3 9 , he had King Richard's body 
brought up from Langley where it had lain for the last 

1 For 1'office du Mande, le jeudi absolu, absolutionis dies, Nicolas, Chron. of Hist, no 
(i.e. Maundy Thursday, Cotgr., s.v. Jeudi}, see Briele, iii. 32; Godefroy, s.v. Mancte. 
Called le Manday du grand jeudi, Renard, 212; jeudi sainct, ibid. 137. Cf. faire mande 
(i.e. to wash the disciples' feet), Coyecque, i. 93 ; A. Chevalier, 94 ; pro mandate, Walcott, 
Vestiges, 53. Rock (iv. 95) derives it from the mandatum novum in John xiii. 34, called 
die Paraseues or die caenae dominicae in Rozmital, 45, where Edward IV invites 13 poor 
people and washes their feet, giving to each a new gown and a noble (numum qui nabel 
nuncupatur). For Dies Parasceves either on Maundy Thursday or Good Friday, see 
Rym. ix. 357; Wylie, ii. 160, note i. 

2 Rot. Parl. iv. 56, 57; le jour de grand vendredy, Bourgeois, 137; le jour du ven- 
dredi, Briele, Notes, 40, or du vendredi benoit, do. Doc. iii. 26; lo jour del vendres 
sainct, Medicis, i. 241 ; Holy Friday, Nicolas, Chron. of Hist. 121 ; " The Good Fryday," 
Pol.-Relig. Po. 122; J. Page, 29; Rym. ix. 30; Lydg. Min. Po. 99; le grand vendredi, 
Cousinot, 137; Dupleix, ii. 717; Delaborde, 311,318; Renard, 37; le vendredi que nous 
appelons sainct, Coyecque, i. 131; A. Chevalier, 107, no, 113; lo divendres sant, Con- 
templacio, in Ferrer, i. p. 7; an vendredi benoist, Regnier, 138; an dem stillen vritage, 
Janicke, 340; le bon vendredi aorez, Priv. Seal 664/659, i.e. dies adoratus, Nicolas, 
Chron. of Hist. 123, or adourez, Coyecque, i. 75; Briele, iii. 32 ; or aorez, Ord. Priv. Co. 
ii. 149; or "aoure," Deschamps, ix. 379; or "doure," Nicolas, Chron. of Hist. 112; cf. il 
fist aourer son image, Blondel, i. 133; pour aourer par mains matins, Pastoralet, 149; 
cf. Cotgr., s.v. Ord, orez. Not "a ovez," as Wylie, ii. 160, note i; iii. 259. 

3 Called praesentis diei Paraseves, Pat. i H. V, i. 23, April 21, 1413. 

4 On this day the cost of the Royal Household was ^333. 6s. 8d. besides .433. 6s. %d. 
given to the poor in propria persona Domini Regis, see Q. R. Accts. 406/21(1); Iss. 
Roll i H. V, Pasch., May 4, 1413. For 200 distributed to the poor through Stephen 
Payne the king's almoner (Rym. ix. 163, 292, 594, 595, Oct. 16, 1414; July 24, 1415; 
June 9, 1418), see Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., April 30, 1416. For his retinue of 3 archers 
at Southampton in July, 1415, see Exch. Accts. 47/26 (with names); Nicolas, Agincourt, 
382 ; all were present with him at the battle, L. T. R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 6/9, where 
he is defunctus early in H. VI. For 3 trotters granted to him on account of his old age 
and infirmity (i.e. between Mich. 1414 and Mich. 1416), see For. Accts. 6 H. V, 19, 
with their names in Exch. Accts. 106/24(1). On March 4, 1417, he is still almoner, 
Exch. Accts. 106/24(2). In Memoranda Roll K. R. 3-4 H. V, 19, June 12, 1415, 
Simon Stobey and Stephen Payn are " nos Alsmoigns." 

5 i.e. 3 gold nobles + 5^., Pat. i H. V, i. 19. 

6 Or creeping to the cross, Maskell, iii. 391; or kissing the cross, Rock, iv. 99. 

7 Not the Abbey of Langley, as Rowlatt, 28. 

8 Wylie, i. 117; cf. At Langle byryde fryste, Greg. Chron. 53; and to Langley was 
he bore, Petegrue, 593; N. Bell, 39, supposes that "where its resting place was is not 
known." Not "en une petite eglise assez pres de Pomfret," as Waurin, i. 40, 167. 
Called "the Frerys of Langley," in Brut, ii. 373, 592, who gives a Yorkist story that 
Richard's life was prolonged for a day or two by a vision in which a fair woman fed him 
with a kercher full of white roses. 

9 Chron. Lond. 96; not "before harvest," as Fabyan, 577; or "soon after Easter," 
as Kennett, i. 309; or "before the funeral of Henry IV," as Larrey, 806. Hoccleve's 
poem "faite tost apres que les osses du roi Richard furent apportez a Westmoster," 
according to the French colophon (which dates soon after the death of Henry V, que 
Dieu pardoint, Hoccleve, Min. Po. p. 41), was evidently written before the Lollard out- 
break, ibid. 47; Mason, 14; Anglia, v. 20. 

W. I 4 

210 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

14 years 1 and buried with a royal terment 2 in his own tomb 
at Westminster. A hearse was fixed up with lights for the 
service and the banners recently made for the funeral of 
Henry IV were borrowed for it from the cathedral at Can- 
terbury 3 . The body was stripped of its leaden lap, laid in 
a new elm coffin and placed on a horse-bier 4 housed 5 
with black velvet 6 , 1 20 torches 7 being sent down from the 
royal chandry 8 to burn around it as it trundled along at a 
crawling pace, for even the exact rate of speed 9 had been 
minutely prescribed in the details of the unfortunate king's 
will. A crowd of bishops, abbots, lords, knights and squires 10 
followed with it and 100 marks were distributed as largess 

1 Wals. ii. 297; Hypodig. 446; Worcester, ii. 453. For supposition that the body 
had never been removed from Pontefract based upon a wrong inference from dates of 
entries in the Issue Roll of i H. IV (Wylie, i. 115), see Traison, Ixi; Kervyn de 
Lettenhove, Richard II, 335; Moberley, 289. For picture of King Richard's funeral 
in 1400 with the whole body shown on a car drawn by one horse, see Benham and 
Welch, 74 (from Froissart MS. Harl. 4380); Gee, 12; Knight, Shakespeare's Rich. II, 

2 Caxton, i. 224; Brut, ii. 373; more regio, Wills of Kings, 192, 194; of royall greate 
araye, Hard. 372; don a dirige royally, Chron. Lond. 96. Cf. 

My wit souffysith nat to peyse and weye 
With what honour he broght is to this town 
And with his queene at Westmynstre in the abbeye 
Solempely in Toumbe leid adoun. Hoccleve, Min. Po. 48. 

He was leyde at Westminster by Anne the Quene, Petegrue, 593; Weever, 471. For 
terment, see Wylie, iii. 208; Grey Friars Chron. xliii. 50; or enterment, Secreta, 151 ; 
or entierment, Brut, ii. 494. 

3 See page 48. For 10 paid for this to the Prior of Christ Church, Canterbury, 
see Devon, 325, Nov. 8, 1413; Hope, Effigies, 18. For ^55. 6-r. %d. paid to the sacrist 
at Westminster for wax, torches, banners, guytons and barriers round the hearse p' 
annivers' Ricardi II lately buried within the Abbey at Westminster, see Iss. Roll i H. V, 
Mich., Feb. 19, 1414. 

4 Devon, 326, 332. For illustration showing two horses tandem, see Harl. MS. 4379; 
Humphreys, Frois. II. Plate xxxvi; Archaeologia, vi. 314; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 553; 
Aubrey, ii. 9; Benham-Welch, 74; De Witt, 823. For a one-horse bier, see Dulcken, 
372; Besant, Survey, i. 94. Cf. cary hym in a chare, Archaeologia, i. 349; Maskell, II. 
Ixxvi; aryalchare, Brut, ii. 373; Caxton, Chron. i. 224; chaire royale, Weever, 471; not 
that "the mouldering corpse was seated ("f) in a rich chair of state," &c., as Strickland, ii. 
116, or a " throne of cloth of gold," as Towle, 253. 

5 For house de Turkeie, see Boys, 138; horsehouses de rouge drap, Rot. Parl. 
iv. 228. 

6 Trapped yn black and bete with diuers armez, Brut, ii. 373; Caxton, i. 224. 

7 Waurin, ii. 167. For ^"43. i u. id. paid for this item, see Devon, 327, Dec. i, 1413. 
King Richard had specified 24 torches with an additional 100 as they passed through 
London, Wills of Kings, 193. Cf. "with taper and torche and gret rialte," Laud Troy 
Book, 350. 

8 For Giles Thornton serviens de la chaunderie, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Dec. i, 
1413; cf. Halliwell, 240; cerarii, Rym. ix. 291. The unused wax was removed when 
the service was over, see payment in Devon, 328. 

9 viz. from 14 to 16 miles per day, Rym. viii. 75; Wills of Kings, 193; Gough, i. 
ii. 164. 

10 Waurin, ii. 167. For ^56. QJ. iid. (sic) paid for expenses of divers lords and other 
officers at Langley and thence to Westminster, 4 days in December, for transfer of the 
body of Richard II, see Rym. ix. 189. 

1414] "I Richard's body have interred new " 211 

on the route 1 . At Westminster the service was attended 
by the king 2 , who ordered that 4 large tapers were to burn 
continually at the tomb 3 and gave 4 pieces of gold racamas 4 
to adorn it, arranging for a dirge and requiem mass to be 
sung and 6s. 8d. 5 to be given to the poor every week, to- 
gether with ^"20 in pennies 7 at every yearly mind 8 . After 
receiving King Richard's body the tomb was closed down 
again, but not left airtight 9 as it had been when the remains 
of Queen Anne were laid in it 19 years before 10 . A wedge 
was inserted at the foot to level and steady it and the 
plumber who was employed to do the soldering left his iron 
pincers inside it, and there they lay for over 450 years till 
the tomb was opened again in 1871. But for at least a 
century before this, poor Richard's body had been poked 
at by antiquaries 11 and schoolboys through a hole in the 
stone-work and his jawbone found its way successively to 
country rectories in Kent 1 " and Hampshire 13 , whence it has 
been recently returned and replaced within the tomb at 

Queen Anne had died 14 in the royal manor-house at 

1 Devon, 328. For 40^. to be distributed circa corpus Ricardi II from Langley to 
Westminster tempore exequiarum and 10 paid fratribus de Langley, see Iss. Roll i H. V, 
Mich., Feb. 22, 1414. Waurin (i. 167) supposes that the body rested for a night at 
St Paul's before being interred at Westminster. 

2 Worcester, 453; Hume, iv. 35. 

3 Harpsfeld, 587. 

4 i.e. embroidered, see Godefroy, Cotgr., s.v. Recamer. Draps dor dragmas blank, 
Pat 2 H. V, ii. 38; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 228, Apr. 18, 1414; not raginas, as J. T. Smith, 
171; Rackham, 9. For panno nuncupate racami, see Tuetey, Test. 350; cf. sa cote de 
racami, ibid. 416; or racamat, Wylie, ii. 444. 

5 First Life, 21; Stow, 343; Speed, 767; Weever, 471 ; more probable than us. 8d. 
as Brut, ii. 494; Caxton, i. 224; Fabyan, 577; Anstis, ii. 6r ; Goodwin, ii. 447; Lingard, 
iii. 236 note; Bradley, 98; Church, 49; Cassell, i. 517. 

6 Not 70, as Hartwright, 108. 

7 To be delyd penny mele, Brut, ii. 494. 

8 In Caxton, Dial. 25, "a yeresmynd " = " ung annyversaire." 

9 Archaeologia, xlv. 312. 

10 i.e. on Aug. 3, 1394, Strickland, i. 612. 

11 Neale, ii. no; Archaeologia, xlv. 313. Cf. "in the holes of which (i.e. where the 
shields had been torn away) putting my hands I could turn the boards of his coffin," Dart, 
ii. 45. 

12 i.e. Wouldham near Rochester, Archaeologia, xlv. 314. Murray-Smith (58) says 
that it is still treasured by the grandchildren of the Westminster schoolboy to whom it 
was given by a schoolfellow who purloined it in 1766, see Wylie, iv. 147 note. 

13 i.e. Chilcomb near Winchester in the possession of Rev. G. T. Andrewes, who 
returned it to Westminster for burial on Feb. 26, 1906. 

14 i.e. on June 7, 1394, from her epitaph, Weever, 473; R. F. Williams, i. 163; 
Garnett, Richmond, 8; Hope, Effigies, 28; not June loth, as Mirot, Trousseau, 125; 
do. Isabelle, xviii. 558. For picture of her death-bed, see Humphreys, Frois. 1 1. 
Plate xxxi, where she wears a large night-cap. 


212 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

Sheen 1 on the south bank of the Thames, and in his pas- 
sionate grief King Richard had cursed the place and had 
the buildings demolished 2 . Though standing in^ a lovely 
spot 3 , it had never been a place of royal dimensions 4 and 
during the whole of the reign of Henry IV the manse was 
left in ruins. But his son had other plans in view. On the 
site of the ruined house now occupied by the terrace 5 which 
George III built for his Maids of Honour on the western 
side of Richmond Green, he erected a "curious and costly" 
building 6 , which after standing for 80 years was burnt down 7 
in the reign of Henry VII, who rebuilt it 8 as Richmond 
Court on so magnificent a scale that men called it a second 
Paradise and claimed that it had no equal in all the world 9 . 
It was this king who changed the name of the place to that 

1 In manerio regio de Shene, Wals. ii. 186; Wylie, iv. 207. Cf. 

And when this boke is made give hit the quene 
On my behalfe at Eltham or at Shene. 

Chaucer (S.), iv. pp. xx, 101. 

2 Mansum de Shene quod fuit absque domo, Lib. Metr. 102 ; ad solum usque pros- 
tratum, Gesta, 7; Chron. Giles, 9; Dugd. Monast. vi. 31; Lambarde, Diet. 351; 
"overthrew the whole house," Weever, 473; E. T. Bradley, 65, 88, though this is 
doubted in R. F. Williams, i. 171, who thinks (p. 195) that Henry Vonly " restored the 
old structure probably with improvements." N. Bell, 7, thinks that the house was only 
partially destroyed ; Hodgson (324) that " there may be some truth in the story." 

3 Delectabilem mansionem, Vita, 25. For position of it see the picture in Nichols, 
Progresses, ii. 412. 

* Manning and Bray, i. 409. For evidences of a royal residence there temp. Ed. I, 
see Nichols, Progresses, ii. 404 ; Hodgson, 323. 

5 i.e. Maid of Honour Row, Chancellor, 84; do. Historic Richmond, 134. For 
picture, see N. Bell, 26. 

6 Tit. Liv. 5; Wals. ii. 300; Chron. Giles, 9; Monast. vi. 30, 542. For the "grete 
work" begun in 1414, see Chron. Lond. 99; Mon. Francisc. ii. 165; which as yet is 
knowne to manie men that have scene the same, First Life, 19 (written in 1513). For 
the waterbridge and the great quadrangle with the gatehouse to be rebuilt in 1445, see 
Ord. Priv. Co. vi. 32 ; Hodgson, 328. 

7 i.e. on Dec. 21, 1497, Kingsford, Chron. 222; Stow, Chron. 481; Excerpt. Hist. 
97; not 1498, as ibid. p. 115; Nichols, Progresses, ii. 404; Manning and Bray, i. 410; 
Archaeologia, xlix. 246; nor 1499, as J- Evans, 18; N. Bell, ii. 

8 i.e. in 1501, Kingsford, Chron. 233; Nichols, Progresses, ii. 404, 412; Archaeologia, 
xlix. 247. Called "about 1500" in Aubrey, i. 58. 

9 This erthely and secounde paradise of our regioun of Engelond and as I credibly 
suppose of all the great parte and circuit of the world (written in 1502), Antiq. Repert. 
ii. 314*; Chancellor, Historic Richmond, 78. For pictures and description of Richmond 
Court, see Nichols, Progresses, ii. 404, 412; Roujoux-Mainguet, i. 743; Craik-Macfar- 
lane, ii. 841, from Vetusta Monumenta, ii; Lysons, Environs, i. 442; Cassell, ii. 252, 
253; Garnett, 10, n, 12, 24 (from Holler, Vinkenboom and Buck with a modern sketch 
of the existing gateway fronting towards the Green, ibid. 26); Macfai lane-Thomson, i. 139; 
S. Maurice, 58, and Frontispiece; Aubrey, i. 60 (who says (p. 58) writing in 1719 that 
"some umbrages of it is to be discovered in J. Speed's Map of Surrey"); Chancellor, 
3, 13; dp. Historic Richmond, Frontispiece; N. Bell, 10 ; Hodgson, 337. For view 
of the ruined frontage towards Richmond Green in 1737, see Buck, ii. 283 ; Chancellor, 
Historic Richmond, 6. For survey of the buildings in 1649, see Chancellor, App. 
p. vii; do. Historic Richmond, p. 91. 


Sheen 213 

of the Yorkshire honour in Swaledale from which he took 
his title 1 , but in Henry V's day it was still called the manor 
of Sheen. In the accounts of the opening years of his reign 
the names of John Strange 2 and John Hartshorne 3 occur as 
clerk of the works and controller respectively; orders were 
given for tin 4 , glass 5 , timber 6 and other necessary stuff 7 ; 
barrels of lead and plaster 8 were sent up by sea from Lan- 
caster; Yorkshire stone 9 , Maidstone rag 10 and marble 11 were 

1 That then was called Shene but no we Richmond, First Life, pp. x, 19. 

2 For John Strange (or Straunge), clerk of the works for the Palace at Westminster, 
the Tower, the castle at Berkhamsted and the manors of Kennington (i.e. Cold Ken- 
nington or Kempton, called "our manor of Colde Kenynton in Middlesex," in Claus. 
i H. V, 8, Dec. 18, 1413, cf. Wylie, ii. 292, note 5. For documents dated at Kempton 
manor, see Cal. Pat. H. VI, iii. 82, 91), Eltham, Clarendon, Shene, Byfleet, Chiltern 
Langley, Feckenham (near Droitwich, Cal. Pat. H. IV, i. 59), Hatheburgh Lodge in 
the New Forest (cf. Burrows, Brocas, 126; Chaucer (S.), I. xii), and the mews for the 
king's hawks at Charing, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Dec. n, 1413, Feb. 16, 1414; ibid. 
3 H. V, Pasch., Sept. 2, 1415; ibid. 6 H. V, Pasch., May 14, June i, 20, 1418. For 
Strange's appointment on April 7, 1413, see Pat. i H. V, i. 29, when he succeeded 
Robert Rolleston, see Exch. Accts. 502/30, his deputy being John Skipton, Cal. Pat. 
H. V, i. 59. In 1408-9 Strange had been controller of the wardrobe, see Wylie, iv. 210. 
For grant to him of the parkerwick of Henley-on-the-Heath on July 18, 1413, see Pat. 
i H. V, ii. 10. In Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Mich., Oct. 10, Dec. 6, 1418, 7 H. V, Pasch., July 
10, 1419, 7 H. V, Mich., Oct. 27, Nov. 22, 1419, 8 H. V, Pasch., May 23, July 12, 1420, 
John Straunge is late clerk of the works for Shene and Eltham, also ibid. 8 H. V, Mich., 
Oct. 12, 15, Nov. 27, 29, 1420, where William Merssh is capitalis faber. 

3 For John Hertishorne (or Herteshorne, Wylie, iv. 243 ), sergeant-at-arms with allow- 
ance of \id. per day (Pat. i H. V, iv. 32; Claus. i H. V, ii, Nov. 18, 1413), appointed 
controller of works at Byfleet and Shene Sept. 28, 1413, see Priv. Seal 658/93, 95; Pat. 
i H. V, iii. 14; iv. 23 ; extended to all works throughout the kingdom on Feb. 3, 1414, 
Priv. Seal 659/179; Pat. i H. V, v. 22. For i$s. paid to him as an esquire of the king's 
chamber, see Exch. Accts. 406/21, 27. 

4 For tin for works apud Shene, see Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Pasch., July 12, 1420, where 
Walter Brigg is clerk of the works, also in Iss. Roll 7 H. V, Mich., Nov. 30, 1419, Jan. 20, 
Feb. 19, 1420. In Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Mich., Feb. 27, 1421, he is late clerk of the 

8 For ;i2. i6s. od. paid to Richard Coventre mercer of London for glass for works 
at Shene, see Iss. Roll 5 H. V, Mich., March 5, 1418. 

6 Pat. i H. V, iii. 19 d (Sept. 24, 1413); do. 2 H. V, i. 19 d (June 14, 1414); do. 
5 H. V, n, 20 (Aug. 7, Nov. 17, 1417). For ^233. 6s. 8d. paid for the new works at 
Shene, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., Sept. 2, 1415. For other payments, see Iss. Roll 
7 H. V, May i, 1419. 

7 For carriage of divers estuffamenta for Shene, see Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Mich., Nov. 7, 

8 For 60 barrels of plaster and 1 5 of lead sent by boat from Lancaster to Shene, see 
Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Mich., Oct. 27, 1418; also vessels and utensils costing ^48. or. 20^., 
ibid. Dec. 7, 1418. 

9 For ^"33. 13-5-. 4</. paid pro petris de Stapelton, see Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Mich., Feb. 
27, 1421. For Yorkshire stone for building our manor at Shene, see Pat. i H. V, v. 11 d, 
Feb. 12, 1414. For order to John Atte Welle and William King to provide stone for the 
same, see Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 35. 

10 See p. 206, note 6. For payments to William Catton, clerk of the king's ships, for 
carrying stone and divers things and harness from Maidstone to Shene and elsewhere, see 
Wardrobe Accts. 406/26 (1415). 

11 For payments for 300 doliat' petri de mar', see Iss. Roll 7 H. V, Pasch., May i, 12, 
1419; also for 25 dol' de piastre and 5 dol' petrar' de marr', see Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Mich., 
Oct. 2, 1420, i.e. marble (perre de marbre, Rym. vii. 796), not Caen stone, as Lethaby, 

214 Religioiis Ho^lses [CH. xv 

brought round by boat 1 , and there are plenty of payments 
for the wages of the masons and carpenters and other arti- 
ficers who were employed 2 . Among these records two 
items are of special interest, one of which gives the payment 
for lifting fruit-trees and plants in the gardens 3 , several of 
them being brought over from Normandy 4 ; the other shows 
525*. paid to Robert Brown for carving swans in the king's 
room at Sheen 5 . Some few years ago a gorged swan 6 
carved in stone was unearthed in digging foundations in 
the grounds of Queensberry House between the riverside 
and Richmond Green 7 , and if this be one of the swans of 
Robert Brown's workmanship it would appear to have been 
the only relic that remains of King Henry's building, and 
the fact that even this carved stone cannot now be traced 
is typical of the total annihilation that has overwhelmed his 
short-lived royal residence at Sheen. 

But the rebuilding of this manse was only a portion of 
a far larger scheme upon which the zealous young king had 
set his heart. In making his peace with Pope Gregory XII 
in 1408" his father had been enjoined to build three religious 
houses in expiation for his share in the deaths of King 
Richard and Archbishop Scrope 9 . But more than five 
years had elapsed and nothing seemed likely to be done, 
now that Gregory had been himself deposed and had be- 
come a helpless laughing-stock to the mass of Englishmen 10 , 
though the new king's tenderness for Richard's memory 
would have been incomplete without a further effort to 
carry out his father's expiation to the full. Accordingly he 
made a grant of land on the river-bank to the north of his 

1 For boats of 2 tons portage bringing stone to Shene, see Rym. ix. 447, April 14, 

e.g. 26. i 3 .r. 4aT., in Iss. Roll 5 H. V, Pasch., Aug. 3, 1417; also ibid. 6 H. V, 
Pasch., May 14, June i, 20, 1418. 

3 i.e. to Jean du Pont gouverneur et sourveour de noz jardins de nostre manoir de 
Shene, Chancery Warrants, Ser. i. 1364/31, July 27, 1417. For his appointment as 
governor and supervisor of the gardens at Shene, see Pat. 5 H. V, i, July 17, 1417. 

' For 4- 7 s - &/. paid for shipping of 3 pipes cum plant' diversarum arborum from 
Kouen to Southampton to be carted thence to Shene, see Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Pasch., May o, 

1 420. * V 


5 Devon, 357, Oct. 

i^cvun, 357, ucr. 3, 1418. 
Le Keux ^^ ^ ^^ U the SCrCen f Henry V ' s Cha P el in Westminster Abbey, see 
7 Chancellor, Historic Richmond, 57, 73. 
Brut, ii. 494 ; Wylie, ii. 352. 

9 See App. T. 

10 Wylie, iii. 395. 


The Charterhouse 215 

new manse 1 , on which to build a priory for 40 Carthusian 
monks 2 , where prayers should be said for his soul and that 
of his grand-parents and other ancestors 3 . The monastery 
was to be called ''Bethlehem 4 ,'' or more fully "the House 
of Jesus of Bethlehem of Shene 5 " because Jesus had cast 
down the heretics, preserved the Catholics and given peace 
abroad and security at home 6 . With a view to making 
the necessary start Henry wrote to the Prior of the Grande 
Chartreuse 7 , announcing that he was building a house to 
the honour of God and begging that the Prior would send 
him over with all speed seven monks of the Teutonic 
province 8 and of specially good conversation. The founda- 
tion charter was signed on April i, 1415, and an English- 
man, John Widrington 10 , was appointed the first prior. 

1 Tit. Liv. 5 ; Vita, 25; Manning and Bray, i. 417 ; Monast. vi. 29, where the site 
extends from Hakelot by Divers-bush on the south to the cross called Cross- Ash on the 
north ; not " on the site of Richard IPs palace" as Tyler, ii. 28 ; Yonge, Cameos, 256. 

2 For the solitary life of the Carthusians, who quitted their cells only three times 
a day, i.e. for the office in the night, High Mass in the forenoon and vespers in the 
evening, see Monget, I. viii, who gives a picture of the interior of a cell (i. 106). For 
the dress of the Carthusians, made of white woollen serge, see ibid. i. 160. For the 
nine Carthusian houses in England see Monast. vi. 3; Harris, 15. 

3 "After he made religious at Shene then," Lydgate, in Gesta, 214 ; or "at the Shen," 
Petegrue, 594. Circumcinctus in his fragrans fert gesta notata. Dum rex probra piat 
alter et annus erat, Lib. Metr. 102; i.e. in fundacione monasteriorum et reparacione 
manerii de Shene, Bodl. MS. 496, fol. 2246. 

4 Domus Carthusiensium quae vocatur Bethleem, Rym, ix. 290; Tit. Liv. 5; Vita, 25; 
notre maison de Betleem, Cott. MS. Otho B. xiv ; Sandford, 291 ; Gesta, 7. 

5 Monast. vi. 29, 31, from the foundation charter; French Roll 4 H. V, 4; Ewald, 
xliv. 588 ; Mart. Anec. i. 1746 ; domus Jhu de Bethleem de Shean, Q. R. Miscellaneous 
Books, no. 7, p. 93; Carte, Rolles, i. 260 ; or "de Bedleem de Shene," Pat. 3 H. V, 
ii. 30, July 12, 1415; Domus Jhu de Betheleme, Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Oct. 30, 1415; 
Cal. Pat. P. R. O. H. VI, ii. 250; " apud Schene," Wals. ii. 300; Hypodig. 450; 
" la meason de Chartuse de Shene," or " domus Carthusiensis de Shene," Rym. x. 317, 
Feb. 12, 1424 ; "the Charterhouse of Shene," Greg. Chron. xliv (1465) ; "meason de 
Jhu de Bethleem pres de Shene," Priv. Seal Writs 1423/114; "Jhu of Bethlehem of 
Shene," Statutes, iii. 406; not "St Jean" as Brequigny, 266. In the survey of 1649 
it is called "the monastery of West Shene," its wall forming the western boundary of 
Richmond Little Park, Chancellor, p. in. For seal of the Priory, see Birch, 131. 

6 Pacificat aemulos exteriores et domat intrinsecos, Monast. vi. 31. 

7 Domus Cartusiensis in Sabaudia, Add. MS. 24,062, f. 145. 

8 De provincia teoutonicorum, including among them dominum Wynemarin in regno 
nostro professum et presencialiter in domo Hollandie aut illorsum ut concepimus con- 
stitutum, ibid. f. 145. 

9 Monast. vi. 33. 

10 Cura et regimine alicujus prioris de regno nostro, Add. MS. 24,062, f. 145, 
showing that this letter was written before Widrington's actual appointment. Widrington 
is called Prior on March 7, 1416 (3 H. V), Manning and Bray, i. 420; not March 7, 
1414, as Monast. vi. 29. For 10 granted to him pro certis operationibus in prioratu 
de novo faciendis, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Oct. 30, 1415. In Fr. Roll 4 H. V, 3, 
March 13, 15, 1417 ; Ewald, xliv. 588, he is going abroad, attorneys being appointed 
for him and John Maplestede, Prior of the House of the Salutation of the Mother of 
God (i.e. the Charterhouse) in London, though the name of the latter does not occur in 
the list of Priors in Monast. vi. 9. For the London Charterhouse founded by Walter 

216 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

Masons, carpenters, tilers 1 and labourers were soon engaged 
to get forward with the building 2 , and as soon as King 
Henry was master of Lower Normandy he did not forget 
to have the monks supplied with the beautiful white stone 
from the quarries at Caen 3 to build their church, their cells 
and their cloisters 4 . Books and other valuable accessories 
were supplied by the brethren at Mount Grace 3 in the 
North Riding of Yorkshire, to whom large sums of money 
were paid on this account from the Exchequer 6 . 

Within the priory was a cell for a hermit who was 
always to be a priest 7 . This cell was separately endowed 8 , 
and it comes as somewhat of a shock to our preconceived 
opinions as to the rigid austerity of the i5th century 
hermit's rule of life to find that the first holder of the 
post at Sheen, whose name was John Kingslow 9 , had two 
servants to wait on him and a personal allowance of 
20 marks a year 10 . 

Manny, who died in 1361, see W. H. Hale, 312, who gives the text of his will. It was 
built in 1371 on a space called "Nomansland" (Letter Book I, 82), or "The Spittle 
Croft," or "the new Churchhaw" (i.e. churchyard, Halliwell, i. 249. For the Pardon 
Chirchehawe, i.e. St Paul's Churchyard, see Sharpe, Wills, ii. 423), now Charterhouse 
Square, where the bodies of 50,000 victims of the plague were buried in 1348, see 
Knight, London, ii. 114, 117; Hale, 311; Loftie, i. 227; Hope, Charterhouse, 294, 
306 ; Viet. Hist. London, ii. 209. For plan of the buildings see Hale, 328. 

1 For order for tilers to make tiles for Bethlehem see Pat. 5 H. V, 28 d, March 22, 
1417. For whityng and anelyng (i.e. tempering, Halliwell, 61), de Tewle appellez 
pleintile, autrement nommez thaktile, roftile ou crestile, cornertile et guttertile, see 
Stat. ii. 463. 

2 In Pat. 4H. V, 3 dors., Add. MS. 4601/93 (120) is a document dated Mortlake, 
March 20, 1417, arranging for masons, carpenters, tilers, labourers and others for the 
work, also for timber, stone, and other necessaries to be brought in a boat, showing that 
the letters quoted in Gesta 7, from " Letters missive Hy V, in Tower of London," 
written at Mortlake, March 17, 20, probably refer to the year 1417; not 1414 as usually 
supposed, see R. F. Williams, i. 198 ; Chancellor, 69. 

3 For quarries of white stone at Vaucelles, Calix, Quilly, and Haute Allemagne, all 
in the neighbourhood of Caen, see Vaultier, Recherches, 3, 26, 32, 45. For the church 
of St Michael at Vaucelles see Britton, 19, and Plate. 

4 Bre'quigny, 260, May i, 24, 1418; Carte, Rolles, i. 260; Ewald, xli. 686 ; Caumont, 
Journal, 307. 

8 Wylie, ii. 220. For seal of the Priory see Birch, 125. 

6 For ;ioo paid to them as part of a larger amount ordered for their Abbey (sic) at 
Shene, see Devon, 340, April n, 1415; not for the Bridgettines at Syon, as Tyler, ii. 31. 

7 Brut, ii. 496 ; Caxton, 234. It was situated infra precinctum, Priv. Seal 5 H. V 
(857) Aug. 8, 1417, and is called reclusorium perpetuum for one recluse chaplain, or 
the " Anchorites cell," in the survey of 1649. Not tnat it was built in 1616, as 
N. Bell, 40. 

8 i.e. with 20 marks p.a. charged on the revenues of the alien priories of Lewisham 
and Greenwich, Manning and Bray, i. 420. For 6^. 8r/. paid in 1415 by the Prior and 
monks of Shene on goods and chattels in the Hundred of Blackheath, see O. R. 
Miscellaneous Books, no. 7, p. 93. 

9 Manning and Bray, i. 420, quoting Bishop Wainflete's Register, 2, f. 37. 

Pat. 5 H. V, 22; called " A servaunt " in Brut, ii. 496 ; Caxton, 234; or "another 
priest to attend upon him," First Life, 20. 


Endowment 217 

Besides their ample site the monks were endowed with 
lands belonging to the foreign abbeys of St Evroult 1 , 
Ghent 2 , Jumie'ges 3 , and Lyre 4 , with a proviso that, if these 
lands should ever be resumed, a grant of 700 marks per 
annum should be secured to them from other sources as 
an equivalent instead. This confiscation was naturally 
resented by the foreign houses who suffered under it, and 
we have still extant a letter written by the Abbot of 
St Evroult to the Prior of the new Charterhouse at Sheen, 
urging him not to lay his foundations in plunder and thus 
help the Church to destroy the Church. But the Abbot 
might have known beforehand that his case was hopeless, 
for the popes themselves were recognising these confisca- 
tions as accomplished facts 5 , and the protest was unheeded, 
even though it was afterwards solemnly brought up before 
the Great Council at Constance 6 . Besides these sources of 
income the monks were to have fishing rights and gifts of 
wine*, to be exempt from taxation 8 , and not to be bound to 
entertain the king or any of the great ones of the land, or 

1 In the forest of Ouche (pagus Uticensis), Freeman, ii. 215-228; known as Notre 
Dame du Bois, near Echauffour (Orne). 

2 Not Gaurot as Monstr. vi. 33 ; Goodwin, 341 ; i.e. the manor and priory of 
Lewisham and Greenwich, called Prioratus de Lewisham et Greenwich or Estgrenewiche, 
(Stat. iii. 406), which had belonged to the Abbey of St Pierre at Ghent since the time of 
King Alfred, Monast. vi. 34, 987, 1652 ; Cal. Pat. P. R. O. Henry VI, ii. 250 ; Hasted, 
i. 15 ; Lysons, iv. 428 ; L'Estrange, Greenwich, i. 18, 67. For another priory, said to 
have been founded at Greenwich by Edward III, see Hasted, i. 30, though this is denied 
by Lysons, Environs, iv. 464. 

3 i.e. Hayling, as a cell of Jumieges, Manning and Bray, i. 418. It was appropriated 
to them, together with Carisbrooke, on April 6, 1417, Pat. 5 H. V, 35; cf. Goodwin, 341, 
who thinks that Hayling belonged to "the Abbey of Lesne in France." 

4 Including Carisbrooke, Monast. vi. 29, 1030, 1652 ; Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 30 ; Manning 
and Bray, i. 420. For account of the Abbey of Lyre, near Conches (Eure), see Gall. 
Christ, xi. 644, called S te Marie de Lira in Carte, Rolles, i. 265 ; Memoranda Roll 
K. R. 3-4 H. V, m. 28. 

5 e.g. the alien priory of Stoke Clare in Suffolk, belonging to the Abbey of 
Bee which had been seized by Edward III, and granted to Westminster in 1391 
(J. A. Robinson, 17), see Bull of John XXIII, dated at Constance, Jan. 17, 1415, 
in Papal Lett. vi. 456; Monast. viii. 1416, from Cotton MS. Vitellius D. xiii. f. 75 a. 

6 For fruitless appeal to the Council of Constance against Henry V, dated Oct. 27, 
1416, by Michael Philippi, Abbot of St Evroult (i.e. from June n, 1408, to March 23, 
1439), for granting three of his priories to the Carthusians in England, news of which 
had been brought to him by Friar Richard Bussain, see Mart. Anec. i. 1746; Gall. 
Christ, xi. 827 ; L. Hommey, ii. 377. Two of these priories would be Ware in Hertford- 
shire (Wylie, iii. 143, note i), and Middleton Cheney near Banbury (Monast. vi. 29, 133 ; 
Bridges, i. 184 ; Manning and Bray, i. 417) ; the third was probably one of the Abbot's 
cells in Normandy, called Noion and Newmarket in Monast. vi. 31 ; Goodwin, 341 ; 
Manning and Bray, i. 418, but de Nogione and de Novoforo in Gall. Christ, xi. 823 ; 
i.e. Noyon-sur-Andelle (Eure) and Neufmarche near Gournay (Seine Inf.), Cal. Pat. 
H. V, i. 501. 7 N. Salmon, 201. 

8 For the Prior of Sheen to be " discharged of dimes and quinzimes" see Chancery 
Warrants, Ser. I. 1364/55, May 20, 1418; cf. "neither quinzisme, disme nor taxe," 

218 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

to find pensions or corrodies 1 for their dependents. They 
were to have leets and lawdays and other manorial institu- 
tions, and both they and their tenants were to be free from 
the payment of pickage 2 , stallage, carriage, and all other 
such seigniorial dues. 

Before the king left England on his first voyage to 
France the monastery had been consecrated and sufficient 
endowment had been provided for the 40 inmates, but the 
buildings, which were known as his ''great work 3 ," were not 
yet completed 4 , and in the will that he made on July 24, 
1415, he left money for erecting their " larger house 5 ." 
When the brethren were dispossessed at the Dissolution 
they retired to Nieuport in Flanders 6 , and although the 
buildings at Sheen were still entire in Queen Elizabeth's 
days 7 , yet all trace of them has now long since disappeared, 
though we know with some exactness the position and 

Tit. Liv. ? 1 8 ; for " quinsimes and dessimes " see Fortescue, 139; Murray, Diet., s.v. 
Dime; " desmes and fifteens," Cotton, Abridg. 468. 

1 See Blount, s. v. Conredium, Corody, Corredy, called "a convenient method for 
rewarding officials," Fisher, 370. For corrodies, pensions, fees, and annuities, see Rot. 
Parl. iv. 104. For corrodies at accession, called "don ou droit de joyeux avenement," 
see L. Legrand, Maisons Dieu, 142. For 40^. nomine corrodii at Croyland see Croyl. 
Cont. 513. For corrodies at religious houses see Wylie, ii. 25, note 10. Also at 
Coventry, Claus. 4 H. V, 7 d; Hist. MSS. isth Kept. App. Pt. x. p. 137 ; at Bermondsey 
for a varlet of the King's kitchen, Claus. 4 H. V, 7 d ; Priv. Seal 665/757 ; at St Osyth 
for a serviens stabuli, Claus. 4 H. V, 14 d; Priv. Seal 664/666 ; at Winchester, Priv. Seal 
659/156, 665/769; Vale-Royal, ibid. 665/786; Abbotsbury, Claus. 5 H. V, 4 d ; 
Priv. Seal 665/872 ; Abingdon, Excerpt. Hist. 145 ; St John's Hospital, Sandwich, 
Boys, 139, 140 ; Westminster, Hist. MSS. Rept. iv. 174 ; Worcester, Carte, Rolles, i. 270 ; 
Priv. Seal 659/162 ; at Whitby, Priv. Seal 659/125 ; at York, ibid. 659/153 ; at Reading, 
Hurry, 73. For dispute (1364) as to a corrody at Plympton near Plymouth see Oliver, 
Mon. 129. In 1391 the six monks at Hamble had a corrody from St Swithin's Priory at 
Winchester, consisting of six gowns (pelliciae), six pairs of boots and shoes, 21 loaves and 
42 flagons (justae) of ale, giving in return 20,000 oysters at Mid-Lent every year, Kirby, 
Hamble, 253, 260. For a corrody in the Hospital at Bury St Edmunds, granted (1445) 
to Robert Curteys, probably a relation of the Abbot, see Monast. iii. 1 30. For corrodies 
sold at Tickford to free the house from debt, see Viet. Co. Hist. Bucks, i. 363, where a 
corrody consists of a loaf of bread and a gallon of beer per day and four dishes of meat 
per week. For a corrody at Malmesbury obtained by a forged bull in 1412, see Letter 
Book I, 105. In 1315 Edward II promised that appointments to corrodies should not be 
made unduly onerous, Stat. i. 173; Clay, 213. For 100 marks left to two persons pour 
achatre a eulx une corrodie durant ses vies, see Wills of Kings, 228. For the king's right 
to nominate a clerk to an annual pension in ecclesia vestra on the appointment of a 
bishop, see Claus. H. V, i d. 

2 i.e. payments for breaking the ground to erect stalls at a fair, Bateson, I. xxxvi ; 
II. xxii ; pikagium et stallagium, Boys, 518 ; Hist. MSS. 8th Rept. p. 414. For pickage 
and stallage belonging to the manor of Ashton-under-Lyne see Baines, i. 424; also 
payable at the Lammas Fair at Exeter, see Exeter Deeds, 1449, 1498. 

3 Grey Friars Chron. 13. 

4 Quam domum per nostros fecimus pontifices conservari...quae domus nondum plene 
constructa ad complementum celeritate possibili se festinat, Add. MS. 24,062, f. 145. 

8 Ad aedificationum majoris domus suae, Rym. ix. 290. 

6 Where they were finally suppressed in 1783, Hamilton, in. 7 Ibid. 103. 

1415] ''My little corner" 219 

dimensions of the hall, quadrangle and cloisters 1 . Before 
the destruction fell Dean Colet made his last home within 
the monastery, and died there on Sept. 16, I5i9 2 , and as 
late as 1650 the church with the Prior's lodgings, the 
refectory and the hermitage were all still partly standing ; 
but a generation later even these had crumbled, and 
amongst the ruins had been built some "pretty villas 3 ," in 
one of which lived Sir William Temple with his wife, 
Dorothy Osborne. Temple called it "my little corner 
at Sheen 4 ," and here he grew his vines and oranges and 
wall-fruit trees 5 , with young Jonathan Swift at hand as his 
secretary, and little Hetty Johnson 6 , then a dark-haired, 
bright-eyed, delicate child, the daughter of a servant in the 
household 7 . 

One by one, however, the ruined fragments of the 
monastery have gradually vanished, the last to go being 
the great gateway, which was removed together with the 
hamlet of West Sheen to make way for the Observatory 8 , 
which was erected by George III in 1767, and still stands 
in what was known as the Old Deer Park or Richmond 
Gardens. Thus has every trace of the Carthusian build- 
ings been long since obliterated, and local indications of 

1 J. Aubrey, v. 340; B. Willis, Mitred Abbeys, ii. 337; Manning and Bray, i. 417. 

2 Manning and Bray, i. 420 ; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xi. 326; N. Bell, 42. For his will 
dated June 10, 1514, see Leach, St Paul's, 204. 

3 Evelyn, Diary, ii. 122, Aug. 27, 1678; Crisp, in; Chancellor, 72; do. Historic 
Richmond, 128; Home Counties Magazine, vii. n (1905); N. Bell, 44. 

4 Temple, Works, ii. 41 ; Crisp, no; Lysons, i. 452; not to be confused with the 
house since known as Temple Grove at East Sheen, J. Evans, 34. 

5 Evelyn, ii. 272, March 24, 1688 (not Feb. 24, as Home Counties Mag. vii. 12) ; 
Garnett, 28, 29. 

6 Stella was born at Richmond on March 13, 1681, and baptised on March 2oth 
following, Home Counties Mag. vii. n. Swift himself says (ix. 281): "I knew her 
from 6 years old," i.e. from 1687, showing that they must both have been at Sheen 
(as Craik, i. 26, 27, 29 ; Hay, 9), though it is usually supposed that Swift was only with 
Temple at Moor Park, Diet. Nat. Biogr. iv. 206; J. C. Collins, 26; cf. Taine, ii. 121, 
122, who calls Stella "a charming, well-informed modest young girl." "She was 
sickly from childhood until the age of 15," but as she grew up she was "a little too fat," 
Swift, ix. 281 ; J. C. Collins, 73 ; Ainger, i. 199. For Temple's removal to Moor Park, 
near Farnham, in 1686, see Manning and Bray, i. 422. 

7 Her mother was waiting-woman to Temple's sister, Lady Giffard, and "indeed 
she had little to boast of her birth," Swift, ix. 281 ; Hay, 1 1, 126, who resents Macaulay's 
description of the "pretty waiting-maid," and the "flirtation in the servants' hall," 
Essays, ii. 43 ; Hist. vi. 382. 

8 Manning and Bray, i. 422 ; Monast. vi. 30 ; Chancellor, 74 ; do. Historic 
Richmond, 121, 128. For picture see Lysons, Environs, i. 444; Chancellor, 67, 75; 
not that this was the site of the palace as Tyler, ii. 28 ; Towle, 284. 

9 N. Bell, 133 ; i.e. for observing the transit of Venus, which took place on June 3, 
1769; not 1768 as J. Evans, 30; see also Manning and Bray, i. 414. 

220 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

their exact position give no more definite guidance than 
a shadowy reference to "some old trees and a slight 
unevenness of ground 1 ," while a still greater disappoint- 
ment awaits the searcher when he finds that pictures still 
passing for authentic representations in local histories 2 are 
altogether untrustworthy, one of them being in reality 
a sketch of the Friary buildings erected for Observant 
Friars near the Palace by Henry VII in 1499, and another 
painted in the time of Charles I is really a picture of the 
palace built by Lord Burleigh at Theobalds near Cheshunt 
from 1560 to 1571. 

On the opposite bank of the Thames King Henry also 
founded a monastery for Bridge ttines, which he called Syon 3 , 
or "Mount Syon of Shene 4 ," or more fully "the Monastery 
of St Saviour and St Brigit of Syon 5 ," in the park of 
Twickenham 6 , which formed a portion of his manor of 
Isleworth 7 , and he whose whole reign was one ceaseless 

1 Monast. vi. 30. 2 e.g. Crisp, 104; Chancellor, 75; Hodgson, 340. See App. U. 

3 Tit. Liv. 5; Vita, 25; Gasc. 140, 170; Sandford, 291; Lambarde, Diet. 352; 
"Syon beside Braynford" (i.e. Brentford), Brut, ii. 496; Caxton, i. 233. The names 
Sion and Bethlehem may have been chosen on account of Henry's reverence for the 
Holy Land, as suggested in Pol. Verg. 440. 

4 "De monte Syon de Shene," Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Pasch., May 9, June 25, 1420; 
Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 539. 

8 Dugd. Monast. vi. 542 ; Rym. ix. 290; Rot. Parl. iv. 395; Aungier, 28; Iss. Roll 
8 H. V, Mich., Feb. 8, 1421 ; Baxter, p. 6. In 1421 it is called " St Saviour, SS. Mary 
the Virgin and Brigit of Syon," Rot. Parl. iv. 121, 243; Myroure, xv ; and frequently 
afterwards, Aungier, 74, 79, 465 ; or " Monasterium sancti Salvatoris de Syon" in a bull 
of Pope Martin V, dated at Geneva, Aug. 8, 1418, Cotton MS. Tiberius B. vi. f. 47 ; 
Rym. ix. 617; Monast. vi. 543; Stevens, ii. 376; Aungier, 36. In June, 1415, it is 
called "Ordinis Sancti Salvatoris apud Shene," Rym. ix. 275, 617; cf. "the monastery 
of Shene which is Syon," Aungier, 422; "the house of nonnes of Syon" (1465), 


meason de Seint Saveour de Shene " (1426), Ord. Priv. Co. iii. 190 ; Cal. Pat. H. VI, 
i. 380 ; Aungier, 201 . Called " Mount Sion " or " Sion House " in Tyler, ii. 28 ; Ramsay, 
i. 191 ; Flavigny, 557. For seal with figures of St Adrian and St Brigit see Archaeol. 
xvii. 329 ; also showing St Brigit and the arms of Henry V, Birch, 132, who calls it 
"an Austin Abbey," i.e. they followed the Augustinian rule, Rym. ix. 617; Lenfant 
(Whatley), i. 106; cf. de 1'ordre de Seint Austyn Seint Saviour appelle, Rot. Parl. 
iv. 243 ; de ordine Salvatoris, Add. MS. 24,062, f. 150. Cf. the Augustinian house of 
Brigittines, Maidstone, Tracts, xxviii. 

1 So described in the foundation charter, Monast. vi. 542, 543 ; also Rot. Parl. iv. 
243, 395 5 infra parcarium de Twykenham, Ad Quod Damn. 372 (4 H. V) ; called Isle- 
worth Park, in Cobbett, 224; or meadows belonging to Lord Frederic Cavendish, in 
Lysons, Environs, iii. 83 ; or to the Marquis of Ailsa, in Aungier, 52. For grant of a 
pasture in the parish of Twickenham to Bishop Langley, Henry Fitzhugh, John Rodenall, 
and Thomas Fishbum (who afterwards became Confessor General at Sion, p. 223), see 
Pat. 4 H. V, 22 ; Cal. Pat. H. V, ii. 34, April 20, 1416. 

Dans son manoir de Istilworth, Rot. Parl. iv. 243 ; apud Tystelworth, Amunde- 
snam, i. 27 ; not " a portion of the royal manor of Richmond," as Baxter, p. 6. For 
appointment of Robert Martin to be custos of our park de Istilworth, see Pat. 5 H. V, 

1415] Syon 221 

battle-storm dedicated his foundation as " a true son of the 
God of Peace, who gave peace and taught peace and chose 
St Brigit as a lover of peace and tranquillity 1 ." For both 
of his religious houses he obtained ample indulgences from 
Rome, which brought them in a very handsome income 
every year at pardon-time 2 . 

The foundation charter of Syon was drawn up on 
March 3, I4I5 3 , one of the witnesses being Henry, Lord 
Fitzhugh, the King's Chamberlain 4 , whose previous visit 
to Wadstena 5 had been the means of the first introduction 
of the new order into England 6 . Fitzhugh had great 
influence with the king, and had for several years main- 
tained some of the brethren at his own cost in England 7 , 
and it may have been at his instigation that a proposal had 
been made to convert the decayed hospital of St Nicholas 
without the Walmgate Bar at York into a monastery for 
Bridgettines in the North 8 . He now became one of the 
first trustees 9 for the new community on the Thames, to 

27, May i, 1417. For manor of Isleworth granted to the Abbess on Dec. i, 1421, see 
Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 539. 

1 Monast. vi. 542 ; Aungier, 26. 

2 Excerpt. Hist. 98; Lysons, Environs, iii. 86; Fordun (Hearne), v. 1399; 
Aungier, 422. See App. V. 

8 i.e. 2 H. V, Monast. vi. 542 ; Lei. Coll. i. 47 ; not 2 H. IV, as Wylie, ii. 458, 
note 8 ; nor 1413, as Stevens, ii. 223 ; nor 1414, as Lysons, Environs, iii. 83 ; Monast. vi. 
540 ; Excerpt. Hist. 414 ; Goodwin, 340 ; Cobbett, 224. Called de novo aedificanda in 
Rym. ix. 289, July 24, 1415. For an extract from the charter with confirmation of 
privileges in 25 H. VI, 1446/47, see Aungier, 411 ; also by Henry VII, Aug. 17, 1486, 
which confirms a charter of March 24, 1465, see Exeter Municipal Records, no. 56; 
do. Miscellaneous Rolls, 80, and Transcripts, 2126. 

4 See page 15, note 2. 5 Aungier, 25 ; Wylie, ii. 458. 

6 Tantae laudis praeconium de ordine Sancti Salvatoris per Sanctam Brigidam Suecie 
regionis de novo fundato quam plurium fidedignorum nobis facta relatione frequenter 
audivimus, Add. MS. 24,062, f. 150 (undated). In Amundesham, i. 27, Henry V is 
ejusdem religionis inductor et fundator. 

7 Myroure, xiv. For a charter of indigenation for Magnus Hemmingi (i.e. 
Hemmingson, cf. Wylie, ii. 458), chaplain in Sweden, see Pat. i H. V, v. 21, Feb. 10, 
1414; Priv. Seal 659/185 ; Aungier, 525. Flavigny (p. 557) supposes that a colony of 
brethren and sisters was established at Hinton-Upperhall. 

8 For Henry's application to the Pope for sanction to this scheme, see Add. MS. 
24,062, f. 150. 

9 Rot. Parl. iv. 243 ; Aungier, 32. In a deed dated July 3, 1424, in the parish 
chest at Twickenham, quoted in Cobbett, 226, Henry Fitzhugh appears with the Earl 
of Dorset, Robert Morton, esquire, and John Rodehale, knight (or Rothenhale, see p. 3, 
note 10), as trustee for the manors of Chilham, Molessh (i.e. Moldash or Molash) and 
Trewlegh (i.e. Throwley), between Faversham and Ashford, part of the confiscated 
property of Queen Joan (Wylie, ii. 285; they are in her keeping in Pat. 10 H. IV, 
i. ig } July i, 1409) granted to Syon Abbey in 2 H. VI. For the churches of Chilham, 
Molesh and Throwelegh (cf. Ord. Priv. Co. i. 196), formerly belonging to the Abbot 
of St Berlin (in St Omer), together with the alien priory of Otterton (Devon) granted 
to the Earl of Dorset and others, see Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 21, April i, 1415 ; Cal. Pat. 
H. V, i. 395; ii- 28; ibid. H. VI, i. 207 (Oct. 20, 1424). 

222 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

whom he granted his manor of Hinton-Upperhall 1 , near 
Cambridge, and when he died on Jan. n, 1425', he left 
them 20 a year to celebrate his obit 3 . 

A messenger was sent over to the King's sister Philippa 4 
in Sweden, and at her request four of the nuns 8 and two 
of the brothers sailed for England. They were escorted 
from Wadstena to the ship on May 20, 1415, by the 
Archbishop of Lund and a long train of Swedish knights, 
one of whom, together with a Swedish bishop 7 , accompanied 
them to England. These were entrusted with a message 
from King Eric to King Henry, and each received a cup 
and a silver-gilt ewer out of the forfeited property of 
Henry, Lord Scrope, after his execution at Southampton. 
The foundation stone of the building was dedicated by 
Richard Clifford 8 , Bishop of London, in presence of King 
Henry, on Feb. 22, I4I5 9 . The first Abbess, Maud 
Newton 10 , was a strict recluse from the Benedictine Abbey 

1 Wylie, ii. 458 ; Aungier, 59, 77 ; not Hintrim, as Flavigny, 557. It is called 
Hynton or Henton in Whitford, xxx ; Uphale in Hinton, Monast. vi. 541 ; Lysons, 
Environs, iii. 85. 

2 Beltz, clix ; Ashmole, App. ; Archaeologia, xxii. 387 ; Comp. Peer. iii. 364 ; 
Wylie, ii. 221, note 6. 

3 Aungier, 55, 528 ; Myroure, xiv. For his name in the Martiloge under December 31, 
see Whitford, xxx, from Add. MS. 22,285 ; Flavigny, 557 ; Hamilton, 3. 

4 For her tombstone at Wadstena see Andersen, 188; Marryat, i. 295, 300; Hamilton, 
56 ; Baxter, 7; Higgins, i. 169, who thinks (p. 146) that her fondness for Wadstena was 
due to the fact that her mother Mary de Bohun was "educated in a Clarist convent," 
see Wylie, iv. 132. For Wadstena (called Wastein in Whitford, xxvii, now "the Bedlam 
of Sweden," Hammerich, 285) see Higgins, i. 96, 100 ; Hamilton, T (with picture of 
the Chapter-house) ; Wylie, ii. 453. For Margaret Abbissa Wastenae, who wrote a life 
of St Brigit, see Oudin, iii. 2316. 

8 Their names appear in a list of the inmates of Syon drawn up in 1428, Aungier, 51, 
but Dan Magnus Hemmingson and John of Calmar are not in it. Higgins (i. 148) adds 
three novices; also Bateson, Catalogue, xii; Baxter, 6. For " monasteres doubles" 
and la double communaute " in hospitals, see A. Chevalier, i. pp. vi, xi, 53. 

6 Wazsten. Diar. 54 ; Myroure, xiv. 

7 Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Oct. 30, 1415, shows 4. 45. 9^. paid for their meals and 
other expenses, jam raro venient' ( = "who lately arrived," Devon, 343), conducting 
certain ladies versus Shene infra quandam abbatiam pro illis constructam includend', &c. 

US*, ThotHas Clifford, as Hamilton, 95. For Bishop Clifford's gift to them (10) 
see Whitford, p. 30. In Priv. Seal Writs 1423/114 the Prior of the Carthusians at Shene 
s to have the nomination of four out of the 24 scholars at "Clifford College," which 
the Bishop proposed to found at Oxford. For his pontifical now in the library of 
Corpus Cnnsti College at Cambridge (MS. no. 79) with his arms see York Pontifical, 
p. xxxix. For office for the admission of nuns and friars to the order of St Brigit in 
Archbishop Chichele's pontifical, see ibid. pp. xli, xlii. 

Archaeologia, xvii. 327 ; Myroure, xv ; Aungier, 31 ; Bateson, Catalogue, xii; not 
as a^thanksgiving for Agincourt, as Flavigny, 557. 

Monast. vi. 542, where she is monialem professam ordinis predicti (i.e. Augustinian) ; 
Lysons Environs, iii. 84; not Joan North, as Whitford, xxvii, who was not elected till 
1420 ; Ellis, Ong. Lett. n. i. 91, where Bishop Clifford states that he installed her on 
Sunday, May 5, proving the year to be 1420, not 1421 as Monast. vi. 541. 

1420] " The youngest child of monkery " 223 

at Barking 1 , and the first General Confessor was William 
Alnwick, the Westminster hermit, who had played so large 
a part in the king's opening conversion 2 . Syon has been 
called " the youngest child of monkery 3 /' "the centre of 
the devotional life of the period, representing the very pink 
of pious orthodoxy 4 ." It was founded in a time of religious 
alarm and, as might have been expected, the Bridgettine 
life was based upon an ideal of exceptional strictness and 
severity 5 . This is reflected not only in the well-known 
code of silence 6 planned out for the daily routine, but in 
the character of the appointment of its earliest adminis- 
trators. But Alnwick was already getting old, and after 
a year of "looking after women 7 " he went back again to 
his Westminster cell 8 . He was succeeded in I42O 9 by 
Thomas Fishbourne, who had had a much more worldly 
training before accepting such responsibilities. He had 

1 In Pat. 5 H. V, 20, 29 ; Priv. Seal 5 H. V (822), Mathilda Newton is a recluse 
(inclusa) at Barking on May 12, 1417 ; also Glaus. 6 H. V, 19, April 24, 1418 ; Chancery 
Warrants, Ser. I. 1364/46. For payment to her (moniali incluse apud Berkyng) see 
Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Pasch., June 20, 1418. For 1000 marks p.a. granted to the Abbess on 
March 3, 1415, see Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Mich., Feb. 8, 1421. For ^50 paid to the Abbess 
see Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Pasch., May 9, June 25, 1420. In the parish church chest at 
Twickenham is an inspeximus dated in the Chapter-house at Syon Nov. 29, 1444, 
referring to Johanna nuper abbatissa (i.e. Joan North, elected Sept. 30, 1428, Aungier, 108) ; 
also a deed dated Dec. 3, 1444, whereby Abbess Mathilda (i.e. Maud Muston, who was 
Abbess in 1448, elected on Oct. 5, 1433, Aungier, 56, 108, who dates her death on 

ian. 8, 1447, when she was succeeded by Margaret Ashby ; Monast. vi. 541) releases 
er tenants in Istelworthe (i.e. Isleworth) from payment of a tallage of ^20 p.a., see 
Cobbett, 226. For seal of the Abbey at Barking see Pedrick, p. 30, Plate xvi. For 
pardon to Sybilla de P'elton, Abbess of Barking, see Memoranda Rolls K. R. 3-4 H. V, 
m. 80, Nov. 8, 1415. For a book (MS. Wood, t. xxx), probably compiled by Sybil 
Felton in 1404 for use of future Abbesses of Barking, see Monast. i. 437. For confirma- 
tion of charters to Barking, May 8, 1424, see Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 208. 

2 Page 199, note 5. 

3 N. Salmon, 201. Fisher, 370, notes that there were "only about 8 religious 
houses founded from 1399 to 1509." 

4 Gasquet, Bible, 125; Church Quart. Rev. li. 276. 

5 For the Bridgettine life see Higgins, i. 102, 104-106. For brass of a Bridgettine 
nun (1561) in Isleworth Church, see Lysons, Environs, iii. 104 ; Hamilton, 66. 

6 Wylie, ii. 455. 

7 In custodiam foeminarum praefectus, Amundesham, i. 27, where he is taedio et 
senio confectus. 

8 He is not to be confounded with Wm Alnwick, the plotter of 1407, or the 
Wm Alnwick who became Bishop of Norwich (14^6-1436) and Lincoln (1436-1449), as 
Diet. Nat. Biogr. i. 343 ; Wylie, iii. 149, note 2 ; called William Alwyk in Stone, 20, 
who gives his consecration as Bishop of Norwich by Archbishop Chichele at Canterbury 
on Aug. 18, 1426. He had previously been a monk at St Albans, and was made Prior 
of Wymondham in 1420, Archdeacon of Salisbury in the same year, and confessor to 
Henry VI, Diet. Nat. Biogr. i. 343. For William Alnwick, decretorum doctor, com- 
missioned to negotiate with representatives of the Duke of Brittany, July 7, 1420, see 
Rym. x. i. 

9 Not 1421, as Wylie, ii. 360, note 6. 

224 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

originally been a sewer or table-setter 1 in the monastery 
of St Albans in the days of Abbot Heyworth, whence he 
had travelled to Rome and obtained a special dispensation 
to be ordained. He afterwards lived a hermit's life at 
St Germains near Paris, where he was brought under King 
Henry's notice through his obsequiousness to some great 
ladies 2 . His personal influence with Henry is proved by 
the fact that Archbishop Chichele consulted him when asked 
to recommend a new confessor for the king in 1418', 
and he was present at the recantation of the Lollard priest, 
William Taylor, in the chapel at Lambeth, on Feb. 14, 
1420*. He is known as the friend of Thomas Gascoigne 5 , 
and his own bookish taste is shown in the collection of up- 
to-date volumes 6 that he bequeathed to the monastery at 
his death, which took place on Sept. 13, 1428*. Incidentally 
we know the name of the first Prior, James Cole 8 , but as 
this is in connection with the acceptance of a prebend at 
St Paul's 9 , it would seem that the literal Bridgettine ideals 
soon proved as unattainable in England as they did in 
Sweden 10 . The "rule of the Saviour" forbade individual 

1 Dapifer, Amundesham, i. 27. 

2 Inhaerendo et obsequendo, Amundesham, i. 11, 27, naming Eleanor Hulle, 
Elizabeth Beauchamp, and others. While at St Germains he had a cell built there for 
an anchoress (reclusa), and on Sept. 14, 1428, he obtained permission from the Pope to 
extend the buildings at Isleworth. 

3 Ellis, Orig. Lett. Ser. I. i. 3, where he is called "your priest and bedeman." 
He is called the King's confessor in Aungier, 55; Bateson, Catalogue, xxv ; or "capel- 
lanus," in Glaus, i H. V, 10, Dec. 5, 1413. 

4 Cone. iii. 405. 

5 For some books left by him to the monks at Syon, four of which appear in the 
catalogue drawn up circ. 1504-1526, see Bateson, v, xiii, xxv; Wylie, ii. 360. For 
Gascoigne's books left to Lincoln College, Oxford, see A. Clark, Lincoln, 8. 

1 Bateson, Catalogue, xxv. 7 Amundesham, i. 28 ; Wylie, ii. 361, note. 

8 For Master James Cole, Prior unto our house of Syon at Shene, see Chancery 
Warrants, Ser. I. 1365/36, Apr. 30, 1422, where he is appointed to a prebend at St Paul's, 
vacant by the death of Master John Malvern. 

9 i.e. the prebend of Chamberlainwood, Hennessy, 20, where the appointment is 
dated June 12, 1422. It had been held by J. Malvern from Jan. 8, 1406, till his death 
on March 12, 1422. For his will dated March 12, 1422, proved March 14, 1422, see 
Challoner Smith, ii. 352. He had been parson of St Dunstan-in-the-East since March 8, 
1412 (Hennessy, 135), and physician to Henry IV (Wylie, ii. 238). For Master John 
Malvern exchanging a prebend in St George's Chapel at Windsor with John Coryngham, 
keeper of the Free Chapel at Jesmond near Newcastle-on-Tyne, see Pat. 4 H. V, 25, 
June ii, 1416. For argument that the latter portion of the continuation of the 
Polychronicon (see Wylie, ii. 238) was not written by John Malvern, but by some 
unknown monk of Westminster, see J. A. Robinson, passim, who however offers no 
suggestion as to the author's actual name. For Higden (temp. Ed. Ill) see Gairdner, 

io n ]xr le v S> 2 -? 4 ' Wh Calls him " a H t erar y glutton who devoured all kinds of literature." 
Wyhe, n. 455, note 10. For dissensions at Wadstena with the increase of wealth 
and political influence, see Higgins, i. 115. For the brethren and sisters drinking wine 
and dancing in the orchard, see Andersen, 182. 


Thomas Fishbourne 225 

members to have even a half-penny of their own 1 , but no 
house could be opened which had not endowment enough 
to meet each year's expenses, so that the inmates might 
lead their secluded life with quiet minds apart from beggary 
and want. Accordingly, as each November came round, 
they figured out their estimated budget for the ensuing 
year and, if anything was over at the year's end, it was to 
be given to the poor. 

Following the Wadstena pattern the members of this 
" holy company of men and women 2 " were to consist of 
85 in all 3 , i.e. 60 nuns and 25 men, including 15 professed 
brothers, but this number was evidently not reached all at 
once, for we know that on Feb. 5, I42O 4 , there were only 
24 nuns, five priests, two deacons, and four lay brothers 5 . 
From the first the king granted them 1000 marks per 
annum, to be paid half-yearly from the Exchequer, though 
shortly afterwards arrangements were made 6 for taking the 
money from the funds of the confiscated alien priories 7 . 
Further gifts and legacies came in from pious well-wishers 8 , 

1 Wals. ii. 301; Hypodig. 450; Capgr. 300, 307; Wylie, ii. 457; cf. Ne kepe no 
jewels ne propre in store That nes no religeous ne but dedly synne, Kail, 83. 

2 Ellis, Orig. Lett. Ser. n. i. 91. 

3 i.e. to correspond with the 13 apostles (including St Paul) and 72 disciples, 
Otterbourne, 275; Fuller, iii. 287; Lysons, Environs, iii. 83; Higgins, i. 96; Bateson, 
xi; Flavigny, 148; Cobbett, 224; Hamilton, 99; Wylie, ii. 455. 

4 Archaeologia, xvii. 327; Aungier, 38; Myroure, xvi ; Hamilton, 5; not 27 nuns, 
as Baxter, 6, who imagines that the king was present, though he was in France at 
the time. 

5 For picture of a lay brother serving with a pittance in a bowl see Vigne, ii. 17, 
Plate 41. 

6 Rot. Parl. iv. 243 ; Aungier, 39, 55, 528. 

7 See App. W. 

8 For 20 bequeathed to them by Archbishop Chichele, see Whitford, xxix, xxx, 
who adds : qui hie (i.e. at Syon) fecit primam professionem, which may mean that he 
took the first professions for admission after the convent was established. Henry, Lord 
Scrope of Masham, in his will dated June 23, 1415, gave them books and vestments to 
the value of 10. He appears to have been interested in the new settlement through 
Henry Lord Fitzhugh and the Fishbourne family, see Wylie, ii. 360; Rym. ix. 274, 
where he specially names Maud Fischeburn of Kilvington (i.e. South Kilvington near 
Thirsk, in which parish Upsall Castle is situated) and Scurneton (i.e. Scruton near 
Bedale, Inq. p. Mort. iv. 372). He possessed a copy of the Revelations of St Brigit, 
which he had bought at Beverley, and he was a friend of Sir Halneth (who cooperated 
with Fitzhugh in bringing the Bridgettines into England, Wylie, ii. 458) and Mary 
Maleverer, to whom he left a gold ring, a French book, a black box, and a white horn 
in his will, Rym. ix. 277. For Halnatheus Mawleverer, kt., see Papal Letters, v. 565, 
April 24, 1408, where a portable altar is granted to him and his wife Millicent. For 
Millicent wife of Halneth Mawleverer see Glaus. 4 H. V, 22 d, March 23, 1416. On 
May 29, 1415, he is a commissioner for arraying the forces of the West Riding, Rym. 
ix. 253 [255]. He was M.P. for Yorkshire in 1419, Return Parl. i. 292, where he 
is Haulatheus Maulever miles et chivaler, but Alnatheus in Rec. Roll 8 H. V, Mich., 
Oct. 29, 1420. He has custody of the alien Priory of Allerton Mauleverer, near 
Knaresborough, in Rec. Roll 7 H. V, Mich., Jan. 19, 1420, do. 8 H. V, Pasch., June 17, 

W. ic 

226 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

but in 1418 the monastery was returned as not yet endowed 1 , 
and the necessary funds could only be procured by recourse 
to the old bad practice of appropriations 2 from the fruits 
and profits 3 of parish churches 4 , leaving only a meagre 
allowance 5 to the local vicar just to enable him to live 
decently after paying his episcopal dues and other burdens 
that lay on every vicar's shoulders 6 . 

But, in spite of the fact that a large new ditch had been 
expressly cut to drain their ground*, the Twickenham site 
proved unhealthy and too cramped for the intended num- 
bers 8 , even though permission was obtained to extend the 
accommodation by adding an adjoining house 9 . Moreover 
the king was soon taken to task for granting away the 
manor of Isleworth, which could not be legally alienated 
from the Duchy of Cornwall 10 , while the exemptions from 

1420. For John Maulever of Co. Yorks. see Early Chan. Proc. i. 28. For seal of 
Maulevrier see Demay, Inventaire, i. 620. For the Foret de Maulevrier near Caudebec 
see Labutte, 157 ; Delisle, Agric. 404 ; also Maulevrier (Maine et Loire) near Cholet in 
Anjou. For comitatus mali leporarii at Melay near Charolles (Saone et Loire) see 
Bruchet, 24, 53. 

1 Quod nondum dotatum est, Monast. vi. 543; Rym. ix. 617; Aungier, 36; Stevens, 
ii. 376. For grant of the manor of Isleworth to the Abbess Dec. i, 1421, see Cal. Pat. 
H. VI, i. 380, 539. 

2 Wylie, iii. 240. For Pope Martin V's approval of the foundation of Syon and of the 
appropriation of the churches, see Tiberius B. VI. f. 46 b; Rym. ix. 617. For protest 
against appropriating parish churches in augmentum scienciae, virtutum et doctrinae, see 
Gascoigne, 5, who holds that the founders of religious houses should build them out of 
their own property. In 1414 the University of Oxford objected to appropriations of 
parish churches mensis episcopalibus ac etiam monasteriis in bonis temporalibus sufficienter 
dotatis, whereby great desolation is caused to the parishioners, hospitality is withdrawn 
and cure of souls neglected, as no perpetui vicarii are put in but merely sacerdotes ad 
nututn remotivi qui curas vix annuales habeant, Cone. iii. 363. For appropriations in 
Scotland, see Dowden, Iviii. In 1289 the Abbey of Reading took ^"45. 6s. 8d. from the 
parish of Eye in Herefordshire, the vicar on the spot receiving 4. 6s. 8d., Webb, ccxi. 

3 For "profTytes and frutes," see Melusine, 86. For duties of those who received 
these proceeds, see Othonis et Ottoboni, 119; Webb, cxxxvi. 

4 i.e. of Yeovil (Collinson, iii. 205, who says the manor also) and Croston near 
Preston in Lancashire (Monast vi. 543 ; not Crofton, as Lysons, Environs, iii. 85 ; 
Aungier, 37, 77 ; Hamilton, 4, who supposes it to be in Somersetshire), the revenues 
from which were estimated to yield 200 marks and 140 marks per annum respectively, 
the latter through its connection with the alien Priory of St Mary at Lancaster being 
dependent upon St Martin's Abbey at Seez, Baines, ii. 116. 

5 Exilis portio, Cone. iii. 363 ; modicam relinquent fructuum portionem, Othonis et 
Ottoboni, 120. 

6 Cf. Rym. ix. 730; Cone. iii. 391, where the parish clergy should be competenter 
dotati pro hospitalitate ibidem tenenda et omnibus debitis supportandis. 

7 Fossati ibidem de novo propter religiosos constructi, Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 21, 33, 36, 
April i, July 29, Oct. 3, 1415, referring to ground in Twickenham within our coney-garth 
(cunicularium) in our domain of Istilworth as well as to a "sewer" (Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 
358) in the Thames called " Hamwere " near Kingston. 

8 Propter indispositionem et arctitudinem loci, Rot. Parl. iv. 395. For its extent 
see Lysons, Environs, iii. 83. 

' i.e. on Sept. 14, 1428, Amundesham, i. 27. 

Rot. Parl. iv. 141; Lysons, Environs, iii. 84, 94; Aungier, 200. For Isleworth 

i4 J 4] Pardon-time 227 

taxation 1 were opposed and rejected by Parliament as soon 
as the royal founder was dead 2 . Thus in 1432 it became 
necessary for the Bridgettines to remove and start afresh 
on another site a little lower down the river 3 , where they 
remained for a hundred years and prospered greatly under 
the favour of legates, cardinals, bishops 4 and popes, who 
granted indulgences on a lavish scale to all who came and 
gave something towards the repair or building of their 
house. These benefits could be obtained by the faithful 
at varying rates according to the season of their visit. 
Thus Clean Lent 5 , Shere Thursday 6 , the Pask 7 and Mary 
Maudele were all honoured in their turn, but the big throng 
came at Lammas or " Peter's Chains" (i.e. Aug. ist), when 
the "pardon of Syon 8 " became one of the great holidays 
of the Englishman's year, for on that day any contributor 
could secure 140 days of pardon for every penny he paid 
in 9 , while persons at a distance could buy 500 days' worth 
for every creed and Lord's Prayer told off on their beads at 
their own homes without the cost and trouble of a personal 
journey 10 , and over 1000 years of pardon could be had, if 
a man could pay for it, together with full remission for all 
cases reserved or unreserved, unless the applicant had 
broken a vow of chastity or of pilgrimage to Compostella 
or had smitten and killed a priest 11 . 

annexed to the Duchy of Cornwall by Edward III, see State Papers, Cal. Dom. (1603- 
1610), p. 532. A copy of this exists in the muniment room at Syon House, so I was 
informed by Mr C. H. How on July 10, 1905. 

1 On Oct. 20, 1424, a proviso is inserted: "except the clauses relating to exemption 
from taxation," Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 207. 

2 For his obit at Syon in August, see Whitford, xxix ; Aungier, 54, 528. 

3 i.e. on the site of the present Syon House, Lysons, Environs, iii. 83. On Dec. 17, 
1436, the buildings are said to have not yet been brought to full perfection, Papal Lett, 
viii. 617. 

4 e.g. John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury (1446-1452) ; John Lettert, or Lettart, 
Bishop of Norwich (1446-1472), otherwise called Lyhert, Lyghard or Lyghert, LeNeve, 
ii. 467; Stubbs, Reg. 89; Aungier, 424, 425; Fordun, v. 1402; Vita, 25; Lysons, En- 
virons, iii. 86. 

5 York Plays, xli. 

6 Wylie, iii. 326; Lydg. Min. Po. 36, 40, 92, 115; Worcester, Itin. 372. Called 
Schere Thursday, Mirk, 20 ; Schroffe Thursday, Pol.-Relig. Po. 28, 157. Cf. maken 
scheren hem honest and dode her heads and clyppen here berdes and so maken hem 
honest ageyn a Saturday, Gasquet, Rel. Instr. 28. 

A tabull ther ys that men may se 

That Cryste made on his monde 

On Shere Thorsday when he breke brede 

Before the time that he was dede. Pol.-Relig. Po. 156. 

7 Cf. syth Pask, Rym. ix. 883 ; jour de la Paesques, Regnoult, 95 ; Paschalis Dies, 
Nicolas, Chron. of Hist. 121; la jorn de Pacas, Tardieu, Herment, 155; Wylie, ii. 419. 

8 Caxton, Dial. 28. 9 Aungier, 424. 10 See App. V. u Aungier, 424. 


228 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

With such productive resources it is not surprising that 
Syon grew immensely rich, and when the blow fell, the 
income of the house amounted to nearly 2000 a year 1 . Its 
wealth was then diverted and its inmates dispossessed, but 
for generations they carried on their direct succession in 
foreign lands 2 in spite of fire and earthquake. But wherever 
they went they called their house by the old name of Syon, 
ever treasuring the key of their " infinitely beloved and 
wished-for 3 " home on the Thames, though its doors and 
locks had long since perished in the general demolition 4 . In 
1 8 10 they found a refuge again in England 5 , and after many 
changes here, they are now represented by a community living 
in a secluded house in Devonshire 6 , where masses are still 
said once a year for the souls of their founder King Henry V, 
his sister Philippa, and their great benefactor Henry Lord 
Fitzhugh*. Yet Syon has left at least some tangible 
memorials, which still exist among us to remind us of 
her past, in the shape of a cope now shown in the Museum 
at South Kensington as a splendid specimen of twelfth 
century English needlework which the Bridgettines had 
acquired 8 , and an English version of the New Testament 
which was presented to the brethren in 1517", and has 
been lately brought into prominence in a controversial 

1 i.e. ^1944. us. &d. or 1731. 8*. 4^., Aungier, 485 ; Wylie, ii. 458. 

" e.g. in Zierickzee, Dendermonde (1539), Antwerp, Malines, Rouen (1584), and 
Lisbon (1594), Lysons, Environs, v. 202; Hamilton, 6, 102, 105, no. In the latter city 
their convent was destroyed by fire in 1651 and a second time demolished by the earth- 
quake in 1755, Monast. vi. 540; Bateson, xvii. 

3 Hamilton, 103. 

4 The keys appear to have been in their possession at Lisbon as well as the iron 
cross from the top of the church, Aungier, p. in. The latter is still at Chudleigh but 
the Lady Abbess informs me (18/7/12) that the keys are no longer preserved. 

8 e.g. at Walworth (1811), Archaeologia, xvii. 327; in the Potteries (Staffordshire), 
1825 ; at Spetisbury near Blandford in Dorsetshire (1861), Binder, 193; Hamilton, 6. 

6 i.e. at Chudleigh near Newton Abbot, Whitford, xxvi, where by a curious coinci- 
dence a gold noble of Henry V was found in a neighbouring field soon after their settle- 
ment in 1888, Hamilton, 6, with a view of Chudleigh (p. 81) and the capital of a column 
supposed to have been part of the original gateway at Syon on the Thames, now at 
Chudleigh (p. 85), who supposes it to have been "carried with the nuns in all their 
wanderings." It is figured also in Baxter (p. 12) together with a marble statue of 
St Brigit which is said to have once been at Syon on the Thames "and which the nuns 
managed to preserve through their wanderings despite its weight \ " (p. 20). 
Hamilton, 3, 87; Baxter, 19. 

8 Barnard, 126, Plate Ixxxvi ; Burlington Magazine, vi. 278, where it is supposed to 
have come from the neighbourhood of Coventry ; Clinch, 238, where it is dated late in 
the 1 3th century; Baxter, 19, who considers it to be "worth untold thousands." For 
opus anglicanum in needlework, see Dillon-Hope, 279. 

9 Now among Ashburnham MSS. App. xix, Forshall-Madden, I. p. Ixii, who dates 
it circ. 1400. It was published in facsimile by Lea Wilson in 1848. 

1415] Guy's Cliff 229 

attempt to prove that a complete translation of the Scrip- 
tures into English existed independently of the work of 
Wycliffe 1 , while a copy of the Sarum Pye known as the 
Priest's Directory, giving information as to the services 
for every day of the calendar, together with a treatise 
called the ''Defence of the Directory 2 ," both written at 
Syon by Clement Maidstone 3 , one of the brethren, takes a 
high place as the source of much of our knowledge in 
regard to the service-books of those days. 

By means of his two religious houses King Henry 
provided a channel for incessant prayer for his soul, which 
was kept up for several generations day and night, the 
ceasing of the Carthusians being signalled by a tolling bell, 
at which the Bridgettines took up the service on the other 
bank and kept it going until they tolled it back across the 
river to the Charterhouse, which in its turn took up the 
prayers again 4 . But though both his pious schemes could 
only be floated by means of plunder and illegality, yet so 
keen was the royal convert that he actually had plans for 
founding a third monastery for Celestines 5 as part of his 
father's unfulfilled obligations, together with other Bridget- 
tine houses 6 and a college for artisters and theologians in 
the castle at Oxford 7 , to which the whole of the property of 
the aliens was meant to go. He intended also to found 
a chantry with two chaplains at Guy's Cliff 8 as a token 
of the great admiration that he had conceived for the 
memory of the hermit Guy the giant-killer 9 , when he visited 

1 Gasquet, Bible, 144; do. (1908), pp. 86-155; J. M. Stone, 48. See App. X. 

2 For text of the Defensorium Directorii, see Maidstone, Tracts, pp. 5-24 ; Maskell, 
ii. 349. 

3 He died at Syon on Sept. 9, 1456, Maidstone, Tracts, xxix, xxx, where the editor 
calls him "a competent ritualist" ; Maskell, ii. 347. For his obit, see Whitford, xxx. 

4 Brut, ii. 496; Caxton, i. 234; Antiq. Repert. ii. 317*; Hamilton, 99. 

5 Not "Augustines," as Brougham, 93. N. Bell, 49, refers to yet another at Sheen, 
which was removed to Oxford, but gives no reference. 

6 Monast. vi. 543; Rym. ix. 617; Aungier, 37. 

7 Gasc. 219; Rouse, 208, who had seen the order at Oxford as a boy; Harpsfeld, 
Hist. 586 ; Tyler, ii. 26 ; Vickers, 397. 

8 Called "Gibbeclyf" in Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 136, i.e. Pat. i H. VI, v. 5, where 
licence is granted July i, 1423, to the Earl of Warwick to found a chantry there ; "Gyb 
Cliffe" in Rous, 208 ; Worcester, Itin. 352, where Richard Beauchamp Earl of Warwick 
founds two chantries for " presbiteros vocatos heremites," as well as a pulchra domus for 
them. For " Kybbeclive, " see Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxiii. 387. For picture of Guy's Cliff, 
see Dugd. Warw. i. 274 ; Windle, 166. 

u For story of Guy of Warwick, see J. Coke, 74; R. F. Williams, i. 165. For figure 
of him in the chantry or chapel erected circ. 1422, see Bibl. Top. Brit. IV. viii. 29. 

230 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

Warwick 1 , but he found that his piety had outrun his 
resources and none of these latter schemes ever went 
beyond the region of good intentions. 

As to the Celestines, we know that quite early in his 
reign King Henry had written to the Duke of Berry in 
France, telling him that he wished to found a monastery 
for Celestines in England and asking him to arrange to 
have two members of the order sent over to him, one 
noted for his experience of the contemplative and the 
other of the practical side of their conventual life 2 , and 
that the Duke had put himself into communication with 
Adam Cousinet, the Prior of their house in Paris ; that the 
Prior talked over the proposal with the monks, but they 
could not agree as to the desirability of complying ; 
that when the English envoys were in Paris in August 
1414, two of them, viz. Bishops Courtenay and Langley, 
visited the church of the Celestines there and took some 
refreshment in the guest-chamber 3 ; that while Langley was 
looking up the Benedictine rule and comparing it with the 
Constitutions of the Celestines which were based upon it 4 , 
Courtenay strolled with the Prior in the garden, where he 
noticed the almonds that were still green on the trees and 
the grapes just turning ripe; that having tasted the almonds 
he asked if the Prior would give 1000 of them to King 
Henry as a present ; that the Prior offered 2000 but that 
the Bishop only took 1000 away; that he also visited the 
Celestine convent at Mantes 6 , after leaving Paris on his 
way home, and that, as a result, he was accompanied back 
to England 6 by the Prior of the Celestines at Marcoussis* 
and one of the brethren named Jean de Franford together 
with the sub-prior from Mantes; that these three stayed 
several months in England and that a beginning was 
actually made 8 with the new establishment. But the 

1 Said to have been "on a time" in Dugd. Warw. i. 273 ; or in 1417, Windle, 63, 
who gives no reference; but more probably in 1415. 

2 Mirot, Fusoris, 221. 

3 Ibid. 149, 220. 

4 i.e. by their founder, circ. 1260, afterwards Pope Celestine V. 

Mirot, 252. * Ibid. 150, 221. 

7 Who afterwards became prior of their house at Ambert near Orleans ; called Jean le 
Brasseur in Champion, Vie, 163. 

8 C^zVfundare, Wals. ii. 300; Gesta, 7; Chron. Giles, 8; Ott. 275 ; Usk, 124, 305; 
"intended to have builded," First Life, 20; monasteria tria struxerat, Elmham, Lib. 
Metr. 102 ; but dnas domus in Vita, 25 ; aeclem biuam, Tit. Liv. 3 ; ij houses of Religion, 


Celestines 231 

visitors could not come to terms about the endowment, 
which Henry proposed to draw from the "revenues of 
certain monasteries in France," though he afterwards 
offered to charge it upon his own domains, and when Jean 
Fusoris crossed to England in June 1415, he offered to carry 
letters to them, but the Prior in Paris declined, knowing that 
he was a partisan of the Burgundians. The three monks 
returned to Paris empty-handed (vacuz] in July 1415 with 
the French envoys who had failed in the negotiations at 
Winchester, two of them having received their cong from 
the king in the royal chapel after mass on the very morning 
of the final rupture 1 . 

Such is the French account, which seems well substan- 
tiated by facts. The English version represents that King 
Henry not only began the foundation and often went over 
to see how the services were kept, but that when the monks, 
being Frenchmen, proved too patriotic to pray for him as 
their country's enemy, he turned them out, let their house 
go to ruin and put the land to other uses 2 , so that 1 50 years 
later its existence was altogether ignored 3 and no one now 
knows exactly where the buildings really stood, except 
that they were somewhere on the river-bank on the 
opposite side from Sheen 4 . 

Brut, ii. 496 ; Caxton, i. 224, 233 ; loca de Shene et Syon, Rouse, 207 ; Stow, Chron. 243. 
Rapin (i. 508) confuses the Celestines with the Bridgettine monks, and Pauli (v. 86) 
supposes Shene, Bethlehem and Syon to be three different places. Lydgate gives "Sion, 
Jerusalem and eke Bedelem," Harl. MS. 4205; Gesta, 214, quoting Julius E. iv. f. 70; 
Weever, 474; Petegrue, 594. An account written in 1502 mentions only two "houses 
of religion " called Syon and Sheen on opposite banks of the river, Antiq. Repert. ii. 
316*; Chancellor, Historic Richmond, 86, though the Friary for Observants had been 
recently built in the immediate neighbourhood, Monast. vi. 1532 ; Chancellor, 76 ; do. 
Historic Richmond, 31 ; not that the Observants were introduced by Henry V, as Fabyan, 
589 (from the "Register of the Mayors"); Kennett, i. 309, who makes Bethlehem 
different from Sheen. Fox (iii. 404) confuses everything and puts the Friars Observants 
on one side of the river and on the other a monastery ' ' called Sheen and Zion dedicated 
to Charterhouse monks with certain Bridget nuns or recluses dwelling within the same 
precinct.' 5 

1 Mirot, 241, 270, where Fusoris spoke with them quia erant de Francia et cognos- 
cebat eos. 

2 Utterly empesshed and voyded, First Life, 20; Fabyan, 589; Goodwin, 341; 
Aungier, 21; Myroure, xii ; R. F. Williams, i. 198. 

3 Hamilton, 98, where Father Parsons believed that Henry V had built two monas- 
teries only, one for religious men (Sheen) and the other for religious women (Syon) ; also 
Ramsay, i. 191. 

4 "At Thestleworth " (i.e. Isleworth), Kingsford, Biogr. 81 ; First Life, xxxii. 20, on 
the authority of the Earl of Ormonde; see also Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 207, 380, Oct. 26, 
1426; "upon that other side of Thames," Fab. 589; "besides Sion," Stevens, ii. 233; 
"prope Schene," Usk, 174, 305 note, where it is supposed to be the same as the 
hermitage in the Charterhouse. 

232 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

In London the king founded a brotherhood of St Giles, 
which he established for the relief of the poor in a house in 
Whitecross Street just outside the Cripplegate postern 1 at 
the expense of some French religious who had occupied it 
as a hospital since the days of Edward I, and in yet another 
case his piety stood out in striking contrast to his father's 
sacrilege. The monastery of the Grey Friars at Llanfaes 2 
near Beaumaris had been abandoned and in ruins since 
Henry IV's troops had plundered it in I4OO 3 . It had been 
founded many years before by Llewelyn, Prince of North 
Wales, as a burial place for his wife Joan, who was a natural 
daughter of King John of England, and many famous Eng- 
lishmen, who had fallen fighting against the Welsh, had found 
their last resting place there 4 . The friars now laid their 
case before the new king and on July 3, 1414, he directed 
that a community of eight, two of whom were to be Welsh- 
men, should be reinstated there to pray for the souls of his 
father and mother and for his own soul as soon as he was 

Very early in his reign he had paid ^43 to a London 
coppersmith to make a figure of his mother to be placed on 
her grave at Leicester 6 . She had died at Peterborough 7 , 
when he was only eight years old, and her body was buried 
in the unfinished church of St Mary in the Newarke at Lei- 
cester, towards the completion of which his father had from 
time to time contributed 8 . On Nov. 8, 1414, the new king 
ordered stone and timber to be supplied for the same pur- 
pose, 24 cementers, carpenters and other workmen being at 
once put on to get the fabric finished and the work out of 
hand, if possible, by the next Lady Day 9 . The church has 
long since been demolished 10 and with it the metal figure, 

1 Stow, London, iii. 88; Sandford, 291. 

2 Bradley, 127; Llanvaes, L. J. Roberts, 19; Llamaysi, Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 29; Monast. 
viii. 1545 ; Appleyard, iii. 60. 

3 Wylie, i. 147, where it is wrongly called " Llannas." 

4 Rym. ix. 147; Archaeol. Cambr. in. xv. 384; J. E. Morris, 19. 
6 Rym. ix. 148. 

6 Devon, 321, May 20, 1413; Towle, 170; Ewald, 23. 

7 In partu prolis, Strecche, 262 ; Higgins, i. 136, 481 ; Wylie, iii. 236, 327; not that 
she died at Leicester, as J. S. Hardy, 336, 355 ; Wylie, ii. 436. 

8 Ibid. iv. 190. 

9 i.e. March 25, 1415, Pat. 2 H. V, ii. i8d, where it is said to have been begun by 
Henry Duke of Lancaster and his son (i.e. son-in-law) John of Gaunt. 

J. S. Hardy, 358, i.e. circ. 1690, T. F. Johnson, 105. 

1414] Charities 233 

like so many of the evidences of King Henry's devotion, has 
now altogether disappeared, though the tomb with her effigy 
in alabaster is still preserved in the chapel of the Newarke 
Hospital (now the Trinity almshouse 1 ) on the adjoining 
site 2 . But side by side with this pious reverence for the 
memory of his dead mother may be set his grant of 20 
per annum to Joan Waryn 3 , the nurse 4 , still living, who 
had reared him in his infancy, and another pleasant item 
in the rolls records provision for an old carter named 
William Bruer 5 , who had been in the service of his grand- 
father, John of Gaunt. Bruer had gone quite blind and 
the king now secured for him a vacant corrody, whereby 
he would have a room in the Maudlin Hospital at Reading 
with a daily pittance from the neighbouring Abbey of a white 
loaf and a copyn 6 with a gallon of ale and service from the 
kitchen together with two cart-loads of fuel every year for 
winter use. Henry likewise granted a corrody at Burton 
Abbey to William Albertyn, one of his chamber-varlets 7 , 
while he secured a maintenance in the college at Windsor for 
an old knight named Adam Toker 8 then disabled and in 

1 Not the King's College, as Lethaby, 291. 

2 The view that this is the tomb of Henry's mother was supposed to have been upset 
(see Leicestershire and Rutland Notes and Queries, iii. 26) by the discovery of "the 
original bill " for the monument proving it to have been made of metal. But this turns 
out to be nothing but the extract from the Issue Roll printed in Devon, 321 (ut sup.), 
see W. Kelly, Royal Progresses, p. 179, inserted by him in an annotated copy of Throsby's 
Leicestershire now in the Reference Library at Leicester. For this information I am 
indebted to the kindness of Rev. H. S. Biggs of the Wiggestone School. The evidence 
for the identity comes from Leland, Itin. 363, who saw "a tumbe of marble in the body 
of the quire" in the collegiate church, and " they told me that a countess of Darby lay 
buried in it and they make her wife to John of Gaunt or Henry the 4." For a descrip- 
tion and picture of the monument in the Trinity Hospital see J. S. Hardy, 369-372, who 
argues that the tomb was removed to its present position when the church was demolished, 
though for this there is no actual proof, see Wylie, iii. 236 n. 

3 Pat. 3 H. V, i. 13, June 5, 1415; Cal. Rot. Pat. 264; Ord. Priv. Co. iii. 190; 
Aungier, 201. For previous allowances granted to her by Henry IV, see Wylie, iii. 326 ; 
iv. 177, 179, 185. 

4 For sage femme, see Tremoille, 72, called mir aleresse (i.e. mere alerresse, see 
Godefroy, s.v.) or ventriere in Vigne, ii. 30, Plate 77. Cf. et que ta nourrice alaitoies, 
Pastoralet, 607; nourrice dont tres bon lait puist yssir, Deschamps, in Collas, 95, 

6 In succession to John Goderich deceased, Pat. 2 H. V, i. 16, April 20, 1414; Cal. 
Pat. H. V, i. 202. 

6 Perhaps a coupe, i.e. slice, see Halliwell, i. 274; or a choppine (i.e. a measure), 
ibid. i. -248. 

7 Vallettus noster, Priv. Seal 659/102 ; Glaus, i H. V, 16 d, Oct. 15, 1413. 
For is. 6d. and shoes given to him before Oct. 31, 1413, see Exch. Accts. 
406/21, 27. 

8 Or Koker, Priv. Seal 658/21, May 13, 1413 ; Cal. Pat, H. V, i. 21. 

234 Religious Houses [CH. xv 

poverty, who however did not live long to enjoy the 
benefit 1 . 

Workmen were also still busy 2 on another of the great 
foundations of that age, viz. the college of the Blessed 
Virgin and All Saints at Fotheringhay 3 in Northampton- 
shire, which the king officially called "our college 4 " though 
its origin was certainly due to the Duke of York 5 . The 
college had been already endowed 6 with some of the 
proceeds of the confiscation of the alien priories and King 
Henry now showed his continued favour by appropriating 
to it the parish church of Fotheringhay 7 , while the Duke 
of York granted six acres of ground and the manors of 
Fotheringhay and Anstey 8 (in Hertfordshire). If to all the 
above evidence we add his maintenance for scholars 

1 In Pat. 2 H. V, iii. 9, Feb. 14, 1415, Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 286, William Lisle, kt. 
:e page 
Windsor in his old age vice Adam Toker, kt. defunctus. 

9, Fel 
ylie, li. 

(see page 40, note 2 ; Wylie, ii. 231 n.; iii. 274) is to have maintenance in the college at 

2 Pat. i H. V, v. i2d, which contains an order dated Feb. 22, 1414, to collect car- 
penters, stone-cutters and labourers for the works. 

3 For seal of the college, see Bonney, 46. 

4 Pat. 2 H. V, iii. 12, Feb. 12, 1415; Champollion-Figeac, Lettres, ii. 331; cf. 
Wylie, iii. 238. 

5 Ibid. iii. 243. In the charter of Henry IV dated Dec. 18, 1411, the Duke of 
York is to be alter fundator perpetuus, Monast. vi. 1411 ; Bibl. Top. Brit. iv. 22, 62. 

6 Not after the death of the Duke of York (i.e. Oct. 25, 1415), as Leland, Itin. i. 6. 
For grants of 67. 6s. 8d. and ^55. 6s. 8d. to it on Dec. 18, 1411, see Rot. Parl. iii. 655 ; 
Monast. vi. 1411 ; Bibl. Top. Brit. no. 40, iv. 82. The former sum was the money paid 
annually by John Cheyne (or Cheigne) firmarius et occupator for the custody of the manors 
of Kingston near Rudhall in the parish of Weston-under-Penyard in Herefordshire (Dun- 
cumb, Greytree Hundred, iii. 151, 218, 376 ; Atkyns, 299, where there is a reference to a 
church at Kingston temp. H. I) and Newent in Gloucestershire (Wylie, iii. 144, note 6), 
both belonging to the alien priory of Newent (called "Newet by Leghe Market on the 
borders of Wales," ?Lea near Micheldean, in Leland, Itin. i. 6) which had been granted 
by William the Conqueror to the Abbey of Cormeilles near Lisieux, Monast. vi. 1048. 
The second sum (55. 6s. Bd.) was paid by John Rome, clerk, for the custody of Avebury 
(Wilts.) which was a cell to the Abbey of St George de Boscherville near Rouen. These 
possessions were specially reserved in the Leicester Parliament, Bridges, ii. 456, quoting 
Fin. 2 H. V, m. 4. 

7 Rym. ix. 203. It was then claimed by the nuns of Delapre Abbey on the Nene 
near Northampton as part of their original settlement dating from the reign of King 
Stephen, Lei. Itin. i. 5; Bridges, ii. 456; Bibl. Top. Brit. iv. 22; Bonney, 34. It was 
replaced by the present church (Bonney, 47, 48), the first stone of which, according to an 
inscription in Bridges, ii. 454, was laid on July 2 (SS. Processus and Martinianus), 1414 
or 1415 (not November ri, as Bibl. Top. Brit. iv. 24), though the main part of the choir 
(now destroyed, Parker, 2,8) was not seriously undertaken till 1434, Wylie, ii. 193, note 
2 ; Bibl. Top. Brit. iv. 88 (not 1435, as Bonney, 42 ; Parker, 5). For picture of the church 
see Bibl. Top. Brit. iv. 20. For figure of Archbishop Scrope in one of the windows temp. 
Ed. IV, see Bridges, ii. 453 ; Bibl. Top. Brit. iv. 31 ; Bonney, 47. 

Inq. p. Mort. iv. 14. It had been granted to his father Edmund temp. Rich. II, 
Chauncey, 107; Cussans, I. B. 57; Devon, 338, Feb. 4, 1415, where there is a reference 
to Joan (i.e. Holland) widow of Edward (should be Edmund) Duke of York, wife of Henry 
Lord bcrope, see Wylie, iii. 284, note 5. 

1414] Fotheringhay 235 

at the King's Hall at Cambridge 1 and his grants to 
hermits 3 and friars (black, white and grey 3 ) in various 
parts of the country, it will be clear that the churchmen 
were likely to lose nothing by England's change of 

1 Priv. Seal 658/8, April 5, 1413. See App. Y. 

2 See App. P. 

3 For continuance of 25 marks per annum to the Grey Friars at Cambridge, Nov. 6, 
1413, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 22, 1414 ; Wylie, iv. 144, note 9. Also 25 marks 
per annum to the Black Friars at Cambridge, Pat. r H. V, 5, 17, Nov. 28, 1413 ; Priv. 
Seal 659/142, Nov. 24, 1413, and 50 marks per annum to the Black Friars at Oxford, 
Priv. Seal 659/150, Nov. 28, 1413 ; Tyler, ii. 27. Also 20 marks per annum to the 
White Friars at Calais, French Roll i H. V, 36, June 5, 1413. For protection for three 
years granted to the White Friars at Aylesford (called Aysseford in Priv. Seal 658/17), 
see Pat. i H. V, i. 28, May i, 1413, where none are to take from them stonecutters, 
carpenters, workpeople, carts, horses, timber or anything else. 



IT has been truly said that the dangerous side of the 
new king's character as a civil ruler lay in his piety 1 , and 
it was certain that he would not limit his zeal to overspend- 
ing himself in impossible gifts to religious houses. He had 
told the bishops that he was all a-glow to work with them 2 
and hear what was acceptable to them before God, and the 
churchmen were not slow to keep him well informed. 

In obedience to his father's dying voice 3 he chose his 
spiritual guides from the men of religion 4 and appointed a 
learned Carmelite 5 , Doctor Stephen Patrington, as one of 
his confessors. Patrington was a Yorkshireman, who in 

1 Goldwin Smith, i. 256. Cf. his "fierce orthodoxy," Tout, 262; "a sincerely re- 
ligious man after his lights, an honest fanatic, a sincere if narrow piety," Oman, 231, 271; 
"his mind was of a narrow fanatic type," C. R. L. Fletcher, 304; "the royal casuist," 
Cassell, i. 519. R. F. Williams (i. 200) thinks that "he left church matters to church 
government and was not aware of the extent to which his confidence was abused." 
Tyler (ii. 413) believes that "the sanguinary intentions of the priesthood were frustrated 
by Henry's known love of gentler means." 

2 In Wals. ii. 344, he is "Deo devotus." For the Lancastrian dynasty "in strict 
alliance with the clergy," see Wakeman, 162. 

8 Wylie, iv. 105. Kingsford, Hard. 479, thinks that "its contents were probably a 
matter of common report." For confirmation of grant of 40 marks per annum to Friar 
John Till, late confessor to Henry IV, see Pat. i H. V, ii. 30 ; Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., 
Dec. 9, 1413 ; Memoranda Roll K.R. 3-4 H. V, 62, Dec. i, 1415, where it was granted 
June 6, 1400; Wylie, iv. 100, note 5. Called "Parson Tille" in Belloc, 165. He 
took part in the trial of William Taylor for heresy in 1423, Cone. iii. 409; Palmer, 
Fasti, 26. 

4 Cf. Have in reverence folks of Relygioun, Secreta, 137. 

8 Fascic. Ixxvii; Gibbons, 139 ; Le Neve, i. 296 ; vir eruditus in trivio et quadrivio,- 
Wals. ii. 300; Carmelita pater regia vota pians, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 162; cf. Ens 
Carmeliticus Rector, Doctor, Prior Anglis, Confessor Celebris Regis et ipse manens, 
Weever, 437, where it is stated that he was also confessor to Henry IV and his queen 
and that he went as a representative to the Council at Constance, but this is probably a 
mistake for Bishop Caterick, his predecessor at St David's, Diet. Nat. Biogr. xliv. 48. 
In Rym. ix. 384 (Aug. 25, 1416) Patrington is confessor noster ; cf. Confessor domini 
regahs, Llmham, Lib. Metr. 132, 162. For 6*. 8d. paid to John Larke a Carmelite for 
hearing confessions during Lent 1413, see Q.R. Accts. 406/21, 19. 

1413] Stephen Patrington 237 

his early days had been a leading opponent of Wycliffe at 
Oxford 1 and had fiercely resented the ill-blood caused 
by his castigation of the friars 2 . He had been in the 
thick of the " naughty time of heresy 3 ,'' when hot-headed 
partisans attended lectures in the schools with daggers 
under their gowns and each side charged the other with 
having caused the Peasants' Revolt. He had seen the old 
reformer banished from his university, and amongst his 
other works he wrote an account of those fiery Oxford 
days 4 . Afterwards he had removed to London, where he 
drew crowds by his forceful preaching 5 . In 1399 he be- 
came Provincial of his Order 6 and he had lived to see his 
old opponents, Nicholas Hereford 7 , John Purvey 8 and 
Philip Repingdon 9 one by one recant their early Lollardry. 
As the king's confessor Patrington received the usual $s. 
per day 10 for himself and one companion ; he lived in the 
king's hostel, wore the king's livery 11 , and kept four horses 

I Fascic. 316. For account of him, see Fuller, Worthies, ii. 502. In the library at 
St John's College, Cambridge (Crashaw MS. D. 28), is a MS. written in a clear small 
hand entitled Repertorium magistri Stephani de Patrington quod collegit Oxon' et alibi 
antequam ad gradum assumptus fuerat doctoralem. 

Fascic. 295. 

Church Quart. Rev. li. 277. 

Fascic. Ixxvii; Creighton, Essays, 197. 

Leland, Comment. 429 ; Fuller, Worthies, ii. 502 ; Weever, 437 ; Villiers, ii. 765. 

Diet. Nat. Biogr. xliv. 47, from Harl. MS. 3838, f. 31 [33], where he is called con- 
fessor to H. V and his queen Catherine (!) as well as to the Prince of Wales and the 
Duchess of Lancaster. In his epitaph dated 1417 he is said to have been Prior for 15 
years, though Weever (p. 438) may have copied the figures wrongly. 

7 For Nicholas Hereford at Oxford opposed by the Carmelite Peter Stokes, see 
Gairdner, Lollardy, i. 21; Capes, 126. For his recantation, see Wylie, iii. 313 note. 
For his translation of the Old Testament from Genesis to Baruch iii. 20, see Brute, 
Thorpe, &c. p. 3 ; Westcott, 12 ; Kenyon, 200, with facsimile page from Bodl. MS. 959; 
Gasquet, Bible, 115, 165; J. M. Stone, 48; Pollard, xx ; Church Quart. Rev. li. 268; 
Garnett, 213 ; Mombert, 44, where he is Vice- Chancellor of Oxford University, Chan- 
cellor of Hereford Cathedral 1394, and Treasurer of do. 1398. For his retirement to the 
Charterhouse at Coventry in 1417, where he died, see Workman, i. 235 ; Gasquet, Bible, 
99. For Nicholas Hereford, Prior of Evesham (13501392), see Monast. ii. 7, with a 
list of his books, including Mort d'Arthur cum Sankreal, Beuffys de Hampton, &c. For 
receipt for 10 marks from revenues of the bishopric of Worcester signed by him at Wor- 
cester May 26, 1395, see Bund, 371. 

8 Gairdner, Lollardy, i. 54. For account of him, see Westcott, 13 ; Gasquet, Bible, 
116; Workman, i. 237, 305; Garnett, 214, 216; Capes, 126, 146, 148, 181; Carrick, 
209; L. Wilson, Pref. , who calls him " Wycliffe's curate"; Church Quart. Rev. li. 269; 
Workman, i. 236 ; Cambridge Hist. Lit. ii. 61 ; Wylie, i. 179 ; iii. 312 ; Ollard-Crosse, 336 ; 
not Purney, as Seyer, ii. 164. Pollard, xxiv, states that the revised edition of Wycliffe's 
(i.e. Hereford's) Bible was not attributed to Purvey till 1729, i.e. in Waterland, x. 361. 

9 Wylie, i. 301. For his sermon at St Frideswide's at Oxford, June 5, 1382, see 
Fascic. 299; Gairdner, Lollardy, i. 21. 

10 Wylie, i. 482. 

II For robes for him as confessor against the King's coronation, see Exch. Accts. 

238 Oldcastle's Trial [CH. xvi 

and a hackney 1 . For each horse he had a groom who drew 
\%d. a day, and his whole allowance to cover everything in- 
cluding extras amounted to ^69. IDS. 6d. a year 2 . 

Under Patrington's hands it was soon apparent that the 
king's conversion was complete. If he had ever really sym- 
pathised with the novel beliefs of Lollard knights in his 
irresponsible days, the weight of office now made him a 
ready listener to the warning note of danger. In the 
proclamation issued on the first day of his reign he had 
given orders to stop all riots, insurrections and extraordinary 
meetings 3 under whatsoever pretext they were gathered 
together and, as a specimen of the great expectations that 
had been formed of a coming crusade against the ferment 
of heresy, we may point to an interesting exhortation ad- 
dressed to him at his accession by Thomas Hoccleve 4 , 
who called upon him to show himself Christ's knight and 
stand forth as the champion of His church, to chase away 
the error that the sons of iniquity were sowing broadcast 
in the land and, if he valued his security, not to suffer the 
faith to take a fall. 

Very soon after the coronation a busy young Carmelite 5 

1 For haquenees for women, see Joubert, Vie, 154. For 52 francs paid for a haquenee 
baye, see Roman, Inventaires, 9. 

2 Rym. ix. 72; Pat. i H. V, iv. 10, Nov. 24, 1413; Priv. Seal 659/139; Devon, 337, 
Dec. 5, 1414. For ^34. os. 23^. (sic) paid to him, see Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., June 
25, 1415. For a closet altar for his oratory with chalice, candlesticks and basins left to 
him by the king in his will in 1415, see Rym. ix. 291. 

3 Page i. Conventicula excessiva, Rym. ix. i. 

Be holy chirches champioun eek ay 

Susteene hir right suffre no thing doon be 

In prejudice of hir by no way. 

Strengthe your modir in chacyng away 

Therrour which sones of iniquitee 

Han sowe ageyn the feith it is no nay 

Yee therto bownde been of duetee 

Your office is it now for your suretee 

Souffreth nat Crystes feith to tak a fal 

Unto his peple and youres cheerly see 

In conservyng of your estate real. Hoccleve, Min. Po. 40. 

5 Other Carmelites who preached strongly against the Lollards include Robert Mascal, 
confessor to Henry IV (Wylie, iv. 492) ; Harl. MS. 3838, f. 32 [34], where it is said that 
he was buried at Ludlow Dec. 21, 1417, which is a mistake for Dec. 22, 1416, Le Neve, 
i. 463 ; Eubel, i. 285 ; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxxvi. 406 ; Wylie, iv. 101 note. For his will 
dated Nov. 28, 1416, proved Jan. 17, 1417, see Gough, ii. 49*. Also Walter Diss, who 
had been confessor to John of Gaunt, Clemanges, iii. 30; Fascic. pp. xxvi, 286, 508; 
Feret, iv. 362; Tyler, ii. 55; Gaunt, Reg. i. 522, 523; ii. 283, 312. He died on 
Jan. 21, 1405, Diet. Nat. Biogr. xv. 120. For his Juvenalian verses on the schism, see 
Clemanges, iii. 31-34 ; Lenfant (Whatley), ii. 306, quoting Hardt, I. ix. p. 500. For his 

ching against schismatics in Castile, Leon, Aragon, Navarre, Grenada and Portugal, 
Harl. MS. 3838, f. 31 [33], where he is patria Nordonolgius, which may possibly 

1413] Netter of Walden 239 

preaching at Paul's Cross reproached him for his slackness 
in dealing with the Lollards 1 . The preacher, known as 
Friar Thomas Walden or Netter of Walden 2 , was called 
"the swiftest fire that ever smote the trunks of heresy 3 ." 
His father was a netter, or pantermaker 4 , at Saffron Walden 5 
in Essex, but we know nothing more of his parentage except 
that his mother's name was Maud 6 . He was thus, as he 
says, no noble eagle, but just a poor crow from an English 
brook sent to peck out the eye that despised its own 
mother's young 7 . He had long brooded over the shadow 
that was hiding the church's truth. In his student days he 
had come under the influence of William Woodford 8 , the 

mean an Englishman from the North. For Carmelites called "barres" in France, see 
Hoffbauer, ii. 10, or "Cannes" or "White Frerys," Caxton, Dial. 42 ; Wylie, ii. 361. 
For the Carmelites in the royal manor of Beaumont, or Belmont, beyond the North- 
gate at Oxford, see Monast. vi. 1577. The house was originally built by Henry I and 
was the birthplace of Richard I, but was given to the Carmelites by Edward II, see 
Brodrick, Univ. 50; C. R. L. Fletcher, 123; Wylie, iii. 414. For the site called Bel- 
mont Fields in 1578 (now Beaumont Street), see map in Goldie, with picture of remains 
in 1800 in Ingram, iii. 14 (St Mary Magdalen). For seal, see Pedrick, p. 121, Plate 
xxxvii. For Carmelites as preachers, see Church Quart. Rev. Ii. 88. 

1 Principem ipsum idque publice in suggestu socordiae in tarn periculoso malo ad- 
monuisset, Lei. Script. 439 ; Villiers, ii. 833 ; Tyler, ii. 9 ; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xl. 232 ; 
Stubbs, iii. 80, who disapproves of Henry's "impolitic delay," though on p. 83 he 
thinks that the removal of Archbishop Arundel from the Chancellorship (p. 7) "enabled 
him to renew his attack upon the Lollards and emboldened the Lollards to more hopeful 

3 He is called Frater, Magister, Dominus or Doctor Thomas Walden in Gascoigne, 2, 
140, 1 86, or "Walden alias Nettar,"ibid. ii ; or " Waldensis," Cochlaeus, 89; "Netterus 
Waldensis," Oudin, iii, 2214. 

3 Lawrence Burrell, Provincial of the Carmelites of Narbonne, Harl. MS. 1819, 
f. 68 b, in Diet. Nat. Biogr. xl. 233. Cf. " Maillet des heretiques," Thevet, i. 156, who 
calls him " Waldem " and refers to his portrait in the Carmelite library in Paris. 

4 For netter or netmaker, see Letter Bk. I, 13, 212, 213 ; Wylie, iv. 275. The "natte- 
makere" in Lydgate, Pilgrimage, 308, is probably a maker of mats or wattle- work. 
For pantermaker, see Wylie, iv. 275 ; Halliwell, s.v. Panter. For pantire or panter, 
see Lydg. Temple, 26, 102; Chaucer (S.), iii. 74, 295; Cent. Diet., s.v. Painter. Cf. 
Netter quod sonat Anglice compositor retium, Walden (Blanciotti), I. xiii ; Wood, i. 
209 ; Tyler, ii. 9, who thinks that he was called Netter because he was " so able a dispu- 
tant," or from the expertness with which he caught his antagonists in argument (p. 56). He 
supposes that his works are "either totally lost or buried in temporary oblivion." For 
a list of them, see Bale, 569 ; Wharton, Hist. Lit. 88 ; Oudin, iii. 2217. For abstract of 
contents of his Doctrinale, see Du Pin, iii. 6r. For his death at Rouen Nov. 3, 1430 
(called Nov. 2 in Holinsh. iii. 662), and burial there in the church of the White Friars, 
see Tritheim, Cat. 137; Oudin, iii. 2215. 

5 For account of Saffron Walden, see Essex Review, xiii. 193. For growth of saffron, 
see page 83. 

6 Walden, iii. 272 ; ab humilissimis parentibus originem habuit, Harl. MS. 3838, f. 33 
[35], where his father is called John. 

7 Walden, i. 24, from Proverbs xxx. 17. 

8 Or Wydeford, Coxe, New Coll. MS. cxxiii. Called acerrimus haereticorum extir- 
pator, Diet. Nat. Biogr. Ixii. 397. He died circ. 1411. For his treatise against Wycliffe, 
see Graes, Fasciculus, ii. 191 ; called a reply to the Lollard manifesto of 1396, Brute, 
Thorpe, &c. p. 8. For a copy of it in the library at Syon, see Bateson, 139. For list of 
his works, see Little, Grey Friars, 246. 

240 Oldcastles Trial [CH. xvi 

Franciscan friar, who had been at first the friend of Wycliffe 
and afterwards the keenest strier 1 of heretics, and it was 
the vision of Wycliffe that loomed ever before Walden's 
eyes, as the Philistine of Gath coming out to defy the armies 
of the living God. He heard the mocking challenge of the 
Lollards boasting that their Wycliffe was a giant of know- 
ledge 2 . He felt the sting and braced himself for battle. 
He was but a poor religious, alone, unarmed, afoot, in rags 
and sorrow 3 , but he cried aloud to the English king and 
people : " Let no man's heart fail him because of Wycliffe ! 
/ will go out against this Philistine 4 !" He would fight with 
that Bible to which Goliath had himself appealed, for, as he 
said, "the doctrine is not mine but His that sent me 5 ." He 
called God to witness that he had no quarrel with the man 
himself, whom indeed he had never seen, for he was but an 
infant 6 when the earthquake council shook all England in 
I382 7 . It was therefore no petty or personal malice that 
stirred him to the fight. Nought but the onslaught on the 
Faith provoked him. He boasted that England had always 
been a Christian land, that no English king had ever 
favoured heresy and he stood out against the frauds that 
were being practised on a guileless and deluded people. 
One of his dearest Oxford friends, John Luke, or Luck 8 , 
had been swept into the lake of heresy and he had there- 
upon taken up a challenge from Peter Payne 9 , the Lollard 
Principal of St Edmund's Hall, but when the day came 
Peter had run away 10 . 

1 Cf. Wylie, iv. 92, note n; to stroye hym and to schende, Lydg. Troy Bk. 130; 
he stroyed Lollardes, Harl. MS. 4205; Petegrue, 594; Gesta, 214, from Cotton MS. 
Julius E. iv. f. ;b; Weever, 474, from Heralds' Office MS. Iviii ; W. H. Black, 109; 
MacCracken, xvi ; not " seried" as R. F. Williams, i. 203; Chancellor, 123. Cf. "some 
lords livere that the lawe stried," Pol. Songs, i. 381. 

2 Walden, i. 7; Lechler, ii. 331. 

3 Unum peditem inertem (Pinermem) pannosum et lugubrem, Walden, i. 24. Cf. 
religiosus et infirmus Carmelita, ibid. 26. 

4 Walden, i. 7. 

5 Ibid. i. 6. 

6 Bum infans fueram, ipse (i.e. Wycliffe) fuit, Walden, i. xiii, n. 28 ; Fascic. Ixx. 

7 Capes, 141. 

8 Diet. Nat. Biogr. xl. 232 ; Wylie, iii. 435. For Walden's letter to him, see Villiers, 
n. 840. 

9 Called Petrus Payne sed apud nos Clerc, in Bekynton, i. 187 ; Master Pers, a clerk, 
Kingsford, Chron. 135; Mayster Perrys, clerke, Greg. Chron. 176; Peter Clearke, 
Holmsh. in. 662 ; Petrus Crek, Scotichron. iv. 1200; Master Englis, Lutzow, Prague, 
67; Wylie, iii. 425, note 6. 

10 Venimus, affuimus, sed, ut sciunt et huiusque declarant qui intererant, prius quam 
conseruimus manus defecit Petrus clericus vecordia suffocatus, Walden, i. 8. 

1413] Proclamation 241 

Walden was now about 33 years of age 1 and had lately 
returned from Pisa 2 , where he is said to have stood for the 
rights of the council as higher than the authority of the 
Pope 3 . In 1410 he had been present at John Badby's trial 4 
in St Paul's and had seen the spider cross his face 5 , but his 
memory was so clouded with his persecuting zeal that when 
he wrote about twelve years later, he described it as a horrid 
big creature that dropped from the roof and tried to get into 
the heretic's mouth and that it took quite a lot of men 6 to 
keep it off. Such was the man who later in the reign was 
called to be the guide of King Henry's conscience 7 , who 
kept him faithful to the Church's cause, and in whose arms 
he died. 

Very soon after his coronation 8 the new king expressed 
his joy that he was the first to raise the standard of the 
cause of Christ and the Church, not as the successor of 
Duke William but as the heir of Duke Moses 9 , who slew 
the Egyptian that he might deliver Israel. For already it 
was reported that certain priests and chaplains were preach- 
ing or rather, profaning the word of God in London and 
throughout the country, sowing discord amongst the people 
and the pestilent seed of Lollardry 10 , that crowds were 
collecting to listen and that murmuring and sedition were 

1 He was born circ. 1380, Fascic. Ixx ; H. Morley, vi. 142. Called circ. 1375 in 
Baeske, 36; or 1377, Walden, I. p. xiii. 

2 Leland, Script. 440 ; Villiers, ii. 833. 

3 Harl. MS. 3838, f. 36, where he is said to have been coram Cesare Sigismundo (!); 
Diet. Nat. Biogr. xl. 232. 

4 He calls him quendam sartorem de partibus Wigorniae, Walden, ii. 387 ; called 
a tailor in Tyler, ii. 339; Lechler, ii. 64 ; Capes, 181 ; Gairdner, Lollardy, i. 67; Besant, 
Survey, i. 100, who calls him John Brad by of Worcester. He was really of Evesham ; 
not of Pershore, as Kingsford, 67 ; nor of Kemerton, as Workman, i. 260. He is not to 
be confounded (as in Diet. Nat. Biogr. xl. 232 ; Iv. 474) with Magister Gulielmus cog- 
nomine sartor (Walden, ii. 33) who is clearly Master William Taylor the priest who was 
condemned for heresy in 1423, Cone. Hi. 404; Tyler, ii. 405. 

5 Wylie, iii. 439. For the spider as a venomous creature, see Herbert, 24. 

Multorum manibus vix potuit prohiberi, Walden, I. p. xv ; ii. 387. He notes the 
presence of Bishop Tottington and of Princeps Thomas Exoniensis Dux, tune Cancellarius 
regis, i.e. Thomas Beaufort (made Chancellor Jan. 31, 1410, Wylie, iii. 301), who was 
created Duke of Exeter Nov. 18, 1416, Diet. Nat. Biogr. iv. 50; Wills of Kings, 264. 
Yonge (241), who calls the victim "Bradby," thinks that the bystanders imagined that 
they saw a large spider running about his face. 

7 For Walden as confessor to Henry V, see Bale (Oldcastle), 251. Exch. Accts. 
407/3, Nov. 27, 1421, shows livery for Thomas Wavyn (? Walden), our confessor; de 
nove (sic] electo, Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 331 (1422). 

8 Non diu post pritnaevae unctionis et fastus regii sacramentum, Walden, i. 4, 486. 

9 Walden, ii. 4 ; James, 174; for duk Moyses, see Lydgate, Burgh, 12. Cf. this noble 
duk, this prudent Moyses, ibid. Min. Po. 96. 

10 Rym. ix. 46 ; Letter Book I, 116. 

W. 1 6 


Oldcastles Trial [CH. xvi 

rising and would lead to mischief, if the meetings were not 
promptly stopped. These preachers held no licence from 
their bishops and were acting in defiance of the Constitu- 
tions of Oxford 1 , and the bishops were doing their best to 
put them down 2 . 

When the Parliament met, the Convocation of the 
Southern Province was still in session in the Chapter-house 
at St Paul's 3 . It had originally met on March 6, I4i3 4 > 
and its sittings had been continued from day to day till 
May 8 5 when there was an adjournment, but in the mean- 
time certain books, whose titles are not now known, had been 
scheduled and solemnly burnt at the cross in the churchyard 
of St Paul's, Archbishop Arundel being present to explain 
to the public the nature of the poison that they contained. 
The Convocation re- assembled , and we have a record of its 
proceedings on June 26, 14 13 7 , and the following days. The 
archbishop was not able to be there in person 8 and, in his 
absence, the deliberations were presided over by Richard 
Clifford, Bishop of London, whose previous moral record 
had not erred on the side of excessive strictness 9 . 

The first business was to consider a statement which had 
been prepared by certain of the clergy 10 . In a mixture of 

1 i.e. Nov. 28, 1407, Wylie, iii. 417 ; repeated in the Convocation that met at St Paul's 
Jan. 14, 1408, Cone. iii. 314; Wake, 347, whence they are usually dated in 1408, as 
Forshall and Madden, I. p. xxxiii ; Kenyon, 205 ; Westcott, 1 7 ; Ch. Quart. Rev. li. 
273, 279, 280, 282, 287; Gasquet, Rel. Instr. 10; do. Bible, 105, 147; Lechler, ii. 74 
[456]. Not 1409, as Viet. Co. Hist. (Hants.), ii. 45; Gairdner, Lollardy, i. 61 (who 
regards them as " well-devised") ; Workman, i. 242. Not after 1411, as Brodrick, Univ* 
37. Parker (275) seems to think they were passed in the Convocation of 1413. For a 
copy of them in Bishop Beaufort's Register at Winchester, fF. 18-20, see Viet. Co. Hist. 
(Hants.) ii. 45. 

3 For order to stop preachers in the diocese of Hereford, see Pat. i H. V, i. 29 d, 
March 23, 1413; cf. Cal. Rot. Pat. 260; Pat. i H. V, i. 36 d. Also in Exeter by Bp. 
Stafford, dated at Bishop's Clyst near Honiton, July 24, 1413, Cone. iii. 357; Staff. 
Reg. 245. 

' Wals. ii. 290 ; Hypodig. 438. 

4 Cone. iii. 357. 

5 This is expressly stated in Pat. 2 H. V, iii. 8, Feb. 19, 1415, where the Abbot of 
Lavendon receives pardon for 20 which he was unable to get in as collector for the 
Archdeaconry of Buckingham because of the poverty of the district. For account of 
the Praemonstratensian Abbey of Lavendon near Olney, with seal, see Lipscomb, iv. 214. 

6 Apparently on June 6 in Lambeth church, according to Waugh, 446. Called 
June 7 in Gairdner, Lollardy, i. 7, who quotes Waugh for blank space left unfilled in 
Arundel's Register. 

7 i.e. Monday after Corpus Christi, which fell on June 22, Cone. iii. 351 ; Tyler, ii. 
7; Viet. Co. Hist. London, ii. 220. 

8 He was at Ickham on July 13, 1413, Riley, Mem. 594. 

9 Wylie, i. 2, note 3. 

Gairdner (89) represents that the clergy were stirred into activity by the Lollards 
posting bills on London churches stating that 100,000 men were ready to rise, but this 

1413] Convocation 243 

metaphors they represented the English people as a tree 
withering in its leaves, which might revive if its root were 
restored that if its stomach (that is to say, the clergy) were 
well ordered, its food (that is to say, their doctrine) would 
become nutritious and sweet and so stop the mouths of ob- 
jectors, whose murmuring, however just, was not put in quite 
proper form 1 . And then came the nourishing food. Bishops 
and clergy should reside at their cures ; the dress and bearing 
of their servants should be more ruly ; penance should be 
imposed for notorious crimes ; money should not be accepted 
for spiritual offices ; there should be no traffic in the churches, 
no hair-cutting or shaving on Sundays 2 , no bargaining with 
patrons of livings and no perjury in the courts. The Con- 
stitutions of Oxford must be made more stringent and whole 
parishes must be excommunicated, if there was any unautho- 
rised preaching within them. But above all they urged that 
the rent in the seamless coat could never be repaired, unless 
they could sternly repress certain great men of the realm 
who were favourers and protectors of the Lollards 3 . They 
then granted a tenth which would be payable next Martin- 
mas 4 , and the session closed about the end of June 5 . 

was not till after Oldcastle's condemnation. Milman (viii. 217) also asserts that "the 
Lollards seem to have begun the strife." 

1 Juste, licet non rite, murmurantium, Cone. in. 351. 

2 For Archbishop Arundel's letter to the Mayor of London dated at Ickham July 13, 
1413, threatening to excommunicate the London barbers, see Letter Bk. I, p. xviii, 115 ; 
Riley, Mem. 593 ; S. Young, 48 ; Viet. Co. Hist. London, ii. 225. But as people now 
think more of a punishment which touches the body or the purse than of one that kills 
the soul, he recommends a fine to be fixed for keeping open on Sunday and 6s. &/. was 
decided on accordingly, 5.5-. of which would go to the new work at the Guildhall (Wylie, 
ii. m) and the rest to the Warden or Masters of the Barbers' gild. For order issued by 
the Mayor and Aldermen to this effect on July 24, 1413, see Letter Bk. I, p. 116. Arch- 
bishop Chichele subsequently at Lambeth authorised these ordinances to be read out at 
Paul's Cross or in the London churches whenever the wardens of the craft required it, 
Cone. iii. 360, where Sunday is "Dies Dominicus videlicet dies septimus cui Dominus 
benedixit." The order was however evaded and in consequence a similar one was issued 
by Archbishop Stafford from Lambeth on April 19, 1445, see Lancet, 23/1/09. For 
order (1408) against exposing vegetables for sale on Sundays or eves of feast-days at 
Louvain, see Dieve, Op. 40. For protest of Oxford University in 1414 against the pre- 
valent and growing practice of holding fairs and markets on Sundays and feast-days and 
in locis secrelis whereby God is offended, devotion of contemplation is withdrawn and 
the Christian faith is injured, see Cone. iii. 365. For Bishop Braybrook's order against 
barbers shaving on Sundays (1392), see Milman, Ann. 82, with reference to Cone. iii. 
218, which forbids cordwainers \allutarios] to make or mend shoes on Sunday instead of 
attending mass and threatens them with the greater excommunication. 

3 Lechler, ii. 79. 

4 Page 34 ; Pat. 2 H. V, iii. 8, Feb. 19, 1415. For a tenth granted by the clergy 
anno primo, see Rec. Roll i H. V, Pasch. and Mich., July 10, Dec. ii, 1413; Pat. r 
H. V, iv. 5, Nov. 30, 1413 ; ibid. v. 22, Jan. 27, 1414. For ^"7134. 6s. $d. borrowed on 
the strength of this grant, 'see Rec. Roll i H. V. Pasch., July 17, 1413. 

8 Stubbs, iii. 84. 

1 6 2 

244 Oldcastle s Trial [CH. xvi 

The Northern Convocation met subsequently in York 
Minster on July 27, 1413', and voted their tenth on the 
following day " after much altercation and various excuses 2 ." 

Of the books that had been seized by order of the Con- 
vocation one is known to have been a bound book from 
Coventry 3 and another had been seized at a limner's 4 in 
Paternoster Row in London. The latter was in unbound 
sheets, or quires, and contained several small tracts of a 
specially dangerous character. The limner was asked who 
it belonged to and he said " Sir John Oldcastle 5 ." So in the 
month of June 6 Oldcastle was summoned to Kennington*, 
where the worst passages from the book were read out to 
him in presence of the king and nearly all of the bishops and 
barons who were attending the sittings of the Parliament 8 . 
The king was greatly shocked 9 as he listened to these ex- 
tracts. He said they were the worst attacks he had ever 
heard against the Faith and the Church and he asked Old- 
castle whether he did not think that the tract ought to be 
condemned. Oldcastle said that he did, and when they 
asked him why he owned such a book, he said that he never 
used it and had not really read more than two leaves of it. 
But in a subsequent sitting of the Convocation it was urged 
that the accused had certainly held and defended heretical 
opinions, that he had denied the legality of the Constitutions 
of Oxford and that he was one of the leading men who had 
sheltered suspects and enabled them to sow their evil seed 
in various places, especially in the dioceses of Hereford, 

1 Cone. iii. 358. For summons dated June 9, 1413, to meet at York on next Peter 
ad vmcula, i.e. Aug. i, 1413, see Claus. i H. V, 27 d. 

Archbishop Bowet's certificate was sent up on Sept. 30, 1413, Cone. iii. 358. For 
2nd half of tenth granted by clergy at York anno i, see Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., Tune 
4, HIS- 

3 Tyler, ii. 360 ; Workman, i. 264, who supposes that this was the volume found in 
Paternoster Row. 

4 Not "a certain Lynmore," as C. E. Maurice, ii. 254. 

5 Called " Eldrastellus " in J. Major, 126, or "Odecossez" in Varillas, i. 72. Not 
that he was "alleged to be the author," as Benham, Tower, 31. 

. Pa ges _ 47, 49- Called June 6, 1413, in Waugh, 447. Kingsford (in Eng. Hist. Rev. 
xxn. 577) thinks that the proceedings against Oldcastle were begun in March, 1413, before 
the death of Henry IV. 

7 T N /* Kensington, as Towle, 264 ; Baeske, 7. For the manor house at Kennington, 
>ltie, 11. 278. The site is now occupied by the tramway depot at the junction of 
Upper Kennington Lane with Kennington Road, see Montgomery, o, who supposes 
(p. 16) that the king is Henry IV. 

Called "nearly all the barons of England " in Gairdner, Lollardy, i. 71. 

H Maxime abhorruit. 

i4 T 3] Kennington 245 

London and Rochester 1 , and they prayed that he might be 
called before them to make answer on these points. 

But Archbishop Arundel counselled caution, for he knew 
that Oldcastle had been one of Henry's intimate friends 2 . 
Accordingly he and some bishops approached the king at 
Kennington 3 and consulted him about the matter. The 
king thanked them, but partly on account of his previous 
comradeship and partly out of regard for the whole order 
of knights of which Oldcastle was an honoured member 4 , 
he begged them to defer the question for a while and he 
would try what he could do to school him privately 3 and 
win him back by kindness from the maze of error to the 
straight path of truth. If he should fail he would then 
hand the offender over to them to be dealt with by church 
law 6 , which he for his part would certainly support by the 
aid of the secular arm. In this view the archbishop and 
bishops acquiesced, but the rest of the clergy did not hide 
their dissatisfaction. 

That the king was not yet personally incensed against 
his old friend is evident from the fact that a party of 26 
wrestlers sent by Oldcastle and Sir William Bourchier came 
before him to give an exhibition of their skill in Windsor 

1 Cone. iii. 353; Rym. ix. 61; Hook, iv. 513. 

2 Eo quod familiaris ejus extiterat, Cone. iii. 352, 353 ; Rym. ix. 61 ; Fascic. 434 ; 
unum de praecarissimis et magnis domesticis suis, Chron. Giles, 4 ; Gesta, 2 ; regi propter 
probitatem carus et acceptus, Wals. ii. 291; Hypodig. 439; Baeske, 27; principi caris- 
simum, Redman, 15. Not "the King's Domestick," as Rapin, i. 505; Gilpin, 12; or 
that he "belonged to the royal household," as Gairdner, 89. In Vita, 31 (followed by 
Pauli, v. 82; C. E. Maurice, ii. 254), it is represented that Henry dismissed Oldcastle 
a suo famulato (sic) domestic for Lollardry before he came to the throne, but this seems 
inconsistent with the writer's theory of the king's conversion. Not that Oldcastle was 
a friend of Henry IV, as Wetzer, viii. 136. Pol. Verg. 441, calls him " vir fortis sed 
impius " and thinks that a little before he had been turned out of the army. 

3 Wals. ii. 291; Hypodig. 440. Called Kennington near Lambeth in Lei. Coll. 
v. 355- 

4 Called "a lord of name" in Cotton MS. Julius B. II. f. 67. For representation 
that he was of lowly birth but knighted for his services against the Welsh, see Gesta, 5 ; 
Chron. Giles, 7. 

5 Drayton, Oldcastle, 322. 

6 For courte christiene devaunt juges espirituelx, see Rot. Parl. iv. 20; Stat. ii. 176; 
Ord. Priv. Co. i. 282. For subjects reserved for church courts in France in i3th and 
i4th centuries, see Aubert, Comp. 121-136. For writ " Circumspecte agatis " (1285) 
restricting the power of church courts, see Tout, 184; Wakeman, 147. For "criminal 
immunities " of the clergy, see Goldwin Smith, i. 247. Cf. feodo ecclesiae dumtaxat 
exempto, i.e. as to provisions and herbergage, Pat. 3 H. V, i. 18, April 26, 1415. 
For "his clergie," i.e. benefit of clergy, see Wycl. (A), iii. 297, 314; cf. privilege de 
clerc, Ableiges, 628 ; nonobstant sa couronne, ibid. xix. For statement that it was 
" only after conviction " (i.e. in the secular court) that a clerk could " plead his clergy," 
see Leach, Winchester, 155. 

246 Oldcastle's Trial [CH. xvi 

Park 1 at Lammas and were handsomely rewarded for their 
pains 2 . But when he himself came to try a fall with his 
heretic quarry, Behemoth's body proved like yoted shields 3 
and his scales so stuck together that they could not be sun- 
dered 4 . The more the king poured in his oil and wine 5 the 
worse the wanderer got 6 . For Oldcastle's Lollardry was 
deadly earnest. This teaching had been to him the salva- 
tion of his life 7 , and he had told the king that every friar's 
head that he struck off would mean a noble to his Treasury 8 . 
At length the king took him smartly to task for his obstinacy 
and threatened him seriously with the consequences 9 . Not 
liking this snib Oldcastle withdrew to Cooling 10 without 
asking the king's permission and barred himself in 11 . This 
would appear to have been his first act of insubordination 
towards the king, but to be fair we ought to note that the 
whole case is stated from the king's and the archbishop's 
side alone 12 , that we have no counter-statement by the 

1 For a document dated at our manor of Henley le xi jour de... (possibly Aug. 1413), 
see Priv. Seal 660/210. Cf. page 50. 

8 For ;i2. 13^. ^d. paid to Richard Joskyn and 25 socii sent de Domino de Cobham 
et Willelmo Bowrser kt. p' luctac' faciend', see Exch. Accts. 406/21 (23). For a similar 
amount paid to John Chilley and his companions wrestling in the king's presence at 
Hertford on Aug. i, 1414, see Rym. ix. 189. 

3 Cf. corpus illius quasi scuta fusilia, Job xli., in Elmham, Lib. Metr. 97 = zoten 
sheeldes, Wycl., verse 6. For yoten, see Stratmann, 282 ; Halliwell, ii. 948 ; Century 
Diet., s.v. yote. Cf. joten bras, S. D. Scott, i. 186, from Romaunce of Richard Cceur 
de Lion ; zotyng and castyng of metals, Paues, xlvi ; al of zoten bras, Lydg. Troy 
Bk. 162. 

4 Cf. with skalys hard as any plate, Lydg. Troy Bk. 20. 
6 Chron. Giles, 4. 

6 Halle, 48 ; Holinsh. Hi. 544 ; Trussel, 94. For fancy picture of the scene, see Holt, 
Lights, 59. Adams (i. 209) supposes that these conversations lasted from Sept. 23 to 
Oct. 10, 1413, and that they were held after the rising in Fickett's Field, but it is certain 
that they took place at Windsor in Aug. 1413, Cone. iii. 353. Baeske (53) regards the 
story of this interview as " hochst unwahrscheinlich " because Oldcastle's previous 
breach with the Church must necessarily have put a stop to all intercourse with 
the king. 

7 "O" audivi dicere Johannem Castri Veteris "nunquam ante hanc doctrinam 
cessavi peccare," Walden, i. 21 ; Goodwin, 22 ; Gilpin, 23; Pauli, v. 82; Lechler, ii. 80. 
Hook (v. 29) considers Oldcastle as " one who sought the pabulum for his vanity in the 
plaudits of Puritanism." Lingard (iii. 236) thinks that "hitherto he had made no great 
display of religious principle." Sanford (185) calls him "gallant religious Oldcastle 
the Havelock of his day." Dixon (i. 59) pictures him as "a high, swift sort of man, full 
of fight and keen of tongue." 

8 Walden, i. 819; Goodwin, 29. For threat of the rioters in 1431 that they would 
have three priests' heads for a penny, see Kingsford, Chron. 97, 134. 

9 Capgr.^De Illustr. Henr. 112. 

10 For plan of the castle, see Scott- Robertson, 132. For picture, see Thomson, Part 
ii; Sparvel-Bayley, 28, with the inscription and licence to crenellate dated Feb. 10, 1380; 
see also T. H. Turner, iii. 303 ; Wylie, iii. 289. 

1 Se incastellat et fortificat, Cone. iii. 354 ; Rym. ix. 62 ; Berault-Bercastel, xv. 99. 

The king had communicated the facts to the archbishop both orally and in writing, 
Cone. 111. 354; Rym. ix. 61; Hook, iv. 514. 

1413] "A sumner shall be sent about it straight" 247 

accused himself and that the particulars of the Cooling 
incident are merely vouched as " commonly reported in the 
neighbourhood 1 ." 

It was now the middle of August and the archbishop 
was down at Chichester for the Feast of the Assumption 
(Aug. 15). The king at once sent for him for an interview 
at his manor in Windsor Park 2 , at which he told him to 
take immediate steps against Oldcastle according to the 
law of the Church, supplying him in the meantime with 
certain letters which were subsequently submitted to the 
Convocation when they met in the following year. By 
Aug. 21, 1413 3 , a proclamation had been sent out calling 
upon the sheriffs in every county to arrest all priests and 
chaplains who were casting the evil seed of Lollardry, while 
the archbishop took instant steps to bring the knight to heel 
by sending a summons to him at Cooling citing him to 
appear and answer to a charge of heresy. 

But now a difficulty arose. The gates of Cooling Castle 
were shut and the archbishop had no right to force them to 
get his summons served. His messenger however was ac- 
companied by an usher of the king's chamber named John 
Butler 4 who could insist on admission in the king's name 5 . 
Butler was admitted and made his demand either that the 
archbishop's sumner 6 should be allowed to enter or that 
Oldcastle should himself come outside and accept service 

1 Prout haec omnia publice dicebantur, Cone. Hi. 353 ; juxta assertionem et prout 
communiter praedicatur in partibus ubi dictus dominus Johannes moratur, Cone. iii. 354 ; 
Rym. ix. 62 ; Fascic. 436. 

2 For a document dated a nre manoir dans nre parke de Windesore Aug. 26, 1413, 
see Chancery Warrants, Ser. I. 1364/1. For another dated at Windsor Sept. 20, 1413 
(not Sept. 29 as in the heading), see Cotton MS. Calig. D. v. f. i. For Norden's 
map of Windsor Park (circ. 1608), see Tighe and Davies, ii. 31 and Frontispiece showing 
"the Lodge" in the middle of the Little Park, i.e. nearest the castle, with four other 
lodges (i.e. Nories, Langland's, Grene's and Heyboth's) in the Great Park. 

* Rym. ix. 46; Cleop. E. II. f. 297; Letter Book I, 116; Lechler, ii. 98. For pro- 
clamation in Lancashire, see Baines, i. 129, from Claus. i H. V. 

4 Rym. ix. 292, 813; Beamont, i. 252. He was the younger brother of William 
Butler, Lord of Warrington, from whom he received the manors of Eccleshall (i.e. Exhall 
near Coventry) and Crophill (now Cropwell-Butler near Nottingham) for life, Inq. p. 
Mort. iv. 12, 208; Thoroton, i. 191, 193; Dugd. Warw. i. 122, 124; Beamont, i. 255. 
He is called Master Butler of the Privy Chamber in Drayton, Oldcastle, 324. 
8 Not that Butler "had no business there," as Dixon, i. 60. 

Capgr. 304. Called "the Archbishop's creature" by Gaspey, i. 195. There seems 
;ason to charge the archbishop with " fraud " in this step, as Brougham, 65, neither 
Oldcastle " besieged in his castle," : 
i thinks that the king " sent an arm) 
"forced to surrender"). In Draytc 
eat his process, parchment, seal and all. 

248 Oldcastle s Trial [CH. xvi 

there 1 , to which he replied in the hearing of many that he 
would let no man summon him at all 2 . Failing in this the 
archbishop had the writ fastened to the cathedral door at 
Rochester on Sept. 6 3 calling upon the recusant to appear 
before him within five days at his castle at Leeds 4 . 

Oldcastle had now the chance of acting out in his own 
person the advice he had lately written to his friends in 
Prague never to draw back from Truth, even unto death 5 . 
On the day appointed, i.e. Sept. n, I4i3 6 > the archbishop's 
court opened in the large chapel at Leeds Castle, but the 
accused did not appear. He was called in a loud voice by 
the public crier, and when there was no reply the archbishop 
pronounced him contumacious and cursed him in his absence 
there and then 7 . Straightway he was declared to be under 
strong suspicion and warned to appear on Sept. 23 to show 
cause why he should not be pronounced a heretic and 
schismatic and an enemy of the Church and handed over 
to the secular arm for graver treatment. But in the mean- 
time the king's officers had presented themselves at Cooling 
with a warrant for his arrest 8 . He offered no resistance but 
was quietly removed and imprisoned in the Tower 9 . 

1 Seu saltern extra castrum suum faceret sui copiam, Cone. iii. 354; Rym. ix. 61. 

8 Called the "theoretical position that the Church had no jurisdiction over him" in 
Trevelyan, 336. Carrick (p. 215) thinks that he was "availing himself of the special 
privileges of an English noble." 

3 Foxe, iii. 323; State Trials, i. 228. 

* Not at Canterbury, as Dixon, i. 60. For Archbishop Arundel at Leeds (in castro 
meo de Ledes) in 1413, see Somner, i. 136. For Leeds Castle granted to Joan Countess 
of Hereford on Feb. 9, 1414, see Escheators Inquisitions, Ser. I. 1008, Nov. 5, 1414. 

5 Wylie, iii. 462. Walden (i. 623) says that Hus had asked Oldcastle to have a copy 
of Wycliffe's Trialogus sent to Bohemia, cf. Harl. Miscell. ii. 254 ; Weaver, Oldcastle, 
214. It was copied by Jerome of Prague at Oxford, Wylie, iii. 468 ; i.e. in 1399, Waugh, 
444 ; or about 1401, Wetzer, vi. 440. 

6 Wals. ii. 292; Hypodig. 440; Fascic. 436; Foxe, iii. 323 ; Weever, Oldcastle, 220; 
State Trials, i. 228; Kennett, i. 310; Hook, iv. 514; Gaspey, i. 187; Stubbs, iii. 85; 
Diet. Nat. Biogr. xlii. 88. Not Sept. 2, as Rym. ix. 62, followed by Carte, ii. 675; 
Collier, iii. 294 (edn. 1852); Pauli, v. 84; nor Sept. 6, as Goodwin, 17. 

7 Cursed him for contumacie, Capgr. 304; "On the payne of cursynge," Secreta, 185. 
For "the execucyon of the curse," see Greg. Chron. 230. For text of the ritual of ex- 
communication, see Barnes, 287, i.e. a liminibus sacre ecclesie te excludimus et ab omni 
societate Christiana separamus, no priest was to dare to celebrate mass if the excom- 
municated person was present and all who consorted with him were to be smitten with 
anathema. Cf. cruce erecta, campanis pulsatis, candelis accensis et in terram projectis, 
Cone. iii. 386, 388. Cf. book and belle and holy clothes, Laud Troy Book, 501, 518. 

8 Not in 1412, as Purey-Cust, ii. 71. 

9 Rym. ix. 62; Wals. ii. 293; Hypodig. 441, though not in Concilia. In Greg. 
Chron. 107; Brut, ii. 551, he is " arestyd at Wynsore." R. S. Gower (102) thinks that 
he was "taken by force at Cowling." In Cassell (i. 519) he goes back to Windsor. 
Waugh (449) thinks that "what happened is far from clear." 


The Court 249 

On Saturday, Sept. 23, 14 13*, the archbishop was pre- 
sent in the Chapter-house at St Paul's 2 with Bishops Clifford 
and Beaufort as assessors 3 and 12 learned legists and theo- 
logians 4 , amongst whom were three future bishops. These 
were two Welshmen 5 (viz. Henry Ware 6 , a diplomatist 7 
who afterwards became Bishop of Chichester, and Philip 
Morgan, successively Bishop of Worcester 8 and Ely 9 ), 
and John Kempe, a Kentish neighbour of Oldcastle's 10 , who 
was now 33 years old 11 and in full practice as a lawyer 12 . 
He afterwards rose to be Keeper of the Privy Seal, 

1 Rym. ix. 62 ; Cone. iii. 354 ; Chron. Giles, 5 ; Gesta, 3. Not Sept. 28, as Rapin, 
i. 505. 

2 Called the Black Friars in Brut, ii. 551; Halle, 48; Redman, 16; Holinsh. 
iii. 544. 

3 Roujoux, ii. 239, adds Chichele but gives no authority; also Cassell, i. 520. 

4 Cone. iii. 355 ; Rym. ix. 63 ; For. Accts. 3 H. V. 

5 For permission for Henry Ware, Philip Morgan, and many other Welshmen to live 
in England on paying 6s. %d. each to the hanaper, see Pat. i H. V, iv. 34 ; Cal. Pat. H. V, 
i. 124, Dec. 16, 20, 1413. 

6 Or Warr, Rot. Parl. iv. 1 10. Called De la Ware in Stubbs, Reg. 86. 

7 Called virum famosum et in ore populi Deo et hominibus non ignotum, Gesta, 95, 
where he is an official of the Court of Canterbury (called Chancellor in Harl. MS. 530), 
i.e. he was Dean of the Arches in 1415, Hennessy, 311. He had been Rector of St Mary 
Aldermary in Bow Lane, London, from June 3, 1401, Hennessy, 299. On Feb. 19, 1418, 
he was Vicar General for the Bishop of London, Test. Ebor. iii. 323, i.e. Richard Clifford 
who was absent at the Council of Constance. In 1414 he held a canonry at Llandaff, 
Rym. ix. no, 118. On May 24, 1414, he is parson of Tring (Herts.), Cal. Pat. H. V, 
i. 185, and on Oct. 28, 1417, he received the prebend of Wilsford and Woodford 
(Salisbury), Cal. Pat. H. V, ii. 122. On Feb. 16, 1417, he was appointed to the 
prebend of Rugmere in St Paul's, Le Neve, ii. 433. For his will dated July 7, 1420, 
proved July 26, 1420, see Hennessy, xlv; Geneal. vi. 225. 

8 Elected April 24, 1419, Le Neve, iii. 60. 

9 Appointed Feb. 27, 1426, ibid. i. 338. 

10 Cf. Johannes Kemp de Cancia, Gasc. 36. 

11 When founding his college in connection with the parish church at Wye (Monast. viii. 
1430; Hasted iii. 170-173), where he had been baptised as a child (Godwin, De Praesuli- 
bus, 128; Raine, Historians, iii. 328), he himself says that he was then 67 years old (i.e. 
on Jan. 14, 1447) and that he was "boryn and brojt forth withinne the said parisshe wher 
also the bodyes of his auncestrys restyn," Monast. iii. 254, i.e. he was born at Ollantigh 
near Ashford (not "Olantleigh," as Hennessy, p. viii). For his "gardyn at Olyntye in 
the said lordship of Wy," see Monast. iii. 254) in 1380, where his father Thomas was the 
owner of the estate, see Hasted, iii. 170 ; Foss, iv. 334 ; Hook, v. 193 ; Diet. Nat. Biogr. 
xxx. 384. Not that he was "a pore husbandman's sonne of Wye," as Lei. Itin. vi. 2; 
or "of parents in a very low condition of life," as Campbell, Chancellors, i. 341 ; or "of 
humble parents," as Brodrick, Merton, 221 ; Wheater, 213. In 1407 and 1408 he was 
Rector of St Michael's in Crooked Lane, London, Hennessy, 2, 276; Hook, v. 193. 
For account of his preferment, see Hennessy, viii, including the rectories of Southwick 
near Shoreham (Sussex), Dallavray, ii. 68, and Slapton near Leighton Buzzard (Bucks.). 
In 1414 he was Dean of the Peculiars (i.e. the private patronage of the Archbishop of 
Canterbury), Hennessy, 313. In Coram Rege Roll, 35, Easter 3 H. V, copied in Cleop. 
E. ii. 309, he is Dean of the Church of the Blessed Mary de Arcubus (i.e. St Mary-le- 
Bow in Cheapside), and is called Dean of the Arches in Hook, v. 193; Diet. Nat. Biogr. 
xxx. 384, though his name does not occur in the list of Deans in Hennessy, 311. 

12 For Master John Kempe, Doctor of Laws, appearing in appeal of John Saunders in 
the Admiralty Court, see Pat. 2 H. V, i. 14, July i, 1414. 

250 Oldcastle's Trial [CH. xvi 

Archdeacon of Durham and successively Bishop of 
Rochester, Chichester and London, Archbishop of York, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, Chancellor of England, and a 
Cardinal. With these also were Robert Wombewell, vicar 
of St Laurence Jewry, in West Cheap 1 , and Thomas Walden, 
whose known virulence against all heretics should have 
kept him away from the enquiry, had that age understood 
anything even of the first rudiments of judicial impartiality 
in legal questions where religion was concerned. 

Before this court Oldcastle was brought up in the custody 
of Sir Robert Morley, keeper of the Tower 2 . Archbishop 
Arundel 3 opened the case in his suavest manner 4 , announc- 
ing that he was ready even now to grant forgiveness and 
withdraw the curse. But the accused heeded not. He 
altogether declined to ask for pardon 5 , but begged per- 
mission to make a profession of his faith . To this the 
court agreed and he then produced from his gown 7 a 
schedule written in English 8 , handed a copy to the arch- 
bishop and read aloud to the following effect. 

He believed faithfully and fully all the sacraments that 
ever God ordained to be done in His Holy Church and 
summarised his belief under four heads: 

(1) That the worshipful sacrament of the Altar was 
Christ's body in the form of bread 9 , the same that was born 
of the Blessed Virgin and is now glorified in Heaven. 

(2) As to the sacrament of Penance he believed it was 
needful to every man that should be saved to forsake sin 

1 Gibbons, 126; Newcourt, i. 385. 

2 He was appointed on July 8, 1413, Pat. i H. V, iii. 41 ; cf. Glaus, i H. V, 22, 24, 
July 19, 28, 1413; Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 21, 1413, which shows ;ioo paid to 
him. For other payments to him as Gustos of the Tower, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., 
Mich., June 27, Oct. 2, 1413. 

3 Not Chichele, as Yonge, 243. 

1 Bonis et modestis terminis ac modo multum suavi, Cone. iii. 355; Rym. ix. 63. 
6 Petere absolutionem omnino distulit, Cone. iii. 354, though these words are not in 
Rymer. Cf. wolde not aske, Capgr. 305. 

6 The ground of his belefe and the botome of his stomacke, Halle, 48. 

7 De sinu suo, Cone. iii. 354, 406; Rym. ix. 62. Called his "bosom" in Gairdner, 
Lollardy, i. 76. 

8 Schedulam indentatam, Cone. iii. 354 ; Rym. ix. 62 ; see also Fascic. 438 ; Pollard, 
180; un papier dentele (i.e. an indenture), Fleury, vi. 335. Cassell (i. 519) is "at a loss 
to discover in it what any true Catholic could object to." Waugh (452) thinks that " the 
language is vague and the main questions at issue are evaded." 

Cone. iii. 354 ; sub panis specie, Rym. ix. 63 ; cf. Wylie, iii. 463, note 7. His body 
in form of brede o whete, Kail, 4 o; Lydg. Min. Po. 67, 92, 99, 101 ; do. Nightingale, 24. 

1413] Confession of Faith 251 

and do due penance for sins already committed with true 
confession 1 , very contrition and rightful satisfaction. Such 
penance he desired every man to do. 

(3) As to Images 2 he understood that these were not 
of faith, but ordained by the Church 3 to be calendars to 
lewd 4 men to bring to mind the passion of Christ and the 
martyrdom and good living of other saints, but that if a 
man did the worship to dead images 5 that is due to God 
or put such hope and trust in them as he should do towards 
God, he did in that the great sin of maumetry 6 . 

1 For confession as tempus procationum scilicet wowing, see Ann. 179 ; Cone. iii. 222 ; 
ye beste time of wowing, Cronin, 309; Fasc. iii. 205; Wylie, iii. 432. For rule of the 
Observants 1451, quod nullus frater pro confessione audienda juxta mulierem stet vel 
sedeat, see Mon. Francisc. II, xxiv. 96. 

2 For attack on image worship by Matthew of Janov (d. Nov. 30, 1394), see Liitzow, 
Hus, 52. For account of him, see Loserth, xxi ; Liitzow, Hus, 4. 

3 Sythe beleve was jewe (i.e. given), Cone. iii. 355 ; not "sewe," as C. E. Maurice, 
ii. 260. 

4 Laicis ac ignaris, Rym. ix. 63. Cf. not for ye ymage but in worship of that seint 
that ye ymage bitokened, Krapp, 74. Pecock (i. 148) urged that " ydolatrie is nevere 
doon save whenne a man takith a creature for his God and so doith no man with eny 
ymage now in Cristendom after he is passid childhode and which is not a natural fool," 
Blackie, 483. 

5 Preyeris and offringis made to blynde rodys (certis crucibus sive rodis, Ann. 178) 
and deve (i.e. deaf) images of tre and ston ben nere of kyn to ydolatrie, Cronin, 
300. Cf. 

He wer ful lewde that wolde byleve 

In figure mad of stock or ston 

Yet forme shude we none repreve 

Nether of Mary ne of Jon, 

Petre, Poule ne other none 

Canonised by clergie. Pol. Songs, ii. 246. 
u Idolatria, Rym. ix. 63. Cf. 

Thes Lollardes that lothen ymages most 

With mannes handes made and wroujt 

And pilgrimages to be sou3t 

Thei seien hit is but mawmentrie. Pol. Songs, ii. 246. 

For "mawmentrie," see Lydg. Troy Bk. 301, 302, 311. For protest against too many 
images in churches except the Virgin and the Crucifix, cf. 

Ne faites pas les dieux d'argent 
D'or, de fust, de pierre ou d'arain 
Qui font ydolatrer la gent. 

La beaute de Tor reluisant 

Font croire a maint peuple incertain 

Que ce soient Dieu pour certain. 

Ne croire en tant de marioles 

De babouins et de fyoles 

Ou trop de fois ydolatrons. Deschamps, viii. 201, 202. 

Cf. On poet Dieu pryer sans ymages sensibles et corporelles pour eviter grans maulx 
corporelz et espirituelz qui adviennent souvent a ceulx qui s'arestent trop a faire 
meditation d'aulcunes choses corporelles ou semblables as corporelles. Gerson, in 
Jadart, 141. 

252 Oldcastle' s Trial [CH. xvi 

(4) As to Pilgrimages 1 he supposed fully that every man 
on this earth is a pilgrim towards bliss or pain 2 and that 
he that will not keep God's commandments here shall be 
damned if he die so 3 , albeit that he go on pilgrimage to 
all corners of the world, while he that keepeth them shall 
be saved, though he never in his life should go on pilgrim- 
age to Rome 4 or Canterbury 5 or any other mind-place 6 of 
the saints whatever. 

The archbishop consulted with his colleagues and an- 
nounced that the statement contained much good Catholic 
truth 7 , but that they wished to know a little further 8 . Did 
the accused believe 

(a) That the material bread remained after consecra- 

tion 9 ? 

(b) That confession to a priest was necessary in the 

sacrament of Penance ? 

To which Oldcastle replied that he would not say anything 
on these points except what he had read out from his bill 10 . 
The court felt sorry for him 11 and the archbishop gave 
him a kind and friendly caution 12 that if he did not answer 
within a fixed time they had power to declare him a heretic, 

1 Also yee holden ageyn pilgrimages, Hoccl. Min. Po. 20; Anglia, v. 34; James, 155. 
Cf. better to abide at home and beet the stools with their heels, Foxe, iii. 539. 

2 Every citizen of the heavenly country is a pilgrim of this world for all time of this 
present life, Brute, Thorpe, &c. 176. 

s Not "lye." 

4 Cf. vezitar S.P. e S.P., Bonis, i. xix. 

6 "Neque Compostellam " added in Rym. ix. 63; also "Walsingham " in State 
Trials, i. 234. For vicarious pilgrimages to Rome and Santiago, see Viet. Co. Hist. 
London, ii. 208. For 50 pilgrims going to Galicia from Fowey and Falmouth June 8, 
1413, see Rym. ix. 16. For 60 in the Cristiene de Dertemouth and 40 in the Andrewe 
de Yalme (i.e. Salcombe, Wylie, i. 383), 50 in the Margaret of Plymouth, and 40 in 
the Elen de Lanant (i.e. Lelant on St Ives Bay; not " Levant," as Rym. ix. 8), see Fr. 
Roll i H. V, 36, 37; 40 in the Leonard of Weymouth (May 31, June 8, 1414); 50 in 
the Elena of Ipswich (John Joy, master), Rym. ix. 133, 139; 50 in the James of 
Fowey July 3, 1414, Rym. ix. 147 ; and 24 in La Marie of Pensans, Feb. 16, 1415, Rym. 
ix. 201. For Compostella and what they saw there in 1466, see Rozmital, 85. 

e Cf. the memorialis or mynde placis of seintis, Pecock, 4. 

7 Wals. ii. 293; Hypodig. 441; "an orthodox confession," Stubbs, iii. 85; "an en- 
largement of the Apostles' Creed," Snow, 54. 

8 Not "a new demand for a layman," as C. E. Maurice, ii. 261. See the case of 
Badby in Wylie, iii. 438. Waugh (452) thinks that the archbishop "knew that no good 
could arise from argument." 

9 Called "the murderous question" in Aubrey, iii. 39. 

10 Capgr. 305. Dixon (i. 60) thinks that Oldcastle was "a learned clerk." 
Eidem nihilominus compatientes, Rot. Parl. iv. 109. 

12 Benigno et affabili modo. Carrick (219) thinks that "it was Arundel's practice to 
cover his malignity with a seraphic smile." 

I 4 I 3] " To thee, dead wood, I bow not " 253 

but he still refused to say anything more. After further 
consultation the court explained to him the Church's teach- 
ing on these points as expounded by Austin, Jerome, Am- 
brose and other sainted doctors 1 . He answered that he was 
ready to believe it 2 , but he could not admit that Popes, 
Cardinals and Bishops had power to settle such things. 
At this stage the court adjourned, it being understood that 
Oldcastle should be supplied by the following day with a 
written statement of the Church's views translated into 
English so that he might the more easily understand 
them 3 , and that he would be expected to give his answers 
by Monday next, and on the following day, Sept. 24, 1413, 
processions were ordered for the " extirpation of the exe- 
crable plague of Lollardry 4 ." 

The court reassembled at the Black Friars 5 on Monday, 
Sept. 25, 141 3 6 , the Bishop of Bangor 7 (Benet Nicole 8 ) 
having been added in the meantime to the archbishop's 
two other assessors 9 . Oldcastle was again brought in and 
asked to give his replies. On the first point he said that 
the bread remained veiling the body of Christ, as His 
divinity was veiled beneath His visible humanity. If the 
Church taught that no material bread and wine remained, 
this was not according to the Scripture, but a finding given 
after she had become corrupted with endowments. 

Secondly, confession, though expedient and good, was 
not a necessity for salvation, for by contrition only could 
sin be blotted out. 

Thirdly, adoration must be reserved for Christ alone 
and not given to the cross on which He hung. And when 
they asked what honour he would pay to a crucifix, he said 

1 For Austin, Ambrose, Jerome and Gregory as " the foure greete doctouris," see 
Forshall-Madden, i. 59; Wylie, iii. 421. They were the four stots that drew the harrow 
after the Church's plough, P. Plo. i. 566; ii. 270; Morley, vi. 188. For " seynte Aus- 
tyne," see Secreta, 145, 153, 159, 161, 170, 173, 177, 191, 202, 206. 

2 Voluit eas determinationes credere. For other readings, see Rym. ix. 63 ; Fascic. 
441 ; Wals. ii. 294; Hypodig. 444. 

3 Pro leviori intellectu ejusdem, Rym. ix. 64 ; Cone. iii. 355. 

4 Pestis ilia execrabilis Lollardriae, Hist. MSS. Var. Coll. iv. 40. 

5 Rot. Parl. iv. 109. Called " an obscure Dominican convent on Ludgate Hill " in 
Dixon, i. 61. 

6 Not 20th, as Cone. iii. 355. In Bermondsey Annals, 484, the date of Oldcastle's 
condemnation is given as i H. V, luna currente per ix, which would appear to mean 
Oct. 4, the new moon falling on Sept. 25. 

7 Rot. Parl. iv. 109; Fascic. 414; not St David's, as Carte, ii. 675; Hume, iv. 38. 

8 Wylie, iii. 141. 

9 For costeers that is to say sitteres bysyde, see Secreta, 139. 

254 Oldcastle s Trial [CH. xvi 

he would wipe it and keep it clean 1 . What of the power 
of the keys ? The Pope was very Antichrist, or rather he 
was the head 2 , the bishops were the limbs and the friars 3 
the tail 4 . No obedience was due to them, except in so far 
as they followed Christ in life and conversation. He and 
no other is Peter's heir who is of better life and purer ways 
than Peter, and with this he stretched out his hand and 
shouted 5 to the bystanders in the court : " These men who 
are bent on damning me mislead themselves and you and 
will drag you down to Hell ! Therefore beware of them." 
Again and again did the archbishop with tears in his eyes 
exhort him to believe and hold what the Roman church 6 
believes and holds. He only answered that he believed 
and held no otherwise than he had told them before. Then 
seeing that they were making no way the archbishop "with 
sorrow and bitterness of heart 7 " pronounced him a heretic 
and left him to be dealt with by the secular judge, excom- 
municating all who should henceforth favour or support 
him 8 . And so the court broke up. 

1 Capgr. 306. For a crucifix spat upon by Jews compared to a mirror which a 
woman cleans by spitting on it, see Petit de Julleville, ii. 245. Bale (in Harl. Misc. ii. 
269) adds: " and that He (i.e. Christ) should not be robbed of his goods as He is nowadays," 
followed by Foxe, iii. 335; State Trials, i. 244; C. E. Maurice, ii. 265. 

2 Cassell (i. 520) thinks that this statement is " exaggerated or distorted," but it seems 
to have been taken from the Lantern of Light, where the friars are " the venomous tail," 
Brute, Thorpe, &c., 148; Foxe, iii. 533. 

3 Called the monks in Hefele, vii. 24. 

4 "Which couvereth his most filthy part," adds Bale in Harl. Misc. ii. 267; State 
Trials, i. 241. But this was too strong apparently for Foxe (iii. 333), who does not enter 
it; cf. Gilpin, 27; Towle, 269; Brougham, 71; called "even a less dignified part of 
the body" in Ainger, i. 124. Idee assez noble pour avoir persevere jusqu'a nos jours 
depuis le temps grossier dont elle date, Berault-Bercastel, xv. 100; cf. Cone. iii. 374; 
Foxe, iii. 532; Adams, i. 209, who thinks that Oldcastle said this to the king at Ken- 

5 Propria confessione, immo violent! et obstinata assertione convictum, Chron. Giles, 5. 
Guthrie (ii. 450) thinks that Oldcastle "behaved with an indecency and haughtiness that 
neither became a gentleman nor a Christian." Lingard (iii. 237) says that "his demean- 
our was as arrogant and insulting as that of his judge was mild and dignified "; followed 
by Vattier, 307; Snow, 54. Cf. "heretical arrogance," Tennyson, 521. Gardiner (300) 
thinks that the archbishop and Oldcastle both " played their parts with dignity." Waugh 
(453) thinks that Oldcastle became " at last simply abusive." Called " insolently provo- 
cative" in Saturday Review, 17/4/09, p. 501. 

6 Ecclesia Romana, Cone. iii. 356, 405; Rym. ix. 65. For the abbey at Evesham 
as Romanae ecclesiae nullo medio pertinens, see Pat. 6 H. V, ii, Dec. 12, 1418. This 
phrase does not occur in the Evesham documents printed in Monast. ii. 13, which 
however contain abundant evidence of the assertion of exemption from dependence on 
the Bishops of Worcester. 

Cum dolore et amaritudine cordis, Rot. Parl. iv. 109. Brougham (75) thinks this 
was "a false show of compassion. " Pauli, Bilder, 278 (307), that the archbishop "langst 
nacheinem vornehmen Opfer der Inquisition gelechzt habe." Cf. il est impossible de tuer 
avec plus de sensibilite, Michelet, vi. 12. 
8 Rot. Parl. iv. 109. 

Bale's Version 255 

It has long been, and still is, the fashion to regard 
Oldcastle as a mere pestilent demagogue, who led a rebel 
mob to pull down church and throne 1 . But it cannot be 
too clearly borne in mind that in the whole of the record 
of his trial no word is uttered about insubordination to the 
secular power 2 . His crime thus far was solely against the 
law of the Church and, like Badby, he stood firm by his con- 
science, when conscience as he knew meant death. 

In putting together the above sketch of the proceedings 
at his trial I have thought it best to draw solely from the 
contemporary official record, neglecting altogether a later 
and highly coloured version which has been too long 
accepted as historical narration. It was published by 
Bale 3 more than a century after the events 4 under the 
stimulus of acute religious exasperation, but it appears to 
be nothing but a "bilious 5 " dramatic expansion of the 
original record, inflated to depict the typical Protestant 
martyr as a lamb, like Stephen, disputing in the midst 
of wolves 6 , the other side being suitably tricked out as 
" beastly blockheads," "belly-gods," "spiteful murderers," 
"bloodthirsty raveners," "subtle sorcerers," "blusterers," 
"idolaters," and "blasphemous Sodomites 7 ." Most writers 
in the past have followed it quite blindly 8 , some thinking 

1 Hook (v. 30) thinks that he " put himself at the head of a discontented faction 
because he was looked down upon by the ancient aristocrats." See also Tyler, ii. 352; 
Jennings, 128; Wakeman, 162, who describes the Lollards as "political revolutionaries." 
Cf. "a mere revolutionary faction in the state," Purey-Cust, ii. 360; Viet. Co. Hist. 
(Hants. ) ii. 45. 

2 Postquam insultum regi fecerat apud Eltham, says Otterbourne, 274, but it is difficult 
to reconcile this with the known particulars of the case. 

3 Harl. Misc. ii. 249-272 ; copied into Foxe, iii. 320-342, 541-543 ; Brute, Thorpe, 
&c., 110-137; State Trials, i. 226-251. Parts of it are printed in Pollard, pp. 175-189, 
as supposed specimens of i5th century prose. 

4 i.e. in June, 1544, when Bale was in exile at Marburg, Baeske, 47. In it he refers 
(p. 251) to an account of the trial written in the " Tyme of the said Lord's Trouble by a 
certein Frinde of his." Who this was is not known, though it may have been taken from 
Wm. Tyndale's "Book of Thorpe or of John Oldcastle," which was ordered to be de- 
stroyed as a heretical book Dec. 3, 1531, Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, v. 769; 
Waugh, 434 ; Baeske, 49. In any case Bale states that he had afterwards seen " the 
great process which Thomas Arundel made against him " which makes it certain that his 
chief evidence was the official record. For his quotations ex vetusto exemplari Londin- 
ensium, see Bale, 257, 265, 272. 

5 Harl. Misc. i. 102; Fuller, Worthies, iii. 61. 

6 Harl. Misc. ii. 263, 267; Foxe, iii. 333; State Trials, i. 242; Baeske, 51, 55, 56, 
who regards his sources as "unzuverlassig," "unkontrollierbar," " ganz problema- 
tisch," &c. 7 Harl. Misc. ii. 251, 254, 255, 256, 278. 

8 e.g. Goodwin, 16; Weever, Oldcastle, 212; Gilpin, 11-28, 34; A. M. Brown, 20, 
42, 46; Brougham, 64-74, 373-377; C. E. Maurice, ii. 257, 258, who has a great belief 
in the veracity of the "sturdy Protestant "(i.e. Bale); Milner, iii. 311-318 ; Towle, 266- 

256 Oldcasttes Trial [CH. xvi 

that it is "mainly based on the notaries' reports 1 ," others 
regard it as " collected from ancient manuscripts 2 " or 
" derived from documents of uncontestable authority 3 " or 
as "a more detailed report 4 " of "the proceedings in full 5 ," 
while the very latest pronouncements declare it either to be 
"in the main perhaps trustworthy," though its sources 
"cannot always be traced 6 ," or that its facts are drawn 
from second-hand authorities and often, it is to be feared, 
from no authorities at all 7 , though " in some of his details " 
Bale "really had some authority for his statements," and 
that it is hard to believe "that it is all fiction." But in its 
own time this version did not have it all quite so much its 
own way. For in 1573 Nicholas Harpsfeld published an 
argument against "Foxe's lies" and maintained his position 
well 8 . Whereupon the angry martyrologist, whose pen was 
too often "governed by his prejudices and passions 9 ," 
crumpled him up with abuse about his "foul mouth" and 
"stinking breath," the "offals of his railing talk," and his 
"dunghill of dirty dialogues," calling him a "dirt-dauber's 
son," "a wild Irishman crept out of Patrick's Purgatory" 
with his "viperous wrangling 10 " and "cockish brags." He 
assumes that no one can deny any part of Bale's story, 
which he takes to be "true originals in ancient records 11 ," 
and he then elaborates pages of monumental sophistry 
which proved too much for Fuller, who wrote : " Let Mr 
Fox be this Lord Cobham's compurgator. I dare not 12 ." 

270; Workman, i. 265; Carrick, 219; Milman, viii. 218; Pauli, v. 85 ; see also Hume, 

weu, letters, i. 75; lyier, 11. 358, 309 n., 37011.; Aubrey, 11. 39; K. 5. Crower, 102, 
who still speaks of the "bloodthirsty prelates." Neither Collier (iii. 296) nor Stubbs 
(iii. 189) has drawn upon it, and Guthrie (ii. 450) seems to have been the first to throw 
doubt upon it. 

1 Gaspey, i. 189, 198, 204, 235. 

2 Milner, iii. 317. 

3 Wordsworth, i. 355-399 ; aus urkundlichen Quellen geschopft, Lechler, ii. 88 ; 
"documents authentic and indisputable," Brute, Thorpe, &c., 109. 

Ramsay, i. 175, 178. 
Ainger, i. 125. 

Tail in Diet. Nat. Biogr. xlii. 89, 93. Gairdner, Lollardy, i. 75, supposes it to be 
based " on the authority of some old MS. now unknown." 
Waugh, 435-451. 454- 
Harpsfeld, Dialogi, 63. 
9 Collier, iii. 325. 

Foxe, iii. 349, 372, 376, 380, 383. 
11 toxe, in. 350. 

12 // U oo r 'i Church Hist "' * l6; Lingard, iii. 238; Tyler, ii. 387; Snow, 58. 
bpeed (788) leaves Foxe to deal with "Copus" (i.e. Alan Cope, to whom Harpsfeld 

1413] "Foxe's Lies" 257 

Nevertheless the account continued to be regarded as 
conclusive up till Guthrie's time and has not yet ceased 
to be looked upon as authentic 1 , one devotee going so far 
as to call on us to believe that Bale's particulars must have 
been before the officials who compiled the original records, 
but that they were "designedly omitted 2 ." For myself 
I have little doubt that Bale's account is quite untrust- 
worthy for any sound historical purpose, except as an 
illustration of the treatment of Oldcastle's story under the 
raging heat of i6th century religious passion 3 . 

entrusted his " Dialogi Sex " for publication at Antwerp, Dublin Rev. cxviii (1896), p. 1 1 ; 
Baeske, 65 ; called " a certain Alanus Copus " in Waugh, 646) but has a strong reference 
to the "slanderous report" of "N.D. author of the 3 conversions," which may mean 
Nicholas Harpsfeld Dialogi. 

1 Cf. " may be read in Foxe," Ainger, i. 124. 

2 Milner, iii. 317. 

3 Eine flammende Parteischrift fur die reformatorische Sache, Baeske, 6r. 

w. 17 



IMMEDIATELY after Oldcastle's condemnation Archbishop 
Arimdel had a personal interview with the king and prayed 
that the carrying out of the death sentence should be put 
off for the usual 40 days 1 . He then went down to Maid- 
stone, whence on Oct. 10, 14 13", he sent out notices to the 
bishops of his province requiring them to have the sentence 
read out in English in the churches of their dioceses 
whenever the congregations were largest. The Bishops 
of London 3 and Winchester 4 gave orders to this effect on 
Oct. 23, and the dioceses of Exeter and Hereford were 
notified on Nov. 8 and 17 respectively 5 . 

Oldcastle's goods and belongings at Cooling and 
Cobham were all scheduled for confiscation and the list 
was put into a box and deposited in a green chest in the 
Exchequer at Westminster 6 , and in the meanwhile the 
heretic himself was kept a prisoner in the Tower 7 , the 

1 Wals. ii. 296 ; Hypodig. 445 ; Capgr. 306 ; Chron. Lond. 96. Not 50 days, as 
Lingard, iii. 237; Snow, 55 ; Cassell, i. 520; Pauli, Bilder, 278 [307] (who thinks that 
such a period was required by the statute though it does not appear in the text, Stat. ii. 
128) ; Tyler, ii. 373, who thinks that 50 days would be required to forward his supposed 
appeal to the Pope ; Viet. Co. Hist. (Hants.), ii. 46. For this appeal see Gesta, 5, note 
(quoting Hargreaves, State Trials, i. 38) ; Waugh, 450. 

2 Cone. iii. 357; Rym. ix. 66 ; Fascic. 449 ; Harl. Misc. ii. 271 ; Foxe, iii. 337, 348 ; 
State Trials, i. 247 ; Hook, iv. 524. Not Oct. 5, as Goodwin, 26 ; Gaspey, i. 245 ; nor 
before the trial, as C. E. Maurice, ii. 256. On the same day messengers received pay- 
ment for carrying the king's proclamation to the like effect, Devon, 324. 

3 Dated from Much Hadham, Cone. iii. 357; Hist. MSS. Var. Coll. iv. 40. 

4 Viet. Co. Hist. (Hants.), ii. 46. 
6 Fascic. 450. 

6 Oct. 10, 1413, Kal. and Inv. ii. 89. 

7 For supposition that he was imprisoned in the Beauchamp Tower (built temp. 
Ed. Ill), see Knight, London, ii. 238 ; Dixon, i. 53 ; Lechler, ii. 80. For picture of it 
see Knight, London, ii. 246 ; Cassell, ii. 373 ; Dixon, i. 53, 60, 368 ; Dick, Frontispiece, 
Plate v. It was called the Cobham Tower, not from Oldcastle, as Dixon, i. 53, but 
from the fact that the three sons of Lord Cobham were imprisoned there in 1555, the 
youngest Thomas having carved his name in one of the recesses, Dick, 5, 26, Plate xxix ; 
do. Sketch, p. 39; Dixon, i. 126. 

i4 J 3] O Ideas ties Escape 259 

king being still hopeful of winning him back to the fold 1 . 
Accordingly he was plied with visitors who are said to 
have extracted from him a promise that he would recant 
his heresy and abide by the judgment of the Church, 
remaining in prison 2 till the Convocation should meet again. 
There is indeed a document extant which purports to con- 
tain his formal recantation 3 , but it cannot be genuine or the 
fact would have been certainly cast in his teeth, though it 
may have been prepared beforehand in readiness for his 
expected surrender. Indeed a special synod of the clergy 
appears to have assembled in St Paul's on Nov. 20 and to 
have sat till Dec. 4 4 , at which 1 2 inquisitors were present 5 ; 
but the synod merely met to pronounce the great curse 
against Oldcastle and his supporters and, as soon as the 
meeting was over, the archbishop published it with due 
solemnity at Paul's Cross 6 . But by this time there was no 
question of reconciliation, for long before the synod met, 
their victim was at large again and London was on the 
brink of a revolution. 

In the night of Oct. 19, 14 13', Oldcastle broke the 
Tower 8 by the help of some daring Lollard friends, the 

1 Wals. ii. 296; Hypodig. 446; Elmham, Lib. Metr. 97. 

2 He should tarry in holde till such time as it were of the Pope allowed and then, 
would he nyld he, the Archbishop should be his judge, Foxe, iii. 326 ; Tyler, ii. 369 ; 
Gesta, 5, note, from Hargreaves, State Trials, i. 38. 

3 Fascic. 414, with translation in Foxe, iii. 339, who heads it : "counterfeited by the 
Bishops"; urn die Bevolkerung irre zu fiihren, Lechler, ii. 95. Cf. Milman, viii. 224 
(who believes it to be a forgery); Ramsay, i. 178; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xlii. 90. Waugh 
(456) thinks that " it is just possible that he may in a moment of weakness have signed 
the document and afterwards withdrawn from it." Gairdner (Lollardy, i. 79) regards the 
unsigned document as "only a draft of what he was expected to declare," but thinks that 
"he had substantially agreed to its contents." Baeske, 36, calls it a "Mahrchen." 

4 Page 209, note 9 ; Tyler, ii. 357; Loftie, i. 263. 

6 Gesta, 3, from Bodl. MS. Digby, 235, i.e. Chron. Lond. 96; see Coxe-Macray, 
ix. 247. 

6 Dec. 5, 1413, Chron. Lond. 97; Tyler, ii. 357. Called Sunday, Dec. 10, in Viet. 
Co. Hist. (London), ii. 220. 

7 The date is fixed in Letter Book I, 166 ; Riley, Mem. 641 ; Ramsay, i. 178 ; Waugh, 
637; Oman, Pol. Hist. 236. Called "about Mykelmesse" in Capgr. 306; "in Septem- 
ber," C. R. L. Fletcher, 317 ; " in October," Baeske, 22 ; Radford, 37; " before Oct. 10," 
Baildon, 108; Workman, i. 265; "about Oct. 10," Holt, Lights, 113 (this date is 
based on Devon, 324, which shows payment entered on Oct. 10, 1413, to messengers 
carrying orders that none should harbour Oldcastle as he was a convicted heretic. 
Waugh (640) rejects the date because of the looseness of the chronology of the roll) ; 
"intra fines Octobrium," Chron. Giles, 5; Tyler, ii. 365; "about the Feast of Simon 
and Jude" (i.e. Oct. 28), Stow, 344; Kennet, i. 311; Gaspey, i. 264; Dixon, i. 61 ; 
Lechler, ii. 89; "about Nov. i," Cleop. E. ii. 303, from Coram Rege Roll i H. V ; 
"with Inne a ffewe dayes," Kingsford, Chron. 69; "almost immediately," Stubbs, iii. 
85. Not Nov. 20, as Weever, Oldcastle, 226 ; nor after the rising, as Pol. Verg. 441. 

8 Excerpt. Hist. 145 ; rupit carceres, Chron. Giles, 5 ; prisonam fregerit, Letter Book I, 
120; Waugh, 638; brake prysonne, Caxton, i. 224; debruse prison, Cone. iii. 360; 


260 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

names of two of whom are still known, viz. Richard 
Wrothe, described as "one of the greatest supporters of 
that bad sect 1 ," and a London parchmener 2 named William 
Fisher 3 . It has been suggested that^ Oldcastle's escape 
may have been arranged with the connivance of the king 4 , 
and in any case it is evident that there was no excessive 
strictness in guarding the prisoner, for we know that not 
only were Wrothe and Fisher still at large six weeks after 
the escape, but that Mistress Wrothe, wife of the former, 
was allowed to visit other prisoners in the Tower, where 
she would not hold her tongue but blabbed openly about 
God's stout knight who had been falsely condemned by the 
limbs and ministers of Antichrist 5 . It was not till Oct. 28, 
141 3 6 , that a proclamation was put out forbidding all inter- 
course with Oldcastle, and this was followed up by another 
on Nov. 5, requiring the enforcement of the statute against 
liveries passed in the previous reign 7 . John Selby, a clerk 
of the Counter prison 8 , was falsely charged with having 
harboured the fugitive 9 , but he had really been hiding 

Stat. ii. 183 ; " brake them," Lei. Coll. ii. 488, where it is dated 1417; " brake out of 
the Toure," Brut, ii. 551. Not that William Fisher and others " broke into the Tower," 
as Letter Book I, p. xix. 

1 Une de les pluys grantz susteignours del malueys secte, Baildon, xliv. 109; Early 
Chanc. Proc. i. 26, from Bundle 6/37, where he is sued by Thomas Okore, keeper of the 
prisoners in the Tower under Sir John Daubrygecourt (sic) for his connection with the 
escape. For John Wrothe, kt. in 1406, see Letter Book I, 48. 

2 Parchemyner, Letter Book I, p. 166, i.e. a parchment-maker. Not a tailor, as Bail- 
don, xlix. 109, meaning a parmyter or parmenter, cf. Lib. Alb. iii. 345 ; Godefroy, s.v. 
Parmentier, derived from parement, i.e. furs as adornments to a robe, see Murray, s.v. 
Parament\ Du Cange, s.v. Permentarius (i.e. qui vestes parat vel ornat), Parator, Pelli- 
parius ; Littre, s.v. Pareur. For parchment in the Middle Ages, see Hochart, Nouvelles, 
104, no. 

3 Letter Book 1, 166 ; Riley, Mem. 643, showing that his goods, lands and tenements 
were nil when he was drawn from the Tower through the city by Cornhill and Chepe 
and hanged at Tyburn on Oct. 8, 1416, after an inquiry held in Newgate on Oct. 5, 1416, 
for assisting in Oldcastle's escape, Sharpe, London, i. 254; see also Iss. Roll i H. V, 


Mich., Feb. 19, 1414; Devon, 332; Tyler, ii. 377; Chron. R. II to H. VI, p. 185, 
quoted in Gairdner, Lollardy, i. 93. For order dated Sept. 22, 1416, to transfer William 
Parchemenmaker, alias dictus William Fisshere, from the Tower to the custody of the 
Sheriffs of London, see Glaus. 4 H. V, 14. 

4 Tyler, ii. 373 ; Tyrrell, i. 285 ; Cassell, i. 520. This theory is worked out in The 
Fair Witch of Glas-Llyn. Benham (Winchester, 144) thinks that Bishop Beaufort might 
have also helped, but this is merely based on the supposition that he was averse to the 
condemnation of Oldcastle, for which there is no evidence at all. 

6 Le fort Bachiler de Dieux fauxement forjugez par les Ministres d'Anticrist et ses 
membres, Baildon, 109 ; Viet. Co. Hist. London, i. 220. 

8 Letter Book I, pp. xix, 119. 

7 Ibid. 119; Wylie, 1.69, 169. 

8 i.e. in Bread Street or the Poultry. For picture of the Counter in Wood Street 
built 1670, see S. Young, 213. 

9 Riley, Mem. 676, where the charge was made by a winedrawer named John Derby 


Turnmill Street 261 

for some weeks in Fisher's house in Turnmill Street 1 
which stood on the Cobham estate near Clerkenwell. The 
keeper of the Tower (Robert Morley) had been relieved 
of his office 2 before the actual escape took place, and a 
temporary successor was not appointed till Oct. 28*. On 
Oct. 29, Morley was himself committed to the Tower as a 
prisoner, though, as he was released on Nov. i5 4 and two 
of his servants were put on to watch the house in which 
Oldcastle was suspected to be lying 5 , it would appear 
that his responsibility for the evasion was never really 

The condemnation of Oldcastle was a blow aimed at the 
head of the Lollards, and it was not to be expected that 
they would long sit still under it with folded hands. They 
saw that the new king had resolutely set his face to crush 
them out 6 and that, if their leader fell, no mercy would after- 
wards be extended to them, though almost all England 7 
was now on their side. They posted bills upon the London 
church doors threatening that 100,000 men were ready to 

who was imprisoned in the Counter for theft, though he confessed that it was false on 
Oct. 17, 1419. 

1 Called Trillmell or Tremill Street in Chron. Lond. 104 ; Stow, Chron. 352 ; but 
"Turnmylle Strete " in Copland (circ. 1540), see Hazlitt, iv. 35. It was named from the 
Tremill Brook (Turmylbroke, Kingsford, Chron. 258, 338; Trillemylle Brook (1429), 
Hall, 317), otherwise called the river of the Wells or the Fleet. For the course of the 
Hollbourn from its source at Hampstead, see Loftie, i. 9, who shows that it was called 
the Fleet in its lower course, i.e. from St Pancras to its outflow into the Thames at the 
Black Friars, Stow, Lond. i. 23, 58. For the Cobham estate, now Coldbath Fields, see 
Knight, London, iii. 139. 

2 i.e. before Oct. 10, 1413, Devon, 324; Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. 171; Tyler, ii. 373. 
Waugh (638) believes that the dates in this roll are far from trustworthy. For 6. ly. jd. 
paid to Robert Morley, knight, late custos of the Tower for arrears of his salary (,100 
per annum) on the day of his exoneratio, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 24, 1414; 
Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. 171. In Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich. ~ 

the/Tower. For Robert Morle, kt., in retinue of the 
July, 1415, see Exch. Accts-47/i; W. D. Cooper, 12^ 
Morle, kt., see Glaus. 4 H. V, 24, March 24, 1416. 

3 i.e. Sir John Dabridgecourt, Pat. i H. V, iii. 12, see page 260, note i. He is called 
Custos on Nov. 16, 1413, Glaus, i H. V, 14; also Nov. 25, 1413, Baildon, 108; Topogr. 
and Geneal. i. 197. For 8. 13^. ^d. paid to him ordinal' custos of Tower pro temp' 
post exonerationem Roberti Morley, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 19, 1414. For 
.100 per annum paid to Edward Duke of York as Constable of the Tower for life (cf. 
Wylie, ii. 481, note 4), see Iss. Roll I H. V, Mich., Jan. 27, 1414. Also ,50 p. turri 
London, Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., June 22, 1415. In Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Dec. i, 
4, n, 1413, payments for the King of Scots in the Tower are made through John Hall, 
Esquire, from Oct. 30 to Dec. 2, 1413. 

4 Glaus, i H. V, 13. 

5 For payments to them, see Devon, 330, Feb. 19, 1414. 

6 Pol. Verg. (441) thought that the rising was due to the burning of John Hus, which 
did not take place till 18 months afterwards. 

7 Paene totam patriam, Wals. ii. 299 ; Hypodig. 448; though C. R. L. Fletcher (317) 
thinks that the rising was organised by "his Kentish tenants." 

Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. 171. In Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 22, 1414, he is late custos of 
the/Tower. For Robert Morle, kt., in retinue of the Earl of Arundel at Southampton in 
1415, see Exch. Accts. 47/1 ; W. D. Cooper, 128. For Petronilla widow of Robert 

262 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

rise 1 , and they sent out messengers who carried with them 
money and letters to the Lollards throughout the country 
in which the new king was called "the Priests' Prince 2 ," 
and their friends were summoned to collect quietly 3 near 
London, where 50,000 apprentices and servants 4 would be 
ready to join them on a certain date which would be dis- 
closed before Epiphany 5 , many who did not know what 
they were to meet for being told that it skilled 6 not, so 
they got good pay. 

'The king was arranging to spend his Christmas at 
Eltham 7 , where the red Gascon and Portuguese wine 8 had 
been already laid down for the merry-making, and the 
plotters meant to assemble on the day after Twelfth Night 9 . 

1 Wals. ii. 291; Hypodig. 439; Capgr. 303; doubted in Baeske, 27, 39; Gairdner 
(i. 75) thinks that "this number was of course preposterous" and regards 50,000 as 
"much exaggeration" (p. 81); called 25,000 in Tyrrell, i. 286; Lingard (iii. 239) sup- 
poses that this was done "during Henry's first parliament," i.e. before June 9, 1413; 
also Snow, 55 ; but there is no mention of it during Oldcastle's trial. Tyler (ii. 6) remarks 
upon the absence of any Lollardism in the first parliament of Henry V. 

2 Princeps presbyterorum, Wals. ii. 306; Hypodig. 457; Walden, i. 486; Foxe, iii. 
358; James, 151, 174, 175,176; Weever, Oldcastle, 217; Milner, iii. 330 ; Tyler, ii. 32; 
Gairdner, Loll. i. 84 ; Wylie, iii. 334 ; Prince of preestis our lige Lord yee calle In scorn, 
but it is a style of honour, Hoccleve, Min. Po. 17; Anglia, v. 31 ; Baeske, 18. For 
St Louis of France reproached as a king of priests, see G. W. Cox, 196. For the 
Emperor Frederic II as " Pfaffenkonig " and his edicts against heresy in 1220 and 1232, 
see Gregorovius, v. 98, 157; also King Rupert, Stacke, i. 652. For Charles IV as 
" PfafFenkaiser," see Lodge, no; Hollweg-Calthrop, 187, 190. 

3 Privatim insurgent', Rym. ix. 171; Cotton MS. Cleop. E. II. f. 304 b; private con- 
gregand', ibid. f. 303. 

4 Capgr. 307; not 25,000, as Snow, 55, which he considers to be half the population 
of London ; nor 5000, as Sharpe, London, i. 254; called "many followers" in Viet. 
Co. Hist. London, ii. 220. Cf. "but our chief strength must be the Londoners," Dray- 
ton, Oldcastle, 333. 

6 Wals. ii. 297; Hypodig. 446. For Tiffanie, Tiphain, see Rot. Parl. iv. 18, 20; or 
"Twelfth Day/' Pol. Relig. Po. 118; or "la feste des Roys," Toulgoet-Treanna, 105. 
For "la semaine de la Tiphanie," see Darne, 75 ; gasteaux de la Tiphanie at the H6tel 
Dieu in Paris, Coyecque, i. 193; Champion, Vie, 427. 

8 Capgr. 306. Cf. Taming of the Shrew, ill. ii. 134; Famous Victories, 4, 45. 

7 Not " im Schlosse zu Elmham," as Baeske, 22. For account of Eltham Palace 
with illustrations of the great Hall, see Hasted, i. 52 (with plan) ; Lysons, iv. 398 ; 
Archaeologia, vi. 366-371; T. H. Turner, iii. 303; Brit. Archaeol. Assoc. Transactions, 
ii. 329; Purey-Cust, ii. 105, 106. For John Wodcok appointed custos and janitor of 
Eltham for life Dec. 8, 1415, see Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 18. For payments for repairs to the 
manor at Eltham, see Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Pasch., Apr. 4, 1418; also in 1413, Exch. Accts. 

8 For payments to Thomas Chaucer on this account, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., 
Nov. 15, 1413. For 15 casks and 8 sesters of red Gascon and Rhenish wine at Westmin- 
ster, the Tower, the Vintry, Eltham, Langley and Windsor, with payments for bermanage, 
cranage, guidage, ollage and cartage, see Exch. Accts. 406/21, 22, 22 d. For payment 
to winedrawer for removing 60 casks of Portuguese wine from London to Westminster, 
see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 22, 1414. 

9 For "xij te Day" and " xij te Even," see Brut, ii. 546. For the day after Twelfth 
Night known as St Distaff's Day, see Nicolas, Chron. 135 ; Halliwell, 306; or Rock 
Day, rock being another name for a distaff, Halliwell, 689. For Rock Monday (i.e. 

1414] Picket fs Field 263 

The rising however did not actually take place till the 
evening of Tuesday, Jan. 9, I4I4 1 . The meeting-place 
was to be in Fickett's Field 2 , an open space lying to the 
west of the Bishop of Chichester's Inn in the New Street, 
or Chancellor's Lane 3 , near Temple Bar 4 . Its site is 
occupied by New Square 5 , King's College Hospital and 
the burial ground of the church of St Clement Danes, now 
all built over near Clement's Lane, but in those days it 
formed a public recreation ground largely used by the 
clerks of the chancery 6 , the law apprentices 7 who lived in 
the adjoining inns 8 , and by the London citizens generally 9 , 
and as it joined on its northern side with the Purse Field 
and the Cup Field, now known as Lincoln's Inn Fields 10 , it 
formed part of a vast area of unbuilt ground that stretched 
from the Old Temple in Holborn to the dreary leperhouse 11 
that stood in the field by St Giles' Church. 

By the help of their friends within the walls the Lollards 
meant to occupy London, capture the king and his brothers 
at Eltham 12 , destroy all the clergy 13 , seize the relics and 
other valuables at St Paul's Cathedral and the Abbeys at 
Westminster and St Albans, slay and spoil all men of 

Monday after Epiphany), see Cent. Diet., s.v., where it is supposed to refer to the re- 
sumption of work (spinning) like Plough Monday. 

1 As proved by Coram Rege Roll i H. V, roll 5 in Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. n. 303, 
where the conspirators are captured on Wednesday after Epiphany (i.e. Jan. 10) mane in 
aurora ; Kingsford, Eng. Hist. Lit. 203. 

2 See App. Z. 

3 For Chancellor's Lane extra Templebarram (now Chancery Lane), see Lincoln's Inn 
Black Books I, ii. 90; Baildon, Site, 20, 21; Foss, iv. 257; G. J. Turner, 15, 22, 30. 
It was also called Convert's Lane from the neighbouring Domus Conversorum. 

4 Apud Fikeysfeld juxta le Templebarre (1339), G. J- Turner, 29, i.e. le barre de 
nouel Temple de Loundres, Baildon, 81, the old Temple being at Holborn Bars; not 
"near St Giles' Church," as Besant, Survey, i. 104. 

8 Foss, iv. 255. 

Unto the Rolls I got me thence 
Before the Clerks of the Chancery. 

London Lickpenny (Bell), p. u. 

7 For apprenticii ad legem, see Maitland and Turner, iv. p. xxi ; Pulling, 8. 

8 H. Hall, Studies, p. 20. For the Temple as the headquarters of the lawyers in 
1381, see Oman, Revolt, 58. 

'G. J. Turner, 22, 30. 

10 Parton, 27, 62, 78, 105, no, 139, 141, 143, 160, 177, 178; Clinch, 86. Not the 
Cap Field, as Besant-Mitton, 32. 

11 Hospitalis Sancti Egidii extra Londoniam, Lei. Coll. ii. 418 ; Monast. vii. 635 ; 
G. J. Turner, 24; Letter Book I, 13, 14; extra barram veteris templi, Rot. Parl. iv. 
108 ; Archaeol. Journ. xliv. 58, where its income from land in London =^29. 14^. 6d. 
in 1412 ; or "without Holbourne," Sharpe, Wills, ii. 428. 

12 Elmham, Lib. Metr. 98 ; Capgr. De Illustr. 113. Under the coloure of the mum- 
myng, Brut, ii. 551. 

ir Claudius, A. vm. i ; Brut, ii. 551 ; Pol. Verg. 441. 

264 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

estate, thrift and worship 1 , plunder the London friaries 2 and 
drive out their inmates, making the religious work with 
their hands 3 and rewarding their own friends out of the 
proceeds of the general spoliation 4 . Such at least was 
reported to be their purpose by their enemies, though we 
have no record of their intentions from their own point of 
view, and it is probable that they had formulated no 
definite plans beyond securing the person of the king and 
rescuing him, if possible, from the influence of the priests 5 . 
For London was in panic and the rumour ran that they 
were going to kill the king 6 and proclaim Oldcastle regent 7 , 
behead the nobles, destroy St Paul's 8 , put out the bishops' 
eyes and have no priests henceforward except from among 
themselves 9 . 

But there were traitors among them 10 and spies had 
long been keeping an eye on their movements 11 . Fisher's 

I As yei p'posed to have do in oure fadres dales, Archaeologia, xxiii. 339 (1431). 

Withdrawen wolde hir riche paramentes. 

O prudent prynce, thynke what her entente is 

Who falsely the hooly churche accuse 

For thai hemsilff the riches wolden use. 

Harl. MS. 1245, f. 182. 

8 Ad mundanas occupationes revocare, Rym. ix. 193 ; or provocare, Cleop. E. n. 
f. 304; Rym. ix. 171; Rot. Parl. iv. 108; Waugh, 649. Cf. "put a spade instead of 
a crozier into the bishops' hands," Collier, iii. 299 (edition 1853). O ne or> tne heresies 
current in Bohemia was quod sacerdotes debent manibus laborare et de labore vivere 
sicut fuit antiquitus, Hardt, iii. 668. Cf. For alle the wordely (sic) relygyous do nat the 
office of an hundred curates ne of a secular lord, ne of a trewe labourer, Amundesham, 
L 456. 4 Chron. Giles, 8 ; Gesta, 6. 

6 Trevelyan (337, 338) thinks that there was no other motive but religion in their 
action, which was "unwise and wrong because with small resources and few supporters 
they could never hope to establish a government," etc. Called "a wild undertaking," 
"a desperate plan" in Oman, Pol. Hist. 236. 

6 Pat. i H. V, v. 16; Rym. ix. 119, 193; Otterbourne, 274; Wals. ii. 297; Hypodig. 
446; Julius B. I. 37; Lingard, iii. 238. 

7 For Oldcastle to be the head of a Republic, see Vattier, 306, who dates the second 
rising in 1416 instead of 1417. 

8 Cf. strages principum, neces nobilium, basilicae dirutae, civitates eversae, Cone, 
iii. 360. 

9 Memorials, 69; Holt (Lights, 114) thinks that the very extravagance of these accu- 
sations is almost sufficient to disprove them ; Oman, Pol. Hist. 237, thinks that they "may 
be a calumny of the enemy." 

10 For proclamations dated at Westminster on Jan. 7, 1414, see Claus. i H. V, 6 d, 
where the king declares that some Lollards jam tarcU capti had been brought before him 
and confessed that such meetings were going to be held. 

II Speculatores, Devon, 333; cf. exploratores assiduo scrutineo de gubernatione 
Lollard', Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 22, 1414; Tyler, ii. 377. For 10 marks per 
annum granted to John de Burgh, carpenter (eo quod detegit certos Lollardos), and 
Thomas (called " William " in Waugh, 640) Kentford quia detexit et revelavit conjecta- 
menta proditoria Lollardorum, see Pat. i H. V, v. 22, Jan. 5, 1414 ; Cal. Rot. Pat. 262 ; 
Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 157; Tyler, ii. 377; Waugh, 640; Snow, 55. For John Burgh, 
vintner in 1412, see Letter Book I, p. 99. 

1414] "The king was on them with a host" 265 

house was watched and many letters were seized and taken 
to the king 1 . No time was to be lost. Prowlers began to 
appear on the ground at Eltham, but they were captured, 
handcuffed 2 , and thrown into prison, and in the night 
of Jan. 8 the king left suddenly 3 for Westminster accom- 
panied by his three brothers, together with Archbishop 
Arundel, Bishop Courtenay and many lords and bachelors. 
Passing round to the Priory at Clerkenwell 4 he received 
conclusive evidence of the danger and immediately gave 
orders that the gates of London should be closed and all 
meetings broken up. The watch was set throughout the 
city, horsemen patrolled the roads and fields outside, and 
when the darkness fell 5 in the evening of Tuesday, Jan. 9, 
the king posted himself with a hastily collected force in 
St Giles' Field 6 . 

The night was still and, as he stood on the ground, a 
splendid meteor 7 shot across the wintry sky from west to 
north shedding a trail of light about two bowshots long. 
All sorts of explanations were at once started amongst the 
excited crowd, most of whom believed that it came as a 
sign to the orthodox to illuminate the faith and to the other 
side to smite them with the lightning of vengeance, but 
Prior Elmham, who was on the spot 8 , declined to thrust his 
face into heaven 9 , preferring to leave the solution to the 
God of Nature and the working of the elements. 

All this time the unsuspecting Lollards were moving 

1 Devon, 330. For pictures of the king being secretly informed of the plot and the 
Earl of Warwick arming to subdue traitors and heretics, see Strutt, Manners, ii, Plates 
29, 30; Rous, 365; Kingsford, 104. 

2 For i6s. %d. paid to Sir Thomas Erpingham for fetters (4 pair), manacles (2 pair) 
and "derails" (6 pair) with locks, see Devon, 330, Feb. 16, 1414. For 35^. paid to 
Margaret Merssh for 18 pairs of fetters and 8 pairs of manacles made by her and delivered 
to the constable of the Tower, see ibid. 358 (Feb. -23, 1419). 

3 Claudius, A. vm. i; not Christmas, as Aubrey, ii. 40. Cassell, i. 521, supposes 
that the king had removed to Westminster before the Lollard threats of violence were 

4 Sent Johanes withoute Smethfeld, Claud. A. vm. i ; Caxton, Chron. 144 ; Brut, ii. 
373 ; the feld beside Saint Jones and Clerkyn-welle, Brut, ii. 551. 

5 Nocte ilia, Chron. Giles, 8 ; campum mane petens, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 98. 

6 Not that he " shut himself with an armed force within the capital," as Tout, 263. 

7 Fulsit Stella Dei, Memorials, 68; Weever, Oldcastle, 209211; fulgur amoenum, 
Elmham, Lib. Metr. 99. Gairdner, Lollard y, i. 81, thinks that Henry "was assisted 
by some flashes of lightning to discover the enemy." 

8 In occiduo nostro inter nos et Boream, Chron. Giles, 7 ; Gesta, 6 ; Elmham (Lib. 
Metr. 99) seems to place this on Jan. 10, but the passage is obscure. 

9 Reading "nolens" for "volens" in Chron. Giles, 7. Gesta, 6, reads "omnta* 
for "as."- 

266 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

up in groups and knots along the high roads to the rendez- 
vo^ls in Fickett's Field, and the little knowledge that we 
have of these events may yield some scraps of detailed 
information as regards the movement in the Midlands, 
which are typical of what was happening in other parts 
of England. On Dec. 30, 1413", a party had assembled 
at Thurlaston near Leicester under the lead of William 
Ederic, a priest from Aston-on-Trent in Derbyshire, and 
rode up to Ware in Hertfordshire probably to join a large 
body who were to meet in the woods at Harringay. An- 
other group turned out at Kibworth on Jan. 5 under William 
Upton of Smeeton-Westerby 2 , others came armed with 
swords and bows from Leicester and Belton near Lough- 
borough, where they assembled the day after Christmas 
under a substantial resident named William Ward 3 . New 
Year's Day saw another armed band set out from Wood- 
stock and Bladon under a leader named William Brown 4 , 
and we know of a man named Philip Turner who was 
arrested at Barnet on Jan. 5 on his way up from Daventry 
ostensibly for the purpose of buying some wine 5 . All 
through the day groups such as these had thronged the 
lanes and paths and roads that led to London, and when 
they were asked whither they were going in such haste 
they said "to Cobham 6 ," and as they neared the capital 
they mingled with any party that was at hand. 

When the king came up, the crowd was threateningly 
large 7 and he was advised to hold back till daylight and wait 
for reinforcement 8 . But the threads of the game were 
already in his hands and he wisely stood his ground. The 

1 Cotton MS. Cleopatra, E. n. f. 305, i.e. extracts from Coram Rege Rolls, where 
Ederic is stated to have given 13*. $d. to John Lake and others to support Oldcastle. 
The men came from Aston, Chaddesden and Thurlaston. For pardons July 3, 1414, to 
Thomas Mason and John Glede, both of Thurlaston, see Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 200. 

2 Cleop. E. n. f. 302. 

3 Ibid. ff. 306, 322, where he is called the farmer of Muriell Park (possibly Merril 
Grange) near Belton. In Rym. ix. 194 he is called a "ploughman." In Cleop. E. II. 
306 he was sentenced to be hanged on the new gallows et usque ad cineres simul cum 
furcis praedictis ardeat, though he was afterwards pardoned (June 16, 1414), ibid. f. 307. 

He was pardoned on Dec. 10, 1414, ibid. f. 303. 
6 Fuit devillans causa emptionis vini, ibid. f. 322. 

6 Capgr. 307; Stow, Chron. 344; Holinsh. iii. 544; S. Turner, ii. 472. Cf. "Say 
thou but Sir John and they will let thee pass," Drayton, Oldcastle, 335. 

7 Waugh's (647) estimate of 400 or 500 men seems altogether too low, though an 
official entry in the inquiry at Oxford gives the number as 200, Cleop. E. n. 303 
[271], which is also officially called 20,000, ibid. f. 304 b; Rym. ix. 171; Rot. Parl. 
1Vt IO - 8 Had not the king then made suppowelment, Hard. 371. 

1414] Collapse 267 

Londoners had been expected to rise and join the provincials 
in their thousands, but they made no sign and no one could 
get beyond the gates who did not know the pass-word. 
Thus, as each set came up in the darkness, they walked inno- 
cently into the midst of the king's guards, who forthwith dis- 
armed them and marched them off to prison 1 . One of the 
leaders, William Morley or Murlee 2 , a rich brewer, came in 
from Dunstable with high hopes. He had helped the move- 
ment that was to make lords of lurdens 3 and was ready 
for his reward. He had been promised knighthood if all 
went well, and he had travelled up with two destrers housed 
in gold trappings and a pair of gilt spurs in his bosom 4 , in 
readiness for the ceremony which was to make him Earl of 
Hertford. He was to get the plunder of St Alban's Abbey 
to himself and he had a list of the inmates up his sleeve. 
When he heard that the king was on the ground, he turned 
back, but was captured in the park at Harringay 5 near 
Hornsey on the northern heights. Search was then made 
in London itself. Fisher's house was entered and many 
of Oldcastle's papers were seized, but the heretic himself 
had fled. Several suspects were dragged out from the 
house of John Burgate 6 , a carpenter, bearing the sign of 
the Axe without Bishopsgate 7 , and large numbers of ac- 
cused persons were imprisoned in the Tower, in Newgate, 
in the Marshalsea and in the two London counters 8 . Jurors 
had been empanelled many weeks beforehand 9 when matters 

1 Elmham, Libr. Metr. 99. 

2 Capgr. 307 ; braciator, Wals. ii. 299 ; plain William Murley, Drayton, Oldcastle, 
3 2 7> 333> where he is "meal-man, malt-man, miller, corn-master and all"; or "Murle" 
in Cassell, i. 521, where he is called a "silly fanatic." Cf. "the fatt Maultman," G. 
Daniel, iv. 113. 

3 Archaeologia, xxiii. 342 ; Froude, i. 503. For lurden (a lout), see Halliwell, ii. 
534 ; Murray, Diet., s.v. Lurdan. 

4 Cf. Your bosom's no place for spurs, Drayton, Oldcastle, 333. 

5 Stow, Chron. 343; called Harensey in Strecche, 265 b; civitatem repetiit, says 
Wals. ii. 299; Hypodig. 448, who of course had a special interest in his case. Har- 
ringay was a frequent meeting-place of conspirators, e.g. in 1387, Wals. ii. 164 ; Dugd. 
Bar. ii. 185. 

6 Greg. Chron. 108; Stow, Chron. 344. 

7 Called "The Ax without Cripilgate" in Brut, ii. 551; "The Axe Inn near 
Bishopgate" in Drayton, Oldcastle, 327 ; not the " Ark," as Cassell, i. 521. In Walpole, 
Catalogue, i. 189, this becomes: "Henry arrived at the sign of the Axe without 
Bishopsgate, took the man of the house and 7 other prisoners which closed his first 

8 Caxton, Chron. 144 ; Brut, ii. 373. 

9 For 66s. %d. paid to Robert Warner, sub-sheriff, for riding daily in the county of 
Middlesex pro panel' fiend' et summonend' pro Lollardis jam sero insurgentibus against 
the king and his lords; also 7 paid to Richard Mayhewe and his fellow-jurors of 

268 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

looked threatening after Oldcastle's escape, and on the next 
day, Jan. ic 1 , a commission was appointed 2 consisting of 
the Earl of Arundel, Henry Lord Scrope, William Lord de 
Roos of Hamlake 3 , Hugh Hals and William Cromer 4 , the 
Mayor of London, to try the prisoners either at Westmin- 
ster or in the Tower 5 . Many of the accused were priests 6 

Middlesex summoned and attending every day at Westminster for certain causes, see 
Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Dec. n, 1413. For hatred to jurors (jurrours), cf. 

Nought loved but drad of high and low degree 

For whom one list by craft I could endite 

Hongen the true and the thief respite. 

Lydgate, in Monast. (i773)> " 373- 

For a jury of 24 knights and of the view (de visu) of the town and parish of St Giles' at 
the trial of Lollards in Jan. 1414, see Cleop. E. II. f. 306. 

1 i.e. Wednesday after Epiphany, Rot. Parl. iv. 108 ; Pat. i H. V, v. 16 ; Cal. Rot. 
Pat. 7 H. VI, i. 19 d, p. 546; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 175; Cleop. E. H. 294; Placita 
Coram Rege, Hil. i H. V, roll 7 ; or Jan. 10, Pat. i H. V, v. 30 d ; Foxe, iii. 367, 
369, 379- 

2 Not "tavtgeifttick Behorde," as Pauli, Bilder, 279 (308). 

3 Rym. ix. 170, 193. For confirmation to him of grant of roo marks per annum for 
life (Wylie, ii. 179), see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 10, 1413. In Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 28, 
Sept. 22, 1414, and Sloane MS. 4600, ff. 306, 311 (May 23, 1415), he is referred to as 
dead and the custody of his lands is granted to the Earl of Dorset during the minority 
of his heir. He died on Sept. i, 14 r 4, Wylie, ii. 180 note. He was succeeded as K.G. 
by Thomas Lord Camoys, Beltz, clvii. 

4 His father lived at Aldenham in Hertfordshire and the family probably derived its 
name from the hamlet of Cromer near Stevenage, Hasted, ii. 575 ; Clutterbuck, iii. 602; 
Cussans, Odsey, 86. He is called Crowmere in Pat. 2 H. V, i. i, Aug. 24, 1414 ; 
Croumer, Letter Book I, 119; or Crowmer, Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 29, Aug. 17, 1414; Chron. 
Lond. 96 ; Fabyan, 578 ; Riley, Mem. 598, 599, 601 ; Rym. ix. 131. He was a draper 
(Letter Book I, 68) and had been sheriff in 1406^ Riley, Mem. 562. He was mayor again 
in 1423, Chron. Lond. in; Greg. Chron. 157; Kingsford, Chron. 75; Three Fifteenth 
Cent. Chron. 58. For his will dated May 9, 1431, in which he left lands and tenements 
in St Swithin's Lane (not Sweeting Lane, as Newcourt, i. 417), see Sharpe, ii. 551, who 
gives an earlier will dated June 10, 1421, in which he leaves houses and gardens in 
Crutched Friars, Aldgate, and gives ^30 to repair the church and roads at Tunstall near 
Sittingbourne, a manor which he had bought. He died in 1433 an< ^ was buried beside 
his first wife Catherine in the church of St Martin Orgar, off Candlewick Street, where 
he had built a chapel to St Mary, for the repair of which he left quit-rents in Hardeles 
Lane (for Hardel as a family name in London, temp. Ed. I, see Sharpe, Letter Books 
A, B passim) in the parish of St Martin in the Vintry, Stow, Lond. Book II. p. 187. 
His second wife Margery, to whom he left lands in the parish of St Olave near the Tower 
(Sharpe, ii. 551), was the daughter of Thomas Squerie of Westerham near Sevenoaks 
(Hasted, i. 384). She survived him and afterwards married Robert Lord Poynings. 
For her will, dated at St Martin Orgar and proved at Lambeth in 1448, see Genealogist, 
v. 328 ; vi. 134, from Stafford Reg. 167 a, where she is called Margaret Lady Ponyngges. 
She died on Nov. 3, 1448, Inq. p. Mort. iv. 238, and was buried in the church of St 
Martin Orgar, Comp. Peer. vi. 300. For Robert Lord Poynings as a commissioner to 
array the forces of Sussex May 29, 1415, see Rym. ix. 253. For William Crowmer, 
sheriff of Kent, son-in-law of Lord Say, beheaded at Mile End in Jack Cade's rebellion 
of 1450, see Greg. Chron. 192; Three Fifteenth Cent. Chron. 67, 98; Kingsford, Chron. 
160, 161, 276. 

5 For 1. i6s. 8J. paid for their breakfast, see Devon, 331, Feb. 16, 19, 1414. For 
order dated Jan. 16, 1414, to the Constable of the Tower to allow them to hold their 
inquiry in the Tower if they like, see Claus. i H. V, 6 ; cf. Milman, viii. 223 ; Ramsay, 
i. 179. 

8 Preestes, clerkys and othir lewd men, Caxton, i. 224. Called " lowe men" in 
Kingsford, Chron. 69. 

1414] The " Lollers" Gallows" 269 

and most of them, says the chronicler, did not even take the 
trouble to repent 1 . The process was therefore sharp and 
summary. Four pairs of new gallows known as the Lollers' 
gallows 2 were fixed up on the high road adjoining St Giles' 
Field. The condemned men were drawn from their prisons 
through the streets on hurdles 3 and hanged in batches, seven 
who were known as pronounced Lollards 4 having fires 
lighted under them, so that they might burn as they hung 
a two-edged weapon 5 forged expressly by the Priests' 
Prince to smite their double guilt, the halter for the king 6 
and the fire for God 7 and on Jan. 1 1, HH 8 , commissioners 
were appointed to try suspected Lollards in London 9 , 
Bristol 10 and 20 Eastern, Western and Midland counties 11 , 

1 Quorum plurimi nee quidem paenitere curabant, Wals. ii. 299; Hypodig. 449. 

2 Brut, ii. 551. See App. Z. 

3 Tract! prius, Elmhatn, Lib. Metr. TOO ; non solum tractioni, Wals. ii. 299 ; Hypo- 
dig. 448. For picture of a criminal drawn by two horses with ropes fastened from his 
arms to the saddles, see Royal MS. 20 C. vii. 60. See also Marks, 90, 166; Lib. Alb. 
iii. Frontispiece; Infessura, 38. 

4 Kingsford, Chron. 69. 

6 Ancipiti mucrone, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 97; utriusque gladii penam, Usk, 131; 
double dethe, Pol. Songs, ii. 247. 

6 Cf. " arrysers against the kynge," Harl. MS. 565, 72. 

That rereth riot for to ride 

Agayns the kynge and his clergie. Pol. Songs, ii. 244. 

7 Duplici paenae dandi, incendio propter Deum suspendio propter regem, Walden, 
i. 4; ii. 4; suspendi jussit et cremari, Otterbourne, 274; post infelicia fata cremati, 
Wals. ii. 299 ; post crucis exitium igni traditos, Vita, 32 ; ultra ignem haeresi condignam 
etiam tractus et surpassus ad furcas adderentur paenae, Usk, 122, who attributes this to 
Archbishop Arundel ; suspendii ob laesam majestatem, incendii ob haeresim, Harpsfeld, 
Dialogi, 6n, 613, 690; Foxe, iii. 353; Holinsh. iii. 544; Vignier, Recueil, 576; juxta 
reperti unius vel utriusque laesae majestatis et blasphemiae criminis qualitatem, Chron. 
Giles, 7; Gesta, 5; "brent hanging," Caxton, i. 225. "He should be hanged for 
treason, burnt for heresie," Weever, Oldcastle, 223; yet Church (102) thinks that "the 
punishment was for heresy, not for treason" 

8 Pat. r H. V, v. 23 d ; Letter Book I, pp. xx, 123; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 175. 

9 i.e. the Mayor (William Cromer), Richard Whitington, Robert Chichele, Richard 
Merlawe, Thomas Knolles, J. Preston and William Waldern. For William (not Walter, 
as Pat. i H. V, i. 23 d) Waldern, mayor of London in 1413, see Letter Book I, 109 ; Rec. 
Roll i H. V, Pasch., May 16, June 9, 1413; Wylie, iv. 26 note. Also M.P. for the 
city in the Parliaments of 1414 (Nov.), 1415 and 1421, Letter Book I, 129, 251 ; Return 
Parl. i. 284, 286, 297. 

10 Including J. Stevens, senior. In Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 12, 16, 1414, he and 
Thomas Saunders are late collectors of the subsidy at Bristol, see Wylie, ii. 305, note 6. 
On May 29, 1415, John Stevens, sen., and John Droys are on a commission for arraying 
the forces of Bristol, Rym. ix. 253. 

11 Ubique per regnum, Usk, 121, viz. Beds., Berks., Bucks., Derby, Devon, Dorset, 
Essex, Gloucester (for fines at a session of the peace at Cheltenham i H. V, see Accts. 
Excheq. Q.R. 111/36), Hants, (including Bernard Brocas), Hereford, Kent, Leicester, 
Northants., Notts., Oxford, Rutland, Salop, Somerset, Warwick and Worcester. The 
conjectural map in Trevelyan, 352, omits Beds., Devon, Notts., Oxford, Rutland, Salop 
and Warwick. The commission for Salop includes Thomas Earl of Arundel, J. Talbot 
of Hallamshire, Edward de Powys, David Holbache, etc.; and that for Hereford Gilbert 
Talbot of Irchenfield, John Skydemore, John Merbury, John Bodenham, John Brugge, 
Thomas de la Hay, Thomas Holgate, John Russel and Roland Leynthall. Waugh (649) 

270 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

and on the same day a proclamation was issued that no 
unauthorised rush was to be made upon the goods of the 
suspects 1 . 

On Jan. 13, 14 14", the London victims were hanged at 
the cross roads opposite to the gate of St Giles' leperhouse 
just where the throng of modern traffic is at its thickest 3 . 
Their numbers vary from 29 to 69 in different accounts 4 . 
The list includes a London priest named John Beverley 5 , 
a squire of Oldcastle's named John Brown 6 , William Murlee 
the brewer, John Burgate the carpenter, a dyer, a glover 
and other craftsmen 7 of smaller repute. The following also 
are known to haVe fallen into the king's hands, but though 
the death sentence was passed upon them, their lives were 
spared for the moment and they remained for a time pri- 
soners in the Tower 8 . Five of them were knights 9 , viz. 

thinks that Surrey was " unimpeachably orthodox." Snow (58) finds " scarcely any trace 
of Lollards north of the Humber." C. R. L. Fletcher (304) thinks that "not till 1415 
did the movement take hold of the Eastern counties." 

1 Glaus, i H. V, 9d ; Letter Book I, 122. 

2 Elmham, Lib. Metr. 100. Not 1413, as Bale in Harl. Misc. ii. 253. Called Jan. 19, 
Stow, 34; Diet. Nat. Biogr. iv. 449 ; or Jan. 24 in Pauli, v. 88. Halle (49) thinks that 
they were condemned in the Guildhall on Dec. 12, 1413 (see page 268), but he was 
puzzled by the contradictions that had crept into the story and came to the conclusion 
that "all writings are not the gospel"; cf. Foxe, iii. 373. Holinsh. (iii. 544) adopts the 
Guildhall but avoids the date, see also Foxe, iii. 371, 375, 379. For the story of how 
Halle altered his account after reading Bale, see Foxe, iii. 378. Fuller (Church History, 
Bk. iv. 167) was "so lost in the intricacy of these Relations" that he knew not what to 
assent to. 3 Dobie, 8. 

4 e.g. 29 in Besant, Survey, i. 105 ; 30 in Tyrrell, i. 286 [167] ; 35 in Ling. iii. 238; 
Snow, 55 ; 36 in Kingsford, Chron. 69; 37 in Chron. Lond. 97; Grey Friars Chron. 12; 
38 in Greg. Chron. 108; Brut, ii. 551; Waugh, 644 (quoting Glaus, i H. V, i); 39 in 
Caxton, i. 225; Fabyan, 578; Pauli, Bilder, 279 (308); Green, 260; Carrick, 221; 
Bright, i. 289; Tennyson, 522; Lechler, ii. 90 [458], who thinks that only the names of 
four of them are known; R. S. Gower, i. 102, who calls it "a wholesale butchery"; 
J. M. Stone, 51; 40 in Oman, Hist. 221; 42 in Short Chron. 54; 44 in Strang, 17, 
though called 37, ibid. p. 151 ; "nearly 60" in Oman, Hundred Years, 106; Hassel, 
223; 69 in Stow, 344; Trussel, 94; Oman, Pol. Hist. 238, who thinks that 69 were 
convicted of whom 37 were hanged; "about 70," Cassell, i. 521. For picture showing 
two gallows with 39 Lollards hanging fully dressed and a fire burning beneath, see 
Dobie, 28. 

5 Greg. Chron. 108; Inq. p. Mort. iii. 29, 299; iv. 23, 184; Harl. Misc. ii. 255. 
Not Burnley, as Milman, viii. 222 ; called Jean Beverlaw ministre de la Parole in Crespin, 
25 ; or Breuerlan in Vignier, Rec. 576. It is hardly likely that he is identical with John 
of Beverley, a learned Carmelite, whose Quaestiones in magistrum sententiarum and Dis- 
putationes ordinarise are still preserved in MS. at Queen's College, Oxford, as Diet. Nat. 
Biogr. iv. 449. 

8 Brut, ii. 551; Blakeway, Sheriffs, 60; called "Brown, a knight," in Carrick, 221. 
For order for his arrest, Jan. 23, 1414, see Waugh, 644, quoting Pat. i H. V, v. 25 d, 
though not in Cal. Pat. H. V, vol. i. 

7 Cf. "man of craft," Hoccleve, Min. Po. 13; Anglia, 27; James, 145. 
They were there on March 18, 1414, Rym. ix. 120. 

9 Trevelyan (338) thinks that "only one knight (i.e. Acton) besides Oldcastle was 
implicated." For the spread of Lollardry among " persons of the best rank and quality," 
see Goodwin, 168, quoting Vignier, Rec. 580. 


Convictions 271 

Roger Acton 1 , Thomas Talbot of Davington near Faver- 
sham 2 , Thomas Beauchamp 8 from Somersetshire, Thomas 
Maureward, ex-Sheriff of Warwickshire and Leicestershire*, 
and Thomas Chaworth, who had been arrested and released 
two years before 5 . Besides these there were six clerks (viz. 
Robert Shene, William White 6 , Walter Blake, a chaplain 
from Bristol 7 , William Ederic 8 , William, chaplain of the 
parish of Thaxted in Essex 9 , and Thomas Drayton 10 , rector 
of Drayton Beauchamp near Tring 11 ), five squires (viz. 
Thomas Brook of Olditch in Devonshire who had had 
intimate personal relations with Oldcastle 12 , Henry del 

1 Caxton, i. 225; not John, as Tit. Liv. 6. Not Arcton, as Major, cxxvi; nor 
Areton, as Vignier, Rec. 576; nor Aston, as Aubrey, Rise, ii. 10; nor Sir George Acton, 
as Carrick, -221. He had lands at Sutton Park near Tenbury (Nash, ii. 418) and at Acton 
Scott near Church Stretton in Shropshire (Inq. p. Mort. iii. 222); he had been Constable 
of Criccieth circ. 1401-1403 (Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 64), Governor of Ludlow (1403), and 
Sheriff of Shropshire (1410), Blakeway, Sheriffs, 60; see also Wylie, iii. 296, note 4. 
For the blazon of "Actoun" (sic), see Harl. MS. 4205/23. For Andrew Ekton, Ecton, 
or Acton, knight, who was with the Earl of Dorset in Gascony on June 28, 1413, see 
Priv. Seal Bills 1 114/48; Rot. Vase, i H. V, 10; cf. Wylie, iv. 252. 

2 Waugh, 642. He is so called in a writ directed on Jan. 24, 1414, to John Darell 
Escheator of Kent, showing that he and Oldcastle were both positi in exigend' ad ut- 
lagand' at Westminster on that same day, Escheators' Inquisitions, Ser. i. file 1008, 
m. 24, where at an inquisition held at Ospringe on Feb. 6, 1414, he is returned as owning 
the manor of Babington in Kent. In Glaus. 5 H. V, i, Oct. 12, Dec. 17, 1417, he is 
summoned to appear in the Chancery on Nov. 5, 1417, re forfeited manors, including 
Rishton near Great Harwood in Lancashire. 

3 For order for his committal dated Jan. 23, 1414, see Claus. i H. V, 6; Sloane MS. 
4600, f. 115; Waugh (644) who calls him "William." For his release pour aler en son 
large Sept. 13 [1414], see Chancery Warrants, Ser. i. 1364/18. 

4 i.e. Nov. 3, 1412, Sheriffs' List, 145. In Rec. Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 30, 1413, 
he is still Sheriff of Warwickshire and Leicestershire, but late Sheriff, ibid. Feb. 12, 1414, 
cf. Wylie, iv. 227. He appears also as Sheriff of Warwick and Leicestershire on Nov. 8, 
1401, and May i, 1422, Sheriffs' List, 145. On March 21, 1413, he was appointed 
a Justice of the Peace for Leicestershire, see Pat. i H. V, i. 36 d; also July 28, 1414, 
Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 32 d, expressly to enforce the Leicester Statute against the Lollards. He 
is called Mawereward in Pat. 8 H. V, July 3, 1420. 

5 Wylie, iv. 40, note 4. For order to Richard Grey, Lord of Codnor, to arrest him 
Jan. 8, 1414, see Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 148. On March 21, 1413, he was a J.P. for Not- 
tinghamshire, ibid. 422. 

6 Walden, ii. 4. For his trial for heresy Sept. 13, 1428, see Fascic. 417. 

7 He was condemned to be hanged on Jan. 25, 1414, but his life was spared, Cotton 
MS. Cleop. E. ii. 294. 

8 See page 266, note i. He was imprisoned at Kenilworth and afterwards "remitted 
to his ordinary" on Feb. 6, 1414, Cleop. E. ii. 305. He had been repeatedly in trouble 
for the last three years, and as late as Nov. 6, 1413, he was charged with having said at 
Derby, Tutbury and elsewhere that Lollard opinions were sound and healthy doctrine. 

9 Cleop. E. II. 323. The name does not occur either in Newcourt, ii. 581, or Morant, 
ii. 445. 

10 Rym. ix. 119; Tyler, ii. 383. For Thomas Drayton, appointed Assayer of the Mint 
in 1412, see Wylie, iv. 47. For order for the arrest of John Drayton, kt. (Oxon and 
Berks.), see Pat. 2 H. V, i. 35 d, May 7, 1414. 

11 Not in Lincolnshire, as Goodwin, 32. He exchanged from Dadcote (probably Didcot 
formerly called Dudcot, Lysons, Magn. Brit. Berkshire, p. 272) on Oct. 4, 1410, and again 
on Jan. 6, 1415, Lipscomb, iii. 334. 

12 Wylie, iii. 293. 

272 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

Bothe from Lancashire 1 , John Wickham 2 of Swalcliffe 
near Banbury, Thomas Tickhill 3 from Derby, and Richard 
Colfox 4 , who had been a co-executor with Oldcastle under 
the will of the ex-Lollard knight Lewis Clifford 5 ), and 
other names such as William Parchemener 6 , John Hooper, 
Thomas Sernes 7 , Roger Cheyne 8 of Drayton Beauchamp 9 
and his sons Thomas and John 10 , John Bryan, Thomas 
Eston a London mercer, and one Elys 11 (or Elias) who 
had already taken sanctuary. On Feb. 8, 1414, Sir Roger 

1 Though Waugh (643) supposes that "no county north of Notts and Derby seems to 
have required the attention of the authorities." 

2 For his pardon dated Nov. 6, 1414, see Rym. ix. 170; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 250. 

8 On March 21, 1413, he had been appointed to act as the king's general attorney in 
any of the courts, see Cal. Rot. Pat. 260; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 9. On March 21, 1413, 
Feb. 14, 1415, he is on a commission of the Peace for Derbyshire, ibid. pp. 9, 418. 

4 For pardon to him and restoration of his forfeited lands dated May 23, 1415, see 
Sloane MS. 4600, ff. 306, 311. For his examination at Westminster together with Ralph 
Barton of Coventry and others on Jan. 8, 1414, and his subsequent appearance in court 
at Westminster on Jan. 31, 1414, see Cleop. E. II. f. 304. 

5 Wylie, iii. 296; Lechler, ii. 79; Gairdner, Lollardy, i. 40, 48. The other executors 
were Thomas Berlowe, Walter Gayton and John Andrew. In this capacity they had sold 
to the king a gold morse or clasp (quoddam firmaculum quod vulgariter morsus dicitur, 
cf. Du Cange, iv. 506; Rock, ii. 37; Lee, 228, 279, s.v. Pectoral}, set with precious 
stones, for ^800, half of which sum was to go to the king's grandmother, Joan Countess 
of Hereford (Devon, 323), but 400 marks of this were still unpaid by the king on July 20, 
1413, who however was under a promise to pay it before Michaelmas 1414, Pat. i H. V, 
iii. 34; Rym. ix. 41, July 20, 1413. 

* He may be the same as William Fisher, see page 260, note 3. 

7 Or possibly Serves, see Wylie, iv. 48. In Beaven, 216, Serves Tower is named 
from William Servat, who was Alderman of Walbrook Ward, 1309-1368, Stow, Kings- 
ford, ii. 329; called Cernettes Tower, ibid. i. 266. Not Scute's Tower, as Walcott, 
Westminster, 227, where it is granted to St Stephen's Chapel by Edward III ; Topham, 6. 

8 Bridges, i. 348; Lipscomb, iii. 270. He died in 2 H. V (1414-1415), Inq. p. Mort. 
iv. 7. Waugh (644) calls his "a name of ill omen to the orthodox." For John Cheyne 
de Isnamstede Cheyne (i.e. Chenies or Isenhampstead Cheynes near Amersham, M.P. 
for Bucks, in May, 1413) see Return Parl. i. 278 ; or Isenhamsted Latimer in Inq. p. Mort. 
iii. 102, 296; iv. 232; cf. Dugd. Baronage, i. 297; ii. 33; Lipscomb, iii. 269. Called 
Islamstede Cheyne in Rec. Roll 4 H. V, Mich., Jan. 18, 1417, where he received 40^. $d. 
from the goods of John Angret, parson of Islamstede Latimer, convicted de proditione. 
In Claus. 6 H.V, 17 (1418) John Cheyne is lord of the manor of Isnamstede Cheyne. 
For John Cheyne of Isnamstede, Sheriff of Beds, and Bucks, in 1430, see Sheriffs' List, 2. 
For John Cheyne of Pinhoe near Exeter, 1402, see Cotton and Dallas, iv. 169. 

9 The manor had been granted to Thomas Cheyne, bannerer to Edward III in 1364, 
Lipscomb, iii. 332. For his brass there (1368), see Hewitt, ii. 125 (vii) ; Macklin, 53. 
Also brass of William Cheyne (d. 1375) in Waller; Lipscomb, iii. 332. 

10 For order dated Jan. 18, 1414, committing Roger Cheyne to the Tower, together 
with his son John and John Bryan, see Claus. i H. V, 2 ; Sloane MS. 4600, f. 112. For 
pardon dated Nov. 2, 1414, to John Cheyne, esquire, son and heir of Roger Cheyne of 
Drayton Beauchamp (Bucks.), see Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 20; Claus. 4 H. V, io(Nov. 15, 1416); 
Priv. Seal 665/703, Nov. 15, 1416. 

11 It may have been his son (William Elys' son) who was put in irons in the Tower 
in 1415 for "tales that he had told about the king." It was popularly believed that no 
irons or fetters or locks would hold him, so he was brought out and chained to an iron 
post at the gate of the sheriff's counter in Chepe (i.e. the Poultry counter, Stow, London, 
iii. 50) close to the standard where everybody came to draw water, Chron. Lond. 99. 
For John Elys, mercer of London in 1405 and 1409, see Letter Book I, 44, 81 ; also 
John Elys "yoman taillour" in 1417, ibid. p. 187. 

1414] Quests 273 

Acton was committed to the Tower 1 , and a few days after- 
wards he was hanged at St Giles 2 , and his body, after 
hanging for more than a month 3 , was buried beneath the 
gallows 4 . 

When their work was done in London 5 , Lord Roos 
and some of his fellow-commissioners started to hold 
inquiries in various disaffected parts of the country. They 
sat at Leicester on Feb. 5, at Loughborough on Feb. 6, at 
Oxford on Feb. 20, at Daventry on Feb. 25, at Derby on 
March 8, and at Shrewsbury on June 2O 6 , but of the results 
of these inquiries very scanty records remain. We know 
moreover that Chief Justice Norton was despatched to try 
cases in Devonshire 7 , though nothing is known of the 
outcome. In Buckinghamshire four Lollards from Amer- 
sham and one from Little Missenden were condemned to 
death on Jan. 26, 14 H 8 . In each case the goods of the 
delinquents were confiscated, though small sums varying 
from six to thirteen marks were allowed for maintenance 
to their widows. Somewhat fuller particulars relate to the 
Leicestershire quests. At Loughborough it was proved 
that Thomas lies of Braybrooke near Market Harborough 
had written and distributed bills in favour of Oldcastle 9 , 
and that he had passed some of them on to John Belgrave 
of Leicester, who used his ready tongue against popes, 

1 Claus. i H. V, 3 d; Sloane MS. 4600, f. 1 19; not Jan. 8, as Ramsay, i. 180. Called 
Claus. i H. V, m. 2, in Waugh, 644. 

2 In Cleop. E. II. f. 294, Roger Acton de Salop, (i.e. Shrewsbury) in Comit. Salop, is 
brought up from the Tower on Feb. 9, n, 1414, and condemned to be drawn through 
the city usque novas furcas in campis S. Egidii factas and there hanged, but as he is not 
called miles and it is expressly stated that he owned neither goods, chattels, lands nor 
tenements, it is possible that this is a different man from the knight. 

3 Adhuc stat suspensus, Usk, 121 [301], who says that he was the son of a tiler 
(not a weaver, as Waugh, 641) in Shropshire, who had grown rich by plunder during the 
Welsh wars. 

4 Stow, Chron. 344. Called Rogier Acton, Chevalier de 1'ordre, in Crespin, 25, 
where he is said to have been burnt under an order of the Leicester Parliament. For 
pardon dated Oct. 24, 1414, to John Hertwell, mercer of London, for keeping a cloak of 
cloth of gold belonging to Roger de Acton, kt, attainted and convicted of high treason, 
see Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 19. For a statement that he was hanged naked and that his body 
was taken down for burial by Thomas Cliff, trumpeter to the king, see Dobie, 28. For 
John Cliff, one of the king's minstrels in 1415, see Nicolas, Agincourt, 389. 

5 For Lollards brought coram Rege at Westminster on Jan. 21 and Feb. 6, 1414, see 
Cleop. E. n. ff. 300, 305. 

6 Ibid. ff. 301, 302, 303, 305, 306, 322; Ad Quod Damn. 370. 

7 Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Jan. 25, 1414. 

8 viz. Richard Tumour, Walter Yong, John Horewode and John Fynche, Pat. i 
H. V, v. 24; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 156; Waugh, 645. 

9 Compositor et asportator billarum Johannis Oldcastle, Cleop. E. II. f. 301. 

w. 1 8 

274 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

prelates and clergy, asserting that there had been no proper 
pope since the end of the first century 1 to the present day. 
Such documents as remain are usually records of pardons 
at a later date, but there is every reason to believe in the 
accuracy of the reports that were everywhere current 
throughout Europe to the effect that many of the accused 
paid the penalty with their lives 2 . 

But it was no part of King Henry's policy to fret a 
rankling sore, and as soon as the day of danger was over 
the day of clemency was allowed to begin. On Jan. 23, 
1414, a London fuller named Henry Dene was pardoned 3 . 
On Jan. 30 a pardon was granted to John Ludbrooke an 
ironmonger from Mountsorrel 4 in Leicestershire, who had 
been brought before Lord Roos and condemned to death. 
On Feb. 8 Thomas Chaworth was released from prison by 
order of the Chancellor, while other leading prisoners, viz. 
Beauchamp, Brook, Bothe, Maureward and Tickhill, were 
henceforward relieved from the indignity of being chained 
in cells 5 and were allowed to occupy better rooms within 
the Tower precincts, on finding bail to the amount of 4000 
marks each 6 that they would not attempt to escape, and 
within three months 7 all of them seem to have recovered 
their liberty. On Feb. 15 no less than 106 accused persons 
were pardoned at Chichester 8 and, seeing that accusa- 
tions were multiplying, the king issued a proclamation on 
March 28, 14 14", offering a general pardon to all who 

1 i.e. Clemens Romanus (A.D. 91-100), the third pope on the list after St Peter. 

2 Multos esse interfectos, Vrie (writing at Constance in 1418) in Hardt, i. 127. 

3 Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 162. He had been condemned on Thursday, Jan. n, 1414, 
Pat. i H. V, v. 16; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 160; Waugh, 644. His goods and chattels to 
the value of 50^. were restored to him on Feb. 10, 1414, Pat. i H. V, v. 17. 

4 Called Mounstrell in Pat. i H. V, v. 28. 

8 Waugh (645) thinks that their life in the Tower was " not surrounded with hard- 

6 Richard Whitington was one of the sureties for Beauchamp and William Pelton and 
three other westcountrymen went bail in 1000 marks each for Brook, Claus. i H. V, 
i d, 5 d. 

7 For order dated May 12, 1414, to release Thomas Chaworth, kt, Thomas Tykell, 
William (sic] Cheyne sen., and Henry del Bothe from the Tower, see Sloane MS. 4600, 
f. 287. For William Cheyne, present at Salisbury Sept. ai, 1420, see Claus. 8 H. V, 5. 
For possessions in Lines, and Yorks. of Margaret widow of William Cheyne, formerly 
wife of William Mowbray, see Inq. p. Mort. iv. 45 (7 H. V, i.e. 1419). For John 
Cheyne, kt., of Bucks., as manucaptor of lands of William Cheyne, kt., see Pat. 8 H. V, 
6, Oct. 27, 1420, where his widow is Cecily and the lands are in the custody of Bishop 
Beaufort. In Rec. Roll 8 H. V, Mich., Nov. 29, Dec. 14, 1420, Bishop Beaufort and 
others have custody of the lands in Wiltshire belonging to the heir of William Cheyne, 
kt., defunctus. 8 p at> r H y, v. 9. 

9 Rym. ix. 1 19; Tyler, ii. 383 ; Letter Book I, p. xxi ; Baines, i. 129. For payments 

1414] Pardons 275 

should sue for it before Midsummer Day (June 24), ex- 
cepting those who were already in prison. On May 2O 1 
pardons were granted to 25 Lollards chiefly from the 
Midland counties, the lists including John Angret, parson 
of Iselhampstead Latimers near Chenies in Buckingham- 
shire 2 , six clerks and chaplains 3 , two goldsmiths from 
Coventry and London, a plumber from York, a travelling- 
man, a fletcher from Little Missenden or Wy combe Heath, 
a cooper from Wycombe, a weaver from Cousin Lane in 
London, a scrivener from Shangton in Leicestershire, a 
Coventry glover, a Northampton hosier and other accused 
persons 4 from Blakesley 6 , Daventry, Mildenhall (in Suffolk), 
Bladon near Woodstock, Stanbridge in Bedfordshire and 
Whittington 6 in Leicestershire, and before the end of the 
year many incriminated clerks had been ''remitted to their 
ordinaries " and large numbers of obscure persons, who had 
anything that they could call their own, had made their peace 
and saved their necks by payment of a fine. Lists still 
remaining 7 include the names of bakers, brasiers, carpenters, 

to messengers carrying proclamations of pardon for Lollards, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., 
Feb. 22, 1414. 

1 Rym. ix. 129. For other pardons, see Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 261 ; Waugh, 651, quoting 
Pat. 2 H. V, i. 17; ii. 13, 27. 

3 For an account of Latimers or Iselhampstead Latimers, see Lipscomb, iii. 247, 268. 
See also page 272, note 8. 

3 viz. John Frank, Thomas Joye, Thomas Spencer of Pitsford (Northants.), John 
Walkelyn, John Parlibien of Mountsorrel (Leic.), and John Coulson of Goudeby (? either 
Goadby near Market Harborough, Lewis, ii. 309; or Goadby Marwood near Melton 
Mowbray, spelt Gawdeby, Gauteby, Gouteby in Nichols, Leicestershire, ii. 1194). 

4 Hook (v. 34) adds "honeymongers." 

5 Called Blacolvesley, Blacolvesle, Blaconsle, Blaculveslee, Blacheslewe, Blakcolsle 
in Inq. p. Mort. i. 254; ii. 300, 307; iii. 80, 192, 193, 262, 310; iv. 15; Bridges, i. 164, 
231, 234- 

6 e.g. John Wytheryn of Wydyngton, Rym. ix. 129; cf. Inq. p. Mort. ".93, probably 
Whittington Grange near Markfield. It was part of the manor of Ratby or Whitwick 
and is spelt Wydington, Wyrdington, or Whytington in Nichols, iii. 1112, 1113; iv. 
877, 899. 

7 For pardon dated Sept. 18, 1414, to John Goddeshull of London, parchmynmaker, 
who had been sentenced to be hanged by Wm. Lord de Roos but had been kept in 
Newgate, see Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 27; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 237. Also to Richard Bregg 
(labourer) of Barwell, Thomas Mason of Thurlaston near Hinckley, and John Bryan of 
Wycombe, ibid. i. 2, May 18, June 26, 1414. For pardons dated Dec. 6, 1414, see Rym. 
ix. 194; Tyler, ii. 384; C. E. Maurice, ii. 267. These include John Langacre (mercer) 
of Wycombe, formerly of London, John Parchemyner of Handborough near Woodstock, 
Nicholas Selby (ironmonger) of Leicestershire, Richard Sprotford (carpenter) of Amer- 
sham, Thomas Grey (clerk of Oxford), a Northamptonshire man, John Green (webbe) of 
Chaddesden (near Derby, cf. Inq. p. Mort. i. 49, 116, 142, 296, 309, 332), John Donne 
from Frome in Selwood Forest (Somerset), Robert Hierne of Gnosall (Staffs.), Thomas 
Pelle (cordener) of Colchester, John Garthorpe (scholar) of Oxford, Thomas Blake 
(weaver) of Chester, William Ward (ploughman) of Belton (Leicestershire), and Thomas 
Ydeo? or Idyoz (carpenter) of London. 

18 2 

276 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

cordeners, curriers, drapers, dyers, fullers 1 , glovers, hosiers 2 , 
ironmongers, labourers, mercers, parchmeners 3 , tailors, sad- 
dlers, spurriers, smiths, webs 4 , ploughmen and others chiefly 
from Buckinghamshire, Derby, Leicester, Northampton, 
Oxford and other Midland districts. 

On Jan. 15, 1414', the king attended a solemn service 
in London, where Archbishop Arundel sang a litany and 
recited the prayer for heretics, and processions and thanks- 
givings were ordered to be held three times a week 6 , at 
which the people joined heartily in the hymns of praise 
with three vivas for their conquering king, who had gone 
out against Leviathan 7 and foiled the damned lying counsel 
of Achitophel 8 , and no wonder, says the eulogist, for they 
saw the change that had come over him and they had hope 
that the bad old times had been quite reformed away 9 . 

But Oldcastle himself was still far to seek. It was 
known that he had fled westward 10 and in the thick of the 
panic, viz. on Jan. n, 1414", the king issued a proclama- 
tion 12 offering 1000 marks out of his privy purse 13 to whoever 
should effect his capture, while the town or village that 
should arrest him and give him up should be free of taxes, 
tallages, tenths, fifteenths, and all public imposts for ever. 

At first it was confidently believed in London that the 

1 Cal. Rot. Pat. 262. 

2 For "hosyer" as a designation, see Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 34 d; Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 303; 
Maldon Rolls 8/3 ; Wylie, iv. 273. 

3 For John Warwick of Saddington near Market Harborough, William Mabley 
(parchemener) and other persons of Leicester, see Cleop. E. n. 301. 

4 For webbe (i.e. webster), see Rot. Parl. iii. 112; Pat. 4 H. V, ii. 25 ; Letter Book I, 
p. 7; Cotton and Dallas, v. 136; Waltham Rolls, Feb. 28, 1393; Wylie, iv. 279. For 
webber (tistour, i.e. weaver), see Black Book of Admiralty, ii. 133; cf. tixerant, Piton, 
162; Briele, Doc. iii. 27. For tisseranderie (weaving) at Troyes, see Aufauvre, 51. 

5 Viet. Co. Hist. London, ii. 112, from St Paul's Chapter MSS.; for this reference 
I am indebted to the kindness of Miss E. J. Davis. 

Hist. MSS. Rept. ix. 57; Capgr. De Illustr. 113. 

For Leviathan or Behemoth as the crooked serpent, i.e. the Devil, see Isaiah xxvii. 
i; cf. ipsms leviathan filii perversissimi, Cone. iii. 385; Elmham, Lib. Metr. 158, 159. 

' Defecit Achitophel cum damnato consilio suo falsitatis, Add. MS. 4601/146 (186), 
from Bishop Clifford's Register. 

9 Prisca reformari tempora spes fit eis, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 100. 

Hardyng, 372. Not to the border of Scotland, as Roujoux, ii. 239. For messenger 
with letters to Sir Hugh Luttrell touching his escape, see Devon, 331. Hook (v. 31) 
seems to think that he had come up from Wales for the rising; Holt (Lights, in) that 
he was at St Albans. 

11 Letter Book I, 121; Rym. ix. 90; Cleop. E. n. f. 297; Tyler, ii. 382 ; with Eng- 
hslUranslation in Halliwell, Letters, i. 74; Towle, 272. Not Jan. 9, as Cassell, i. 521. 
. ? r ,^?.' Is ' 8flP ' P aid to messengers for carrying it, see Devon, 330, Feb. 16, 1414. 

13 Wals. 11. 299; Hypodig. 44 8; Halliwell, Letters, i. 74 ; Gaspey, i. 266, 294, 295; 
Tit. Liv., 218. Called mille marcse aiw in Redman, 17. 


Oldcastle an Outlaw 277 

law would very soon make him lout 1 , lolle he never so long; 
but though there was plenty of the usual lawlessness and 
private feuds enough along the Welsh border 2 , yet all 
western England was proof against this bribe and, though 
pardons were afterwards offered 3 to the fugitive, yet he 
would not come in to claim them, but remained in safe 
hiding 4 for four years amongst the fens and forests of his 
native Herefordshire. On Jan. 22, 1414, the sheriffs 5 re- 
ported that Oldcastle was not to be found, but were told to 
bring him up by the ist of July. On Jan. 24" he was put 
in exigent 7 on a charge of treason, his goods were declared 
to be forfeited and inquiries were ordered to be held as to 
the extent of his possessions 8 . On June 7 9 the coroners 
sat at Brentford 10 , but Oldcastle did not appear. He was 
then declared an outlaw; and his lands and tenements were 

1 Pol. Songs, ii. 245; for "lought" or "loute," see Laud Troy Bk. 22, 68, 175, 183, 
263 ; Lydg. Troy Bk. 79, 243 ; Krapp, 74. 

a e.g. inquiry held Feb. 12, 1414, Pat. r H. V, v. 25 d, on complaint of John 
Baskerville, kt., that Richard de la Beere, esquire, collected 100 Welshmen and English- 
men on Dec. 23, 1413, armed with lances, basnets, plates and other armour at Over 
Walshton (now Upper Welson) within the domain of Eardisley, broke into Baskerville's 
house, carried off two of his servants and 80 of his beasts to places unknown, threatening 
never to stop till grass grew where the house then stood. For pardon (July 24, 1414) to 
Thomas fflynteshemde (or Flyntesheinde, Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 236), bailiff of Shobdon, for 
death of Richard Greene of Ledycote (now Ladicot) at Shobdon, see Pat. 2 H. V, 227. 

3 i.e. March 4, 1415, Chron. Lond. 99; Waugh, 652. 

4 Gesta, 5. 

6 i.e. of London and Middlesex, viz. John Sutton and John Mitchell, Letter Book I, 
119, 278; Sheriffs' List, 203. Not Nicholl, as Kingsford, Chron. 69; Greg. Chron. 

6 Rot. Parl. v. 401, 402; Pat. 5 H. V, 26, Apr. 27, 1417; Claus. 6 H. V, 8, Nov. 22, 
1418; Pat. 8 H. V, 18 d, March 4, 1421, where he is John Oldecastell de Couling miles. 
Called Coolynge or Cowlyngein Escheators' Inquisitions, Ser. I. 1008; also Inq. p. Mort. 
iv. 47, 115, 134; Letter Book I, pp. xxi, 133. In Wals. ii. 327 he is quondam dictus 
dominus de Cobham; per uxorem, Usk, 121. In Pat. 2 H. V, i. 17, July 3, 1414, he is 
John Oldcastel Bachiler, though still called a knight in Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 16, Oct. 18, 1414. 
He is called "John Oldcastle" in the will of Margery Norford dated Oct. 31, 1417, who 
leaves to his wife Joan dominae de Cobham librum meum quondam domini de Cobham 
(i.e. probably her grandfather who died in 1408, Wylie, iii. 288), Freshfield, i, 8. 

7 Page 271, note 2; Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 90; in exigendis positus et postmodum utla- 
gatus, Pat. 8 H. V, 18 d, March 9, 1421. Cf. exigend', Stat. ii. 202 ; Murray, Diet., s.v. 

8 For inquisitions held before the escheator of Norfolk at Burnham near Lynn on 
March i, 1414, and at Loddon near Reedham on July 26, see Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 90; 
Rot. Parl. v. 401; Pat. 8 H. V, 18 d; also at Canterbury Feb. 5, 1414, and Cooling 
Feb. 8, 1414, as to his property in Kent, see Escheators' Inquisitions, Ser. I. 1008. 
For writ to the escheator of Northamptonshire July i, 1414, see ibid. 1278, i.e. to Ralph 
Green, who was sheriff of Northants. in the year beginning Nov. 10, 1414, Sheriffs' List, 
93. He was succeeded as escheator by Roger Flore on Nov. 12, 1414, Escheators' In- 
quisitions, 1278. 

9 i.e. Thursday before St Barnabas' Day, Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 90, 546; Rot. Parl. v. 
401 ; Pat. 8 H. V, 18 dors. Not June 14, as Waugh, 651. 

10 Apud Braynford, Cleop. E. n. f. 294 ; Rot. Parl. iv. 108. 

278 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

placed in the hands of his sons-in-law Richard Clitherow 1 
of Kent and Thomas Brook of Somerset 2 , but it was found 
that he had made over all his goods, chattels and other 
moveables to John Prophet 3 , Keeper of the Privy Seal, who 
was a relative of his wife Joan. She was at first arrested 
and thrown into the Tower though subsequently released 4 , 
but although she had an allowance of ^40 per annum 5 , it 
is evident that she was brought to poverty and forced to do 
without the cups and dishes which had dressed her board 

1 For his seal, see Boys, 155, where he is said to be of Golstone, see Wylie, ii. 422 ; 
iii. 293. He was sheriff of Kent in 1403, 1418, Sheriffs' List, 68. Not Cliderson, as 
Bree, 4, 82, from Cotton MSS. Faustina, C. IX; Otho, E. IX (Cliderhou). His name 
appears among the conspirators against H. IV in 1399-1400, Letter Book I, 2; he after- 
wards became alnager of woollen cloth and canvas in the city of London, ibid. p. 84. 
For his property in London yielding loos, per annum in 1412, see Archaeol. Journ. xliv. 
p. 81. On May 29, 1415, he was on a commission for the array of forces in Kent, Rym. 
ix. 253 [255]. He was on a commission for gaol delivery at Maidstone July i, 1416, Pat. 
4 H. V, 26 d. For silver vessels bought from his executors, see Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Mich., 
Nov. 8, 1420. For bailiwick (balliva) of Gartree (Leicestershire) granted to Robert 
(sic) Cliderowe, esquire, see Pat. i H. V, iii. 7, Feb. 17, 1415. For grant of 10 to 
Robert Cliderowe, a varlet of our chamber, from confiscated estate of Thomas Gardyner 
of Brantingthorpe (Leic.) who had killed Alfred Jacob of Brantingthorpe and fled, see 
Pat. 2 H. V, i. 28, May 27, 1414. 

2 Waugh, 651, quoting Escheators' Inquisitions, Ser. i. file 1008, mm. 1-17, 18, 29; 
do. file 1278, m. 10. For 100 received from them on this account and paid over to 
Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, see Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Oct. 23, 1415. See 
also Waugh, 652, from Escheators' Inquisitions, Ser. I. file 959, m. 3; Rym. viii. 331; 
Claus. 5 H. V, m. 15 d, for statement that till March, 1416, the revenues were drawn by 
John ap Harry (for his account as late escheator of Hertfordshire 1402, see Wylie, iv. 
252). In Rec. Roll 4 H. V, Mich., Dec. 19, 1416, March 3, 1417, Thomas Broke has 
custody of Oldcastle's lands in Kent. For the town of Lyme (i.e. Lyme Regis in Dor- 
setshire, not Lynn, as Cal. Rot. Pat. 264) belonging to Thomas Brook and Joan his wife 
(heiress to the Cobham estates, Wylie, iii. 291, 294), see Pat. 3 H. V, i. 18, May 12, 
1415. In Pat. 6 H. V, i. 4 d, July 12, 1418, he is called Thomas Broke of Somerset, junr. 
He was 26 years of age at the time of his father's death in 5 H. V, Collinson, ii. 128. 
For inquisition held at Bristol as to property of his father Thomas Brook, kt., see Claus. 
6 H. V, ii, Dec. 5, 1418, where the wife's name is Joan. He was patron of the livings 
of Bagborough near Taunton (1402) and Kingston (i.e. Kingston-Pitney) near Yeovil 
(1404), see Holmes, Reg. 35, 53. For John Broke, collector of the subsidy in Kent, 
see Rec. Roll 4 H. V, Mich., Feb. 25, 1417. 

3 See App. A 1 . 

4 Bayley, 307, quoting Claus. 5 H. V, m. 7, also m. 18, for "a great many other 
persons." Cf. Britton and Brayley, 31. 

6 From the revenues of her manors of Ashby David (i.e. Castle Ashby near North- 
ampton, which came to her through her second husband Reginald Braybrooke, Bridges, 
i- 34 2 ) Chesbury (or Chisebury, Inq. p. Mort. iv. 38, probably Chisenbury in the parish 
of Enford near Pewsey, Hoare, Everley, 16, where it is supposed to belong to Lord 
Cobham of Starborough), and Bynknall (Wilts.) and Burnham (Norfolk), Escheators' 
Inquisitions, Ser. I. 1278. For the manor of Foisted Hall in the parishes of Burnham 
Norton and Burnham Westgate (or Burnham Market), near Wells at the entrance of the 
Wash in Norfolk, held by Reginald Braybrook in 1401 in right of his wife Joan, see 
Blomefield, vii. 16, 33, 34. It must have originally come to her with the manor of 
Burnham from her first husband, Robert Hemenhall, who was then water-bailiff of 
\\ iggenhall and gauger of Lynn, see Wylie, iii. 290. For Robert Hemnale, one of the 
men-of-arms in the retinue of Sir William Phelip at Southampton in July, 141 A, see Exch. 
Accts. 44/30 ( 4 ). 

1414] " They came to hear their Preacher" 279 

in happier days 1 . On Oct. 18, 141 4 2 , she was allowed 
the use of a hostel in London that had been part of her 
original dower 3 and some of her husband's goods to 
the value of 10 marks per annum, for which favour she 
had herself petitioned. But for all this there was no 
sign from Oldcastle himself nor any hint of any coming 

The suddenness with which the movement had burst 
and blown itself away was noted by contemporaries 4 , but 
Protestants writing in the sixteenth century made use of 
this very fact to minimise the gravity of the whole occur- 
rence, as a groundless panic cunningly worked up to crush 
out a handful of innocent, though troublesome, sectaries. 
Some attempted to exonerate Oldcastle by laying all the 
blame on Acton 5 , while others represented that it was only a 
matter of 20 or 30 simple unoffending religionists, who had 
merely met quietly in the ordinary way in St Giles' Field 
to hear Beverley preach, and this view continued for a long 
time to be the popular one with writers of a much later 
date 7 . 

1 Dum agebat in prosperis, Wylie, iii. 295, note 4. Cf. our substance seized unto his 
highness' use even to the garments hanging to our backs, Drayton, Oldcastle, 340. 

2 Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 1 6. 

3 Probably Cobham's Inn in the parish of St Dunstan-in-the-East (called now East 
Cheap in Kingsford, First Life, p. xlii), Inq. p. Mort. iv. 38. In the Subsidy Roll of 
1412 dominus de Cobbeham owns property in London yielding ^9. \$s. ^d. per annum, 
Archaeol. Journ. xliv. 59. 

4 Qui nobis de pluribus inimicorum praedictorum repente tutelam concessit et vic- 
toriam, Rym. ix. 119; confestim absque tumultu hujus rumoris patefacto, Vita, 31; to 
shape sodeyn surreccioun, Pol. Songs, ii. 247. 

5 Redman, 23; Fabyan, 578; Rastell, 247; Halle, 48; see also Trussel, 94 ; Weever, 
Oldcastle, 232 ; C. E. Maurice, ii. 268. 

6 Cf. "20 men," Cotton, Abridg. 554; State Trials, i. 255; only 80, of whom 20 were 
killed, Tyrrell, i. 286; "about 80 persons," Historians' Hist, xviii. 528; "about 100," 
Pennant, London, 180. 

7 Holinsh. iii. 544; Foxe, iii. 351, 359; Speed, 769; Echard, 182; Rapin, i. 507 (who 
adds : "unhappily they had brought arms, &c.") ; Gilpin, 31-34 ; Lewis, 251 ; Pauli, v. 88 ; 
"a religious assembly for the worship of God," Kennett, i. 311 ; "met for religious pur- 
poses," Tyrrell, i. 286 [167] ; " made a practice of assembling in St Giles' Fields, the scene 
of their devotion," Guthrie, ii. 449 (who however is far more critical than his predecessors 
in his general estimate of the movement) ; " a few poor Lollards assembled probably for 
praise and prayer," Carrick, 221. Goodwin, 32, thinks that "it is not the work of a 
historian to dispute" and so he refers his readers to Foxe. See also Milner, iii. 323; 
Tyler, ii. 381. Church (150) thinks that "the insurrection which is said to have been made 
by some of Oldcastle's friends is a matter involved in great mystery." Cf. " whether 
Oldcastle were concerned with these men or not which is doubtful," Anglia, v. u; 
"And meet in fields and solitary groves," Drayton, Oldcastle, 32 1 ; " an insignificant rout," 
Andrews, ii. 16; "only a few persons," Aubrey, ii. 40; "a series of supposition, rumour, 
private information, apprehension and anticipation, but that the plots were really formed 
there is no evidence," S. Turner, ii. 451, 453, 472; H. Noel, 25; "the outbreak, or 
suspected outbreak," Milman, Annals, 89; "a pretended conspiracy," Dobie, -26; 

280 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

But though the official statement that 20,000 Lollards 
assembled under arms in St Giles' Field 1 may possibly 
be exaggerated and the belief current abroad that the 
whole kingdom was betrayed outright 2 will not stand 
the test of close examination, yet there can be no doubt 
that at the time the peril was extremely urgent and that 
the conservative forces in England had reason to thank 
the new king's promptness and decision for rescuing the 
country from a very real and active form of danger. 

As to the king no words were strong enough for the 
churchmen to express their gratitude. He was the lock 
and key of Albion's health 3 , the very pillar of her faith 4 . 
To him they looked as to Christ's champion and God's 
holy knight, the worthy bearer of the sword of the Lord 5 
preserved by God to be the mighty wall of Holy Church, 
her guardian and defence against her mortal foes 6 . The 
University of Oxford belauded him as a Constantine, a 
Marcian, a Theodosius, a Maccabaeus come back to life 

Clinch, 40; "a sort of insurrection," Tyrrell, Hist. 166; die angebliche Verschworung, 
Lechler, ii. 91. Knight (ii. 54) thinks that the "rumoured plot" was "a gross exag- 
geration of some indiscreet assemblies for the purpose of petition " ; Historians' History, 
xviii. 527; Bright (i. 289) that Oldcastle's connection with the rising is " very slightly 
supported by evidence"; Tyrrell, i. 286 [167], that it seems most likely that he had 
nothing to do with it ; "the so-called rising," Besant, Survey (i. 105), who thinks (p. 104) 
that it was "no more a plot than any fabricated by Titus Gates." Cf. "the conspiracy, 
if conspiracy there were, had for its sole object the mitigation of the penal laws against 
the preachers and receivers of Wycliffe's doctrine," Historians' Hist, xviii. 528. Cassell 
(i. 520) thinks that "over the whole of these transactions there hangs a veil of impene- 
trable mystery," and finds that "this unaccountable affair" (ibid. i. 521) wears "so wild, 
so misty and so inconsistent an aspect" that he can only conclude that "the bishops con- 
certed the plan and probably themselves disseminated the summonses to the meeting," 
but that "there is not the slightest evidence of the complicity of Lord Cobham"; also 
Lechler, ii. 94 [459] ; Workman, i. 265. 

1 Rot. Parl. iv. 108, 109; Rym. ix. 170, 193; Cleopatr. E. II. 294; Foxe, iii. 368, who 
argues (iii. 351, 352, 362, 370) that there cannot have been so many because the names 
of only three (!) are known; so also Fuller, Hist. ii. 416, who calls it a "story clogged 
with much improbability," which appears to have had no foundation whatever; see 
Dobie, 27; Aubrey, ii. 40. Prynne actually altered the figures on the Roll to 20 (!), 
Cotton, Abridg. 554; cf. Waugh, 646. Collier (iii. 324) replies to Foxe and thinks that he 
"does but discover the strength of his wishes and the bias of his inclination." 

Hoccl. Min. Po. 48; Anglia, v. 20. 

4 Hoccl. Min. Po. 41 ; Chaucer (S.), vii. 233. 

8 Qui digne portat gladlum Domini, from Confutatio Lollardorum addressed to Henry V 
by John Barton medicus, in All Souls MS. xlii. f. 308; Coxe, ii. 13; Diet. Nat. Biogr. 
iii. 346. 

5 Lydgate, Min. Po. 34. It is clear that the prince addressed is Henry V, and I in- 
cline to think that Hoccleve may be the author, though MacCracken (Lydgate Canon, 
p. xii) prefers Lydgate. 

i4 I 4] " Chris fs Champion" 281 

again in whom God had raised up the horn of his Christ 1 , 
and they prayed that every bishop should be deposed who 
showed any slackness in hunting the heretics down 2 . Men 
cried to him to go forth and hold up Christ's banner. They 
shrank from the mere thought of what might have happened 
to the folk of good belief had his affection bent to the 
wrong part 3 . Let no false pity make him spare his sword 4 
but kill the buzzard that had marked his people for its 
prey 5 . God bade him smite, as Samuel did with Agag and 
Elijah with the priests of Baal. Let vigour hold the scales 
and let his lode-star be Christ's cause first and death to the 
enemies of God. Destroy them in spite of any feigned 
repentance, for they war on their own mother whom they 
should obey 6 . Then would they pray that he might reign 
for many a million years 7 , and in such a fervour of blood- 
thirstiness they pressed for a law to be passed forbidding 
all public discussion of the faith 8 where heaps of men were 
blind and halt 9 , lest the fickle fiend, if left unchecked, should 
catch his hour and plunge this island back in heathen- 
ness 10 . 

So when the Parliament met at Leicester three months 
after the rising had been crushed 11 , a drastic statute was 

1 Cone. Hi. 360. 

2 Cf. Qui pugiles estis fidei populisque praeestis 

Non horum gestis ignes prohibere potestis. Pol. Songs, ii. 128. 
A Kyng set in that wrong opinioun 
Might of our feith be the subversioun. 

Hoccl. Min. Po. 48; Anglia, v. 20. 
4 Feyned fals pitee, Lydg. Min. Po. 34. 
6 Ibid. 32. 

And althirnexte thi knyghtly state preserve. Ibid. 34. 
Regne on us yeares many a millioune. Hoccl. Min. Po. 48. 
Commandith that no wight have hardiness 
Of the feith to despute more or lesse 
Openly among peple where errour 
Springith al day and engendrith rumour 
Makith swiche lawe and for aght may befalle 
Observe it wel. Ibid. 42; Chaucer (S.), vii. 234. 
Cf. Despute no more of the sacrament 

And of our feith noon argumentis meene. 

Hoccl. Min. Po. 42 ; Anglia, v. 27 ; James, 144. 

In this respect he is hailed as the "heir and successor of Justinian," see Chaucer (S.), 
vii. pp. xli, 233, 502. 
9 Lydg. Min. Po. 33. 

This yle or this had been but hethenesse 
Nad been of your feith the force and vigour. 

Hoccl. Min. Po. 42; Chaucer (S.), vii. 234. 

11 Not that the rising was the result of the passing of the Leicester statute, as Goldwin 
Smith, i. 256. 

282 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

passed which placed all the civil power of the country at 
the disposal of the Church for the detection and uprooting 
of Lollardry 1 . By this it was enacted 2 that every secular 
official from the Chancellor downward, including mayors, 
baillies and all other officers " having governance of the 
people" should take an oath on entering upon his term 
of office 8 that he would put his whole pain and diligence 
to destroy every kind of heresy and error in the district 
over which he exercised control, the bishops paying for 
his services 4 . The secular officers were henceforward 
empowered to question any Lollard as to who had sup- 
ported him or favoured him, or written out his books or 
sermons, or attended his schools or conventicles, and to 
have such persons at once arrested and examined within 
ten days, either in the secular or Christian courts according 
to the nature of the charges brought against them 8 , and 
any such accused person who should break bail or escape 
from prison should forfeit everything that he possessed. 

At Cambridge there was much heated discussion as to 
the new statute, but on Sept. 17, 1414, the Chancellor, 
Stephen Scrope 6 , was summoned to appear before the 
Convocation which was to meet at St Paul's on Oct. i, 
and we hear no more of any difficulty in that quarter. 
On July 28, 141 4 7 , commissions were issued to all the 

1 See App. B 1 . 

2 Rot. Parl. iv. 24; Stat. ii. 181; Cone. iii. 359; Stafford Reg. p. xi; Foxe, iii. 353; 
Hale, i. 399; Collier, iii. 309; Guthrie, ii. 453 (who calls it "an infamous Act driven on 
by Henry's bloody jealousy of the Lollards' civil principles"); Hume, iv. 40; Lingard, 
iii. 238; Tyler, ii. 7 ; Sharpe, London, i. 235; Letter Book I, pp. xxi, 130. Not that it 
applied only to judges and justices, as Ollard-Crosse, 337. It is officially referred to as 
the Statute of Leicester contra Lollardos in Pat. 8 H. V, 20 d, July 3, 1420. 

3 For a suggestion in this sense made by the University of Oxford in this year (1414) 
which seems to fix the date of the document as prior to May 29, 1414, see Cone. iii. 365. 

4 Les princes doivent mettre leurs officiers a son service (i.e. 1'Inquisition) et permettre 
la violation perpetuelle des lois civiles dont ils ont la garde afin d'assurer le triomphe de 
sa legislation particuliere, Molinier, 458. This was the essential provision of the statute 
of Leicester, Stephen, ii. 450, corresponding with the edict of the Emperor Frederic II 
at his coronation at Rome, Nov. 22, 1220, Gregorovius, v. 122; Zeller, v. 195; Ollard- 
Crosse, 271. For the irregular statute of 1382 which empowered the sheriffs to arrest 
preachers of heresy, but which never received the assent of the Commons, see Stat. ii. 25 ; 
Hallam, 509; Creighton, Essays, 197. 

5 Not that "whoever read the scriptures should be condemned as a heretic," as Bale, 
275; Goodwin, 39; H. Morley, vi. 139; Brougham, 92, 381 (who thinks that such pro- 
posals were presented but defeated); also Towle, 284: disproved in Gasquet, Bible, 140. 

6 Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 417; Wylie, ii. 195. 

7 Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 32 d, &c. The names include the Earl of Westmoreland and his 
son John Nevil for Cumberland, the Earl of Dorset and Thomas Waterden for Lynn, 
William Ferrers of Groby, Lord Grey of Codnor, John Cokayne, Thomas Maureward 

1414] The Leicester Statute 283 

influential men in every county throughout England to 
act as Justices of the Peace for carrying out the provisions 
of this new statute and the fact that the names of ex- 
Lollards, such as Thomas Erpingham and Thomas Maure- 
ward, should be found in the list shows clearly that all 
chance of support from the landed classes was closed to 
the heretics at least for the present generation. Indeed 
a Franciscan, Thomas Brampton, writing in this very year 
is clear that the king will now destroy all heretics, and 
prays to God that England's knighthood may never be 
lost in treason and subtlety 1 . 

A modern writer has denounced the Leicester statute 
as " legislation of iron 2 ," but in its own day it was officially 
described as "good and necessary 3 ." It certainly served 
its purpose quite effectually, and in the opening years of 
the following reign it was an Englishman's favourite boast 
that their great King Henry had ''voided all cockle far 
out of Sion 4 " and that "in this lande no lollard dare 
abide 5 ." It may be well therefore to look for a moment 
at the means whereby these notable results were ob- 

The earliest known heresy case undertaken after the 
passing of the statute is preserved in a record 6 of the trial 
of a batch of Lollards at Bristol. One of the accused was 
a woman named Christina More of Bristol, and the others 
include a dauber, a mustard-maker, a barber, a dyer and a 
web. The proceedings are instructive. All of the suspects 
had been imprisoned for their Lollardry, but they were all 
released on June 29, 1414, only to be brought before Bishop 
Bubwith on July 5 following, in the parish church of his 

(page 271, n. 4) and Henry Nevil for Leicestershire, William Gascogne (page 17), Robert 
Mauleverer, Henry Fitzhugh, and Robert Tyrwhit for Ripon and Beverley; the Earl of 
Arundel, Robert Poynings, and John Pelham for Surrey ; John Talbot (page 64), Roger 
Leche, and William Curson for Derbyshire; Richard Norton and John Hals for Yar- 
mouth ; the Duke of York, the Earls of Dorset and Suffolk, Thomas Morley, Thomas 
Erpingham, and Simon Felbrigge for Norfolk. 

1 Brampton, pp. vii, 33, 34. Cf. 

All day we se in trust is tresoun 
And preysing prevyd sotylte. Ibid. 31. 

2 Une legislation de fer, H. Martin, vi. 3. For its repeal in 1547, see Stat. iv. 
pt. I. 19. 

3 Bones et necessaries leies, Rot. Parl. iv. 94. 

4 Pol. Songs, ii. 143. 

5 Lydgate, Tragedies, Prologue; Vickers, 392. 
8 Cotton MS. Cleop. E. n. 324. 

284 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

manor at Ban well 1 near Weston in Somerset. Here the 
Bishop explained to them in English all about the articles 
of the Faith, the Ten Commandments, the seven Sacra- 
ments, the seven Works of Pity and the seven Cardinal 
Virtues, and asked them what they thought; and they said 
that they thought well and catholicly 2 on all these great 
subjects and had never thought anything else. He next 
took them on the seven Deadly Sins and they said that 
they ought to be avoided by every Christian man and their 
answers were considered to be sound 3 . They were then 
asked on their oath whether they had ever been Lollards 
or had ever read any Lollard books or heard them read, or 
given any counsel, help, consent, or favour to anyone who 
had read them and whether the rumours about their being 
Lollards were true or not, and they all said that the rumours 
were not true and offered to purge themselves at the hands 
of a jury at any time or place that the Bishop chose to 
select. So the Bishop appointed July 23 as the day, and 
the church of St Thomas the Martyr 4 on the south side of 
the Avon at Bristol as the place, for the compurgation, and 
notices were given out in that church and the neighbouring 
churches of Redcliffe 5 and the Temple 6 at Bristol that any 
man who would like to inform against them should attend 
for the purpose there and then. The day arrived and the 
accused were ready in the church. The Bishop was there 
and the Mayor and Sheriffs and a great multitude of others. 
Twelve Bristol citizens were sworn in as a jury but no in- 
former appeared, so the accused all took an oath on the 
Gospels that they would abstain from heresy in future and 
that if any of them should ever know of any Lollard after- 
wards, he would instantly inform against him and then they 
were, somewhat illogically, put back into prison for another 
six months and not actually set at liberty till Feb. 6, 1415. 

1 For letters dated from Ban well by Bishop Bowet in 1405, 1406, see Holmes, Reg. 
pp. xxii, 58. For palace built at Banwell by Bishop Beckington now in ruins, see Collin- 
son, iii. 567. 

2 Bene et catholice. Cf. First Life, 18. 

3 Cum congruis et catholicis responsionibus. 

4 For account of the church, see Barrett, 557. 

6 For St Mary Redcliffe church, built by William Canynges in 1376, see Ricart, 36; 

Barrett, 566. For commission Aug. 2, 1408, from the Chancellor of Wells to the Dean and 

the Chaplain of Redcliff to forbid unlicensed preachers in Bristol, see Holmes, Reg. 75. 

For the Temple Church, otherwise Holy Cross (Sanctae Crucis Templi), see Barrett 

541 ; Seyer, ii. 44 . 

1414] Bristol 285 

On Feb. 25, 1415, their purgation was declared to be suffi- 
cient and they were restored to their good reputation, so far 
as that was possible. But it is evident that they were all 
kept under observation, for when special vigilance was being 
exercised two or three years afterwards, certificates of these 
proceedings were called for by the king's officers 1 and ex- 
tracts were made from the bishop's registers accordingly, 
but whether the necessary informers came forward against 
them then, we do not now know. The whole process looks 
as if no shadow of evidence could be produced against any 
one of them, unless indeed we are to assume that the whole 
population of Bristol was so infected with the taint of heresy 
that not a man could be found to offer a word of informa- 
tion. Certainly, if such had been forthcoming, it would have 
gone hard indeed with them, as the following authentic 
narrative will abundantly show. 

In St Martin's Lane, in the parish of St Anne's near 
Aldersgate, lived a welUto-do pelterer 2 named John Clay- 
don 3 , who furred gowns 4 in the City of London. He had 
been known as a sympathiser with Lollardry for the last 
20 years 5 . In the time of Bishop Braybrooke 6 he had un- 
dergone two years imprisonment on this account in Conway 
castle and a subsequent term of three years in the Fleet 
prison in London, but early in the reign of Henry IV, 
when Sawtre had been burned 7 , Clay don recanted before 

1 Cleop. E. n. 323, from Coram Rege Roll 23 (5 H. V), contains the king's letter to 
the Vicar of Bishop Bubwith dated June 23, 1417, asking for the certificate within 20 days 
after Michaelmas. This was forwarded on Oct. 4, 1417, but as it said nothing about 
Christina More, a further request was made for information on the decision in her case, 
to be sent in by Jan. 20, 1418. 

2 Chron. Lond. 99; Short Chron. 55; Cal. Rot. Pat. Richard II, iii. 159, where he 
appears as a surety on tune 3, 1386; Foxe, iii. 375. Cf. Pelletiers qui doivent fourrer les 
vetements, Cuissard, 63. Called a currier in Foxe, iii. 530; Riley, Mem. 618; Sharpe, 
London, i. 256; Letter Book I, xxi. 139; Besant, Survey, i. 105; or a skinner in Kings- 
ford, Chron. 69; Greg. Chron. 108; Tyler, ii. 396 ; a fellmonger, Aubrey, ii. 41 ; a furrier, 
Tyrrell, i. 287 [168]; Lechler, ii. 96; Carrick, 222. 

3 Cone. iii. 371; Milman, Ann. 89; or Cleydone, Letter Book I, 139, 140. 

4 For a "hoppelande chevronnee d'or fourree de gris a dix tires" (1415), see Gamier, 
Invent. 617. 

8 Inveteratus Lollardus, Wals. ii. 307, who calls him William Claydon ; also Collier, 
iii. 312; Brougham, 80; Victoria Co. Hist. London, ii. 218, 220. Called William Cley- 
don in Gairdner, Lollardy, i. 88. 

6 He was Bishop of London from 1381 to 1404, Le Neve, ii. 293. 

7 For supposition that the Statute of 1401 was passed "without the consent of the 
Commons " and was therefore not legally enacted, see Brute, Thorpe, &c. p. 9 ; Aubrey, 
Rise, ii. 7 ; Pauli, Bilder, 275 [303]. But there is no foundation for this view, see Hallam, 
510; Hale, i. 397; Wylie, i. 190; the real fact is that Sawtre was burned before the 
statute was passed, see Hale, i. 396; Gardiner, 292; Stephen, ii. 447; Wakeman, 153; 

286 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

the chancellor, John Scarle 1 , and two years later he abjured 
again before Archbishop Arundel and the Southern Convo- 
cation, though he never really turned his heart away from 
the doctrines that his conscience told him were true. He 
absented himself from his parish church 2 , and when his wife 
recovered from her lying-in, he did the churching for her in 
his own house 3 . He had lately heard a sermon preached 
in the fields at Horsleydown 4 on the other side of London 
bridge, in which the Pope was called the worst Antichrist 5 , 
sowing his rotten laws on the top of the laws of Christ. 
The preacher called the bishops the seats on which the 
beast sat in the foul darkness of error and said they should 
only be obeyed when they watched over the souls of their 
flocks in holy conversation. Their licence to preach was 
but the mark of the beast, while simple faithful priests did 
not need it and were bound to preach in spite of it. 

John Clay don's heart was stirred as he listened to the true 
Wycliffe ring 6 , that told that those alone were predestined 
members of the Church who kept faith and charity in word 
and deed ; that followers of Jesus Christ would humbly 
worship God in a plain simple house 7 and not in gaudy 
churches decked with gold and silver and precious stones 8 
and grounded in poor men's blood ; that all the evils from 
which Christendom was suffering were caused by the priests 

Gee- Hardy, 138; Workman, i. 259, 306; Capes, 180; Maitland, 176, 177; Qllard-Crosse, 
271; Wylie, i. 186. Not "in accordance with it," as Tyrrell, p. xi; Adams, i. 207; 
Towle, England, 154; Tout, 256; Oman, Hist. 215; do. R. II-R. Ill, 171; Historians' 
Hist, xviii. 521; Snow, 51 (who dates the statute in 1400, also Knopfler, 462; Stephen, 
ii. 447); Loserth, Gesch. 540; J. M. Stone, 51; Durham, 3. Besant, Survey, i. roo, 
thinks that Sawtre was " chosen as the first victim on account of his personal popularity." 

1 Not Searle, as Cone. iii. 371; Maiden, 72; Foxe, iii. 531; Tyler, ii. 396, 398; 
Lechler, ii. 96. See Wylie, i. 28. 

2 For major excommunication threatened against cobblers for staying away from mass 
on Sundays, see Cone. iii. 218; Milman, Ann. 82. In 1409 the Bishop of Orleans ex- 
communicated and put en la compagnie du diable all citizens who shot rubbish (ordures, 
grcwois ou autre immondices) outside the Paris gate at Orleans, but the Duke's officers 
interfered and prevented it, Lottin, i. 178. 

3 Wals. ii. 307, who says that he made his son the priest, which can scarcely mean 
"giving Holy Orders to his son," as Brougham, 80; cf. Gairdner, Loll. i. 88. 

4 Then known as Horsedown or Horsefaldown, Riley, Mem. 474. Not Hothfield 
near Ashford, as Lechler, ii. 99. 

5 See Church Quart. Rev. xlviii. 414; Camb. Hist. Lit. ii. 56; Wylie, iii. 431. 
See App. X; Wylie, iii. 431-433. 

7 Christ our poor lord hath hallowed the house of our poverty, Brute, Thorpe, 
&c. 156. 

8 Many deceive men's eyes with envious churches and many vain staring sights in 
their churches ; many build arches and pillars they pave with marble stones, the beams 
glister all with gold, the altars are diversely arrayed with precious stones, Brute, Thorpe, 
&c. 156; Cone. iii. 374; Foxe, iii. 533. 

1414] The "Lantern of Light" 287 

possessing worldly goods and the friars' illegal beggary'; 
that alms must only be given out of honest winnings and 
to persons who were really and genuinely in need 1 ; that 
instead of all this unscriptural singing in church the priests 
ought to be busy studying how to preach Christ's law 2 ; 
that indulgences and pilgrimages were useless, and that no 
Christian should bow to any image or worship it in any way 3 . 
The sermon was in English and formed part of a book 
called "The Lantern of Light 4 ," a copy of which was printed 
a hundred years later 5 by Robert Redman in the days of 
the struggle between Henry VIII and the Pope, and 
although this copy is now very scarce, the -text was re-issued 
in a cheap form some 80 years ago 6 , so that we are now 
able to estimate the real contents upon which the con- 
demnation of Claydon was based. The book had evidently 
been quite recently composed and soon attained a wide 
popularity 7 . Its very words were used by Oldcastle before 
his judges, and the crowds of Bible texts quoted in the 
English tongue prove that we have here a living specimen 
of the straight blunt talk of one of Wycliffe's "poor priests 8 ." 
The book contains a distinct reference to the new consti- 
tutions which had been promulgated in 1407", whereby 
churches were interdicted and preachers examined unless 
they bore the mark of the beast 10 , who "busily spies and 
hearkens where he may find any man or woman that writes, 
reads, learns or studies God's law in their mother tongue 11 ," 
constraining them to swear and lay their hands on books 

1 Feed many wretches as strong stiff beggars and strikers over the land and groaners 
without cause that need not their goods, yea to minstrels and jugglers and other vain japers 
they deal largely their goods and call it alms, Brute, Thorpe, &c. 164. 

2 They preach chronicles with dreamings and many helpless tales that are of no avail, 
ibid. 164. 

3 Ibid. 179. 

4 Qui erat scriptus in libro illo, Cone. iii. 372. Not "one of Wycliffe's writings," as 
Aubrey, ii. 41. 

5 i.e. between 1523 and 1540. 

6 Brute, Thorpe, &c. pp. 141-188. 

The lanterne of lyghte 

Non fulget luce serena. Pol. Songs, i. 278. 

8 Called "illiterate and crude fanatics," in J. M. Stone, 43; but "a new order as 
distinctly a creation as the Dominicans and Franciscans " in Church Quart. Rev. xlviii. 
425, where they are supposed to have been "suppressed without any sign of popular 
regret." In Camb. Hist. Lit. ii. 57, their only qualifications are " simple piety, a love of 
the Scriptures and a readiness to preach." 

9 Page 242, note i. 

10 Brute, Thorpe, &c. 149; Cone. iii. 379; Foxe, iii. 53-2. 

11 Brute, Thorpe, &c. 149, 177. 

288 The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

and then putting them to open shame, and if they leave 
his bidding, he saith by law they are relapsed 1 and after- 
ward the knights of Herod's house are full ready to make 
an end 2 . u Whereto," exclaims the writer 3 , "make ye 
shrines for saints and yet ye draw, hang and burn those 
that hold the way of Christ and follow after them 4 ?" But 
" tribulations that bruise us down in this wretched world " 
do but "constrain us to go to God. If we would have the 
kernel, we must needs break the nut. We must needs suffer 
travail, if we will come to rest, and pain, if we will come to 
bliss. He is a false coward knight that fleeth and hideth 
his head when his Master is in the field beaten among his 
enemies, and if we become not renegades for pain that may 
befall, but think on Christ's passion that assuages all heavi- 
ness, then are we most clear-worthy and worthy highest 
merit. Join we then the cross of Christ to our bare flesh, 
that our part may be found among those holy saints who 
willingly forsook themselves and joyed in tribulation." 
From end to end the book contains not one word of 
political sedition, the whole being one torrent of protest 
against the enemy that clouts his laws as rotten rags to the 
clean cloth of the gospel of Christ 5 . 

Hundreds of uneasy Englishmen must have been lulling 
their souls with the common cry that it was enough for 
them to live as their fathers did 6 , and that it was much 

1 Brute, Thorpe, &c. 176. 

J Ibid. 160. Cf. Wylie, Constance, p. 168. 

For William Hardy, curate of Barling near Southend, as its possible author, see 
Brute, Thorpe, &c. p. 159. Nothing is known of him in Newcourt, ii. 36; Morant, i. 
308, but he may be the same as William Hardy, who had been vicar of Skidbrook near 
Louth in Lincolnshire, also of St Mary, Islington, from Sept. 21, 1395, to Jan. 1397, 
id of Measden near Buntingford, from Jan. 17, 1397, to March 21, 1398, Cussans, Ed- 
wmstree, 133. He afterwards became rector of Ash in Kent, where he is said to have 
been reported a Lollard in 1407, Hennessy, 230, cvii. 
4 Brute, Thorpe, &c. 159. 
' Ibid. 144, 164; Cone. iii. 374; Foxe, iii. ^32. 

Brute, Thorpe, &c. 177. Cf. Stand therefore in thy degre and hye thingis desire 
thou not, Misyn, 15; Wylie, iii. 204. Cf. 

For holy saints and old clerkys wise 
Written contrary her falseness to defame. 

_, Lydgate in Monast. (1773), iii. 374. 

Translating: Les liyres que firent jadis 

rf Les sains le monstrent en beaux dis. Dufour (le Cordelier). 

Let us therfore beleve as we are bounde. 

Lydg. Min. Po. 99. 
Muse not hereon 

To hys doctryne all crystyn men must obeye. Ibid. 104. 
*or argument that the Feast of Fools came to us from our fathers and that il nous 

14*5] John Clay don 289 

folly to be burnt for false belief 1 , but to Claydon the fear- 
less rhetoric of the " Lantern " came deeply home. He 
was so carried away by it that he got a scrivener 2 named 
John Grime 3 to write him out a copy on calfskin membranes, 
which he had nicely bound in red leather. He was no 
scholar and could not read himself, but he had a servant 
named John Fuller, who would often read aloud parts of 
the book for him on holidays when nothing was doing in 
the shop ; and when Grime brought in the last quires and 
sat with Fuller reading and correcting them from eight in 
the morning till dusk on mid- Lent Sunday, 1415, Claydon 
sat by and asked questions and said that he would gladly 
have paid three times as much for the book rather than miss 
the chance of having such a treasure in his own possession. 
He was often visited by two Lollard friends, Richard 
Gurmyn 4 a frenchbaker 5 from Lombard Street, and a man 
named Montford, who came and talked over the book and 
discussed the "articles of the faith." But besides this he 
had two apprentices named Saunder (i.e. Alexander) Philip 
and David Berde, aged 15 and 23 years respectively, who 
lived in his house and took their meals at his table 6 , and 
two other servants who did the menial work. None of these 
could read, but they listened to Fuller, and in the spring 
of 1415 Philip, the younger of the two apprentices, after 
2f years spent with Claydon passed over to finish his time 
with a mercer named Thomas Fauconer 7 , who became 
Mayor of London in October, I4I4 8 , so that he was the 

suffit de vivre comme eux, see Feret, iv. 115, where it is condemned as un argument 
diabolique et une infernale suggestion. 

1 Pol. Songs, ii. 243. 2 See App. C 1 . 

3 Not that Grime was the author of the book, as Goodwin, 164, which is still entered 
under his name in the catalogue of the British Museum. 

4 Letter Book I, 180. Not Surmyn, as Riley, Mem. 630; Chron. Lond. 99; Tyrrell, 
i. 287 [168]; called Turmyn in Gregory, Chron. 108; or Turmyne, Ramsay, i. 227 (who 
says that he was condemned but afterwards pardoned) ; Waugh, 653, who calls him 
William Turmyne; or Turming, Foxe, iii. 530; Brute, Thorpe, &c. 139; or George 
Gurmyn, Cleop. E. n. 322 b; Tyler, ii. 394, 401; Letter Book I, 1 80, quoting Pipe Roll 
3 H. V; or Richard Gurnion, Mon. Francisc. ii. 165; or Gurmon, Grey Friars Chron. 
13; or Gutmyn, Short Chron. 55 ; or Turning, Carrick, 222. 

5 Hence called Richard Baker in Kingsford, Chron. 69; Caxton, 225. 

6 See App. D l . 

7 For his trade mark, see Wylie, iv. 305, note 2. For merchants' marks at Leicester, 
see Bateson, n. Ixxx; at Coventry, Bloom, 184; at Ypres, Claus. 8 H. V, 12; in London 
(coopers), Besant, Survey, ii. 178/14; Hazlitt, Companies, 436; also on brasses, 
Macklin, 162. 

8 Letter Book I, 130; Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., May 2, Sept. 3, 1415. For per- 
mission granted to him Sept. i, 1415, to ship 1000 quarters of corn to Bayonne or 
Bordeaux, see Gasc. Roll 3 H. V, 2; not to Bruges, as Carte, Rolles, i. 199. 

W. I 9 

2 9 o The Lollard Rising [CH. xvn 

first mayor elected after the passing of the Leicester 
Statute and had accordingly bound himself under the new 
oath to put his services at the disposal of the bishops. 
Being a keenly orthodox tradesman and knowing what he 
did from his new apprentice, he had Claydon arrested and 
his books seized, pronouncing them to be the worst and 
most perverse books that he had ever read or seen 
especially the "Lantern." Grime and Montford were 
nowhere to be found, but Gurmyn was soon clapped into 
the sheriff's counter, while the other apprentice and one 
of the servants, named Balthasar Mero, were available as 
witnesses and were able to prove that they had never 
heard their master say anything against the book as 
contrary to Catholic doctrine. 

It was on the strength of such evidence that Claydon 
was brought before a large gathering of theologians and 
lawyers in the chapter-house at St Paul's on Aug. 17, 
141 5 1 . Archbishop Chichele presided, being supported 
by Bishops Clifford and Caterick and Mayor Fauconer, 
with William Lyndwood and John Hovingham among the 
assessors. After the usual interrogatories by the ordinary 2 , 
in which Claydon was asked if he thought the " Lantern" 
was a good, true and useful Catholic work and had replied 
that he thought it was, for it had proved very useful to him, 
the court adjourned till Monday, Aug. 19, the books being 
handed over in the meantime to four experts selected from 
the Black, Grey and Austin Friars and the three witnesses 
being taken in hand by the examiner-general of the Court 
of Canterbury. 

When the court re-assembled it was strengthened 
by the presence of Bishop Patrington, but the interval 
had not made the prospect brighter for the accused, for 
in addition to all the other Wycliffry in the " Lantern " 
the examiners had found in it a statement that Judas 
received the body of Christ in bread and the blood in 
wine, which language they interpreted as a denial of 
Transubstantiation, whereupon the archbishop ordered 
the books to be burned and Claydon to be handed to 

1 Cone. iii. 371; Foxe, iii. 375, 531; Goodwin, 163; Milman, Annals, 89. 

2 Stat. iii. 454 (1533). 

1415] Burning 291 

the mayor to be dealt with as a relapsed heretic 1 . On 
Aug. 22, 1415, the mayor notified the king 2 , who had 
already started for France 3 , that he was preparing to assist 
at the execution, and on Sept. io 4 Claydon was burnt alive 
in West Smithfield 5 in accordance with the requirements of 
the law 6 . 

Of the execution itself nothing but the bare fact is re- 
corded *. There is no evidence that any of the bystanders 
were shocked, and it is probable that few of them really were. 
It is the custom nowadays to suppose that the Lollards at 
that time were hypocritical and cowardly conspirators who 
richly deserved their fate 8 ; but that Claydon was merely a 
sober, serious, convinced Puritan, is proved from the fact 
that there is no hint of treason in any of the charges made 
against him, even though he had been in London all 
through the panic of Fickett's Field. But though the 
Leicester Statute was long regarded by most Englishmen 
as " fruitful and profitable 9 ," yet there were not wanting 
some who saw that under it " a hideous cloud had come 
upon the shining day 10 ," and with it England had started 
on a new career which placed the privacy of her worthiest 

1 For the archbishop's warrant (undated) to the Mayor of London, see Letter Book I, 
139. Foxe, iii. 534, wrongly says "unlawfully for that the temporal magistrates had no 
such law sufficient for them to burn any such man for religion condemned of the prelates." 
See page 285, note 7. 

2 Letter Book I, pp. xxii, 140; Riley, Mem. 617; Besant, Survey, i. 105. Tyler 
(ii. 403) argues that he knew " that the execution of this man would have given the king 
displeasure." Michelet (vi. 16) thinks that "le roi prit part a tout devotement." 

3 He sailed from Southampton on the Sunday preceding Claydon's arrest, Tyler, ii. 
397, 404. 

4 Grey Friars Chron. 13. Not in August, as Engl. Hist. Rev. xxii. 578. 

5 For picture of Smithfield, see Aubrey, ii. 517; Knight, London, ii. 313; Cassell, 
ii. 384. 

6 Riley, Mem. 617. 

7 Greg. Chron. 108; Kingsford, Chron. 69. 

8 Profane, aller Religiositat baare Menschen, oder schlaue Heuchler die wohl selten 
den Muth hatten fur ihre Ueberzeugung einzutreten, Zimmermann (in Wetzer, viii. 134). 
In Ollard-Crqsse, 337, Oldcastle "played with rebellion and heresy as more a political 
than a religious matter." Lechler (ii. 104) draws a distinction between the character of 
the movement before and after the death of Oldcastle in 1417, after which date he thinks 
it was based upon "eine gediegene Gottesfurcht welche durch religiose Innerlichkeit 
und sittlichen Ernst sich auszeichnet." Wakeman (153), believing that the object of 
the Leicester Statute was "plainly in defence of the government," claims that the execu- 
tions of Sawtre and Badby were the only ones "carried out on the initiation of the 
ecclesiastical authorities," crediting the deaths of 50 Lollards ("and there may have 
been many more") to the secular authorities alone. R. L. Poole (116) thinks that 
"only two heretics are known to have suffered death," and that after 1417 "no further 
action was deemed necessary against the Lollards " (p. 118), followed by j. M. Stone, 51. 

9 First Life, 27. 

10 Brute, Thorpe, &c. 176. 


292 Picket fs Field [CH. xvn 

and steadiest homes at the mercy of trade rivals and 
domestic spies 1 . 

Three days before Claydon suffered, his friend Richard 
Gurmyn had been tried at St Paul's, convicted and burnt 
for the same offence 3 , though in his case there was evi- 
dently some excess of zeal on the part of the authorities, 
for it was rumoured that the mayor had burnt him in spite 
of some letters of pardon that had been granted to him by 
the king. No record of his trial or condemnation has been 
found 3 , though it was stated that he had been declared a 
manifest heretic " according to canonical sanctions 4 ." It 
is possible that he had paid his fine and taken out his 
pardon, like many others, through the commissioners ap- 
pointed after the Epiphany rising, and that the mayor who 
was pledged under the new statute to effect the "entire 
destruction of all such enemies of the king," allowed his 
zeal to run away with him and when Claydon's burning 
was in hand, burnt Gurmyn also without more ado. At 
any rate we know that the sheriff's charges for burning 
the two amounted to 20^. in one lump sum 5 , while many 
people believed that the mayor was ordered to the Tower 
and fined ^"1000 for this illegality. This latter fact comes 
out in the case of a woolpacker 6 named John RusselP, who 
was afterwards charged with circulating this rumour on 
three separate market-days. Several respectable citizens 
went bail for him, but he was put in the pillory as a liar 
with a whetstone round his neck and made to withdraw 
his statement and to say that he had been repeating words 
that he had heard from "untrue men." 

1 Every bond of relative and social life was destroyed by these measures, Brute, 
Thorpe, &c. 12. 

2 Cleop. E. n. 32 2 b. 

3 Tyler, ii. 394, who had searched "the records in St Paul's Cathedral," but without 

4 Riley, Mem. 618. 

5 Tyler, ii. 394, 401, from Pipe Rolls 3 H. V. For 70 sols paid to the executioner 
(bourrel) for executing a criminal at Auffay near Dieppe in 1388, together with 2 sols for 
his expenses and gd. for a noose (gam), see C. Beaurepaire, Notes, ii. 95. For 55 sols 
paid in 1412 for execution of Olivier Bourgaut, one of the assassins of the Duke of Orleans, 
see Lottin, i. 181 ; Sellier, 51 ; viz. for cutting off his hand in the pillory (5-r.), for cutting 
off his head ($s.), do. his arms and legs (20^.), for hanging them up in different places 
(20J-.), for burning his body (5^.). 

6 For "wolpakker," see Letter Book I, 26, 44, 82; Wylie, iv. 279. 

7 Letter Book I, pp. xxii, 180; Riley, Mem. 618. 



WITHIN a year after the passing of the Leicester Statute 
one of the English representatives at Constance was able 
to assure the Council there that every suspected master in 
England had abjured his Wycliffry at the bidding of the 
Archbishop of Canterbury 1 , but Archbishop Arundel him- 
self had not lived to see this great triumph of his Church 2 . 
Soon after Oldcastle's condemnation 3 he had been seized 
with a quinsy 4 or stricture in the throat 5 , so that for some 
days he could neither speak nor swallow 6 . He made his 
will on Feb. 16, 14 14*, and about midnight 8 on Feb. 19' 
he died at the age of 62 in the rectory house of his 

1 Palacky, Doc. 136; Hardt, iv. 346; Lechler, ii. 303; J. M. Stone, 63. 

2 Not that the statute was passed before his death, as Usk, 123. 

8 Not before the death of Henry IV, as Fuller, Church Hist. ii. 413. 

4 For squinancy, see Halliwell, ii. 792. Cf. " in the sqwynancy and in all the swell- 
ynges of the throte and the nekke and in all the lettynges of swolowynge," Arderne MS. 
at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, f. xxvi. 

8 Gasc. 35, 61 ; per os descendens in guttur suum, ibid. 180, 181. 

6 For "tortura oris that is to seye the crokydnesse of the mowth that turneth the 
mowth downe to the ere in the manere of a ffyssche that is called a ffloundre," see 
Arderne, f. xii, who records a cure effected by the "kyngis leche of Spayne" of a knight 
who was with "Duke Harry of Lancaster" at "Algezire in Spayne" (f..xiii). 

7 He left his portos to William Milton, Archdeacon of Buckingham, who afterwards 
became Dean of Chichester and died in 1424, Le Neve, i. 256; ii. 69. For Arundel's 
seal showing the martyrdom of Becket, see Birch, 75; Bloom, 128. His executors were 
Gilbert Humfrevill (sic), kt., the Prior of Canterbury, Master Philip Morgan, William 
Milton, John Wotton Master of the College at Maidstone, Bartholomew Brokesby and 
Wm. Maydestone, Memoranda Roll K.R. 3-4 H. V, 24, July 9, 1415. 

8 i.e. between 3 and 4 o'clock in the morning, Goodwin, i. 125. 

9 Chron. Lond. 98; Usk, 121 ; Duck, 23; Le Neve, i. 22 ; Arundel MS. 68/57, Cata- 
logue, p. 15; De Gestis Thomae Arondelle archiepiscopi, in Register of Priory of Christ 
Church, Canterbury; Ramsay, i. 180; Hartwright, 133; or Feb. 20, as Wals. ii. 303; 
Foxe, hi. 403; Stow, Chron. 344; Fleury, vi. 337; Pauli, v. 88; Lechler, ii. 92. Not 
January, as Campbell, Chancellors, i. 320; nor March 23, as Goodwin, 32; Gaspey, i. 
125; nor 1413, as Somner, i. 136; Woolnoth, 162; nor 1415, as Bale, 276; Pits, 595; 
State Trials, i. 254. 

Cancia flere potest quia Thomas cessit Arundel 

Mil C quater plena annis tribus et duodenis. Stone, 19. 

294 Archbishops and Bishops [CH. xvm 

Archdeacon, John Wakering 1 , at Hackington 2 , just outside 
the city of Canterbury. On the day following his death 
his body was buried in the new nave of the cathedral 3 . 

What chiefly struck his contemporaries about him was 
that he was the son of one earl and the brother of another 4 , 
and we know that he left over ^6000, all of which was ab- 
sorbed with legacies even to the uttermost three-farthings 5 . 
Later writers say that to the distinction of high birth he 
added the distinction of great learning 6 , but at Oxford his 
attainments are said to have been treated with ridicule 7 . On 
the other hand we have incontestible evidence of his literary 
tastes from an unexpected light thrown on his life, when he 
was banished from England by Richard II 8 and wandered 
through Europe as the sport of fortune 9 . During this time 
of trial he visited Florence and was received by Pope 
Boniface IX at Rome 10 , and it was while at Florence that 
he became acquainted with the venerable humanist, Coluc- 
cio Salutati 11 , who afterwards cherished a courtly feeling 

1 Hasted, iv. 778, 783. For his appointment March 10, 1409, see Wylie, iii. 301, 
note 2; not July, 1408, as Archaeologia Cantiana, xiii. 382. 

2 Stone, 10 ; Somner, ii. App. 33; Hasted, iv. 727; Foss, 74. Not that he died at 
Lambeth, as Holt, Lights, 115. The living of Hackington was attached to the Arch- 
deaconry in 1227, Antiq. Repert. iii. 120. 

3 Angl. Sacr. i. 123; in boriali parte navis ecclesiae, Parker, 276; Somner, i. 136. 

4 Walden, ii. 386; Usk, 38, 122; altae prosapiae, Gesta, 3; Chron. Giles, 5; rarum 
dignitate, rarissimum sanguine, Salutati, iii. 619. In Lit. Cantuar. iii. 123, he calls 
Thomas Earl of Arundel (d. 1415) his nephew (nepos), i.e. son of Richard E. of Arundel 
(d. 1397), who was the archbishop's brother. In the same document he calls Joan 
Countess of Hereford and Alice Countess of Kent his sisters, both of them being 
daughters of Richard FitzAlan Earl of Arundel, who died in 1376. Hook (iv. 424) calls 
him "a perfect gentleman except when his passions were roused." 

6 viz. 6008. 17-r. 7f</., Angl. Sacr. i. 795. See the inventory in Somner, ii. App. 34; 
not ^5008, as Hook, iv. 528. On Jan. 27, 1414, he was excused from payment of the 
tenth lately granted by the clergy, because of the great expenses he had undergone for 
the king, Pat. i H. V, v. 22. For a gown of scarlet velvet bought by the king from his 
executors and presented to Bishop Beaufort in 1415, see Rym.ix. 291. For ^29. ;j. 8^. 
received at the Exchequer from his executors de diversis debitis suis, see Rec. Roll 8 H. V, 
Mich., Nov. 1 8, 1420. 

6 Eximiae scientiae, Angl. Sacr. i. 62 ; Pits, 595, who adds a list of his writings. 
Capes (157) calls him "a capable and resolute statesman with no pretensions as a theo- 
logian or a scholar." Woolnoth (162) thinks that " his mind was of a superior cast." 

7 Wylie, iii. 443. For statement that he was a student of Oriel College, Oxford, and 
that he completed the chapel there which had been begun by his father, see Bekynton, 
ii. 405 ; Purey-Cust, ii. 358. 

8 For an undated petition to Parliament that his sentence might be reversed and his 
goods and possessions restored, see Hist. MSS. Rept. iv. 194. 

9 Fortunae singularem (sic) ludibrium, Salutati, iii. 619, who praises his fortitude and 
patience under the trial. 

10 Wylie, i. 20, 70; iii. 444. For Pierre Salmon's interview with him in Easter week 
at Utrecq" before his visit to Rome, see Salmon, 65. 

11 G. Voigt, ii. 251. 

1414] Thomas Arundel 295 

towards him 1 and letters passed between them, though it 
is only recently that the contents of these letters have 
become known 2 . Salutati, the grand old man, was then 
68 years of age 3 but still wonderfully vigorous, and when 
Arundel had effected his adventurous return to England 4 
he wrote to him hoping that God would help him to stand 
against the malice of his enemies 5 . Eighteen months after 
Arundel's return Salutati sent him another letter 6 congratu 
lating him on the ease with which he had recovered his old 
position and recommending to him a young 7 Florentine 
named Antonio Mannini, who had previously been employed 
by King Richard to discredit him with the Pope and secure 
the recognition of Roger Walden, who had supplanted him 
in the archbishopric 8 . He urges that the past should be 
forgotten and that Mannini should not be made to suffer, 
as he only acted under orders 9 . As far as Walden was 
concerned this prudent advice had been already followed 10 . 
Mannini was back in Florence in 1403, but was certainly 
amongst us again a few years later 11 . Yet one more letter 
was addressed by Salutati to the restored archbishop in 

1 Nullis temporibus de memoria te deponam, Tu mihi semper ades, &c., Salutati, 
iii. 101 ; cum te licet senex viderim possumne non continue reminisci, ibid. iii. 619. 

2 Salutati, iii. 360; iv. 255, quoting S. Meerkle, Acht unbekannte Briefe von Coluc- 
cio Salutato, in Rivista Abruzzese di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 1895, p. 564. 

3 Writing on Aug. 30, 1397, he says that he has reached his 66th year (Salutati, iii. 
197), and in a letter to Archbishop Arundel written on Jan. 29, 1403, he tells him that 
he will be 72 on Feb. 16 next, showing that he was born on Feb. 16, 1331, ibid. iii. 619. 
His wonderful collection of letters to popes, princes and savants runs from 1360 to 1406. 
For account of him, see G. Voigt, i. 190. For portraits of him, see Salutati, i. iii. 
(Frontispiece) ; iv. 160 (medal). For his mark with complicated flourish, see ibid, 
iv. 141. 

4 For his visit to Henry IV at Bicetre near Paris, see Bouchart, i65a. 

5 Audio te in patriam rediisse super quo timeo et spero, Salutati, iii. 363, addressed 
Thomae de Rondello from Florence Aug. 30, 1399. 

6 Salutati, iii. 497, April 4, 1401. In this he offered to send him a tract that he had 
just written called De Nobilitate Legum el Medicinae. It was only a trifle (nugas meas, 
ibid. iii. 501) that he had put together as the result of a discussion he had recently 
had with a doctor, but as Arundel had promised to let him have a copy of Augustine's 
treatise on Music (de musica ratione, ibid. iii. 620) if ever he got back his books at home, 
he thought this might be a little acknowledgment of his kindness, moreover he thought 
that servus tuus Nicolaus Lucefri might like to see it. 

7 He was born in 1371. 

8 For the pall presented to him by Bishop Wickham at Highclere near Newbury on 
Feb. 17, 1398, see Stubbs, Reg. 193. 

9 Urgebat enim regis jussio et emulorum factio. 

10 \Vylie, iii. 125, where the reference to any "General History" written by Walden 
needs correction, Julius B. xiii. i, being a i3th century set of Chronological Tables of 
patriarchs, popes, kings and emperors, where a much later hand (circa 1600) has called 
it "Epitome Historiae Rogeri Waldon," but apparently without any reason. Giraldus, 
viil. p. viii, where his death is wrongly dated 1405 ; Diet. Nat. Biogr. lix. 25. 

11 For his visit to St Patrick's Purgatory in 1411, see p. 77. 

296 Archbishops and Bishops [CH. xvm 

England. Writing on Jan. 29, 1403, he expressed his 
pleasure that he had got back not only his old position 
but his books 1 , and after reminding him of a pleasant 
visit he had paid to the Convent of Santa Maria de 
Angelis when he was in Florence, he asked him for a 
contribution for the monks, who had had some heavy 
expenses in connection with an adjoining property. What 
answer the archbishop made we do not know, but not 
long afterwards, viz. on March 26, 1406, his aged friend 
wrote the last of his surviving letters, in which he longed 
to be released and be with Christ 2 . He had not long to 
wait, for on May 4 following he passed away 3 . 

Adam of Usk, to whom Archbishop Arundel had proved 
a good friend 4 , belauds him as a staunch pillar of the 
Christian faith 5 , a lamp of virtue, the wisdom of the